OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

Alexander   H.  Stephens 

HIS   DIARY 

KEPT    WHEN    A    PRISONER  AT    FORT    WARREN, 

BOSTON  HARBOUR,  1865  ;  GIVING  INCIDENTS 

AND    REFLECTIONS    OF    HIS    PRISON 

LIFE  AND  SOME  LETTERS  AND 

REMINISCENCES 

EDITED,    WITH  A   BIOGRAPHICAL   STUDY,    BY 

MYRTA  LOCKETT  AVARY 


NEW  YORK 

DOUBLEDAY,  PAGE  &  COMPANY 
1910 


ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED,   INCLUDING  THAT  OF  TRANSLATION 
INTO  FOREIGN  LANGUAGES,  INCLUDING  THE  SCANDINAVIAN 

COPYRIGHT,    IQIO,    BY  SUNNY  SOUTH  PUBLISHING   COMPANY 
COPYRIGHT,   IQIO,    BY  DOUBLEDAY,    PAGE  &   COMPANY 
PUBLISHED,  OCTOBER, 


CONTENTS  vii 

CHAPTER  V 

Letter  from  home  —  Curious  gazers  —  Makes  application 
for  amnesty;  no  confession  of  guilt;  reviews  his  course;  recites 
his  principles;  never  disloyal  to  Constitution;  love  for  the 
Union;  his  motive;  "Continental  Regulator";  slavery; 
efforts  for  prisoners;  accepts  issues  of  war;  would  help  to 
restore  peace  and  order 186 

CHAPTER  VI 

111  —  Woodman  and  the  surgeon  —  Race  riot  —  Fore 
bodings  —  Racial  inequality  —  His  Negroes  —  Wants  fair 
trial  for  new  system  —  Gerrit  Smith  —  Dinner  from  sutler  — 
Views  Boston  from  bastion  —  First  view  of  ocean,  in  1833  — 
Choice  of  "Masters"  -  DuBose's  letter  —  Surgeon's  visit 
—  Opinion  of  Greeley  —  Last  advice  to  his  servant,  Harry; 
"Harry's  bottle"  —  Misquoted  by  Botts  —  The  only  justifi 
cation  for  secession  —  "Doom  of  Treason"  —  Wants  trial  — 
Can  meet  death,  but  not  exile! 206 

CHAPTER  VII 

His  Dalton  speech,  1860  —  Boyce's  speech  —  Secessionists 
freed  while  he  is  held  —  The  meerschaum  —  Ewell's  humour  — 
Health  exercises  —  Constant  fire  —  Geary  attentive  —  Mitchel 
and  O'Brien  —  No  letters  —  Wonders  if  he  is  forgotten  — 
His  mercy  to  the  unfortunate;  aid  to  youths  seeking  educa 
tion  —  Discusses  Spanish  history  —  Overthrow  of  constitu 
tions  cause  of  Spain's  decline  ?  —  James  Johnson,  Governor 
of  Georgia;  his  classmate;  incidents  of  graduation;  estimate 
of  Johnson  —  Andersonville;  Confederate  Government  and 
its  prisoners;  his  advice  to  Davis;  why  it  could  not  be 
followed 218 

CHAPTER  VIII 

A  vigil;  thoughts  of  home  —  Report  that  Seward  has  his 
application  —  Summer  solstice  and  Mr.  Davis's  prophecy  — 
The  President  flooded  with  appeals  for  Amnesty  • —  Ximenes's 


viii  CONTENTS 

mop  —  An  incident —  Geary  "  like  home  folks"  —  Pardon  and 
exile  —  Watch-mender's  kindness  —  Bostonian  offers  aid  — 
Chain-gang  —  News  of  Confederate  leaders  —  Mrs.  Seward's 
death  —  Heartsick  —  Writes  an  imaginary  interview  with 
himself:  South's  darkest  hour;  a  talk  with  Bishop  Elliott 
recalled;  slavery;  Radical  policy  of  equality;  his  imprison 
ment;  amnesty;  South  should  conform  to  new  order;  faith 
in  the  people;  progress  and  war;  the  country's  future  •  .  237 

CHAPTER  IX 

A  mile- walk  —  Flood  of  tears  —  Dreams  —  Man  a  triune 
being  —  Spiritual  communications  —  Ominous  press  state 
ment  —  Linton  and  Cambridge  —  111  —  Kindnesses  —  Cicero's 
"true  religion"  —  A  Mexican  sage  —  Hampton  Roads  Con 
ference  —  Guards  on  the  beat  —  Reconstruction  —  Negro  suf 
frage;  his  plan  —  Omens  —  Asks  Major  Allen  to  publish  a 
correction  —  Letter  to  Linton;  outlines  remarkable  plan  for 
representative  government  —  The  Conference  again;  mis- 
statements  —  Perplexed  about  application  —  New  moon  — 
Unlucky  —  Examination  for  college  ....  258 


CHAPTER  X 

Imaginary  interview;  why  he  did  not  publish  statement  of 
Peace  Conference  at  the  time;  why  he  allied  himself  with  the 
Confederacy  —  Medical  Inspector's  visit  —  News  from  home 

—  Withdraws  application  —  "  O  that  I  were  as  in  times  past!" 

—  Reminiscence  of  school-days  —  Judge  Bingham's  argument 
no  answer  to  Reverdy  Johnson's;    the  Constitution  made  for 
war  as  well  as  for  peace;    "life  and  soul  of  the  Nation"  — 
Geary  refuses  draft 281 

CHAPTER  XI 

Reading  Cicero  and  Job  —  Cicero's  love  for  Quintus  and 
his  love  for  Linton  compared  —  "Fancy"  interview;  discip 
line  of  himself;  humour;  the  Government's  inconsistency; 
his  application  —  Huzzaing;  "mustered  out"  —  Raspberry 
tea 295 


CONTENTS  ix 

CHAPTER  XII 

Fourth   of   July  —  Incongruity   between   celebration   and  - 
facts  —  McKinley  Anecdote  —  A  Biblical  analogy  —  St.  Paul's 
defence  —  A  charade  —  Stared  at  —  Farragut  and  Anderson 

—  Elder    Lincoln  —  Reverend    Jacob    Manning's    speech  — 
Preachers  as  jurors  —  Defect  in  priestly  character — Naturali 
zation  :    State    and    United    States    citizenship  —  A    habeas- 
corpus  case  —  His  home  and  servants  —  St.  Paul  and  ath 
letics  —  Letter  from  Linton !  —  Balloon  ascension  —  Jackson 
released ,        .        .        .      304 

CHAPTER  XIII 

Sunday  at  Fort  —  Rights  without  securities  —  Negroes 
tortured  —  Redfield-Saxe  anecdote  —  Exchanges  bows  with 
Reagan  —  A  soldier's  courtesy  —  Water-carriers  —  Pauline 
Epistles  —  Advises  Linton  concerning  visit  —  Aristotle  on 
slaves  —  Fears  serious  illness  —  Bewails  physical  frailty  — 
Inequality  of  his  situation  with  his  services  to  mankind  —  The 
Golden  Circle  —  Misquoted  again 318 

CHAPTER  XIV 

His  estimate  of  Jefferson  Davis  —  Truth  about  Southern  * 
Cause  —  Southern  people  led  to  believe  secession  the  only  way  • 
to  save  the  Constitution;  loyal  to  principles  of  1776;  Davis  at 
first  at  head  of  united  people;  sympathy  of  enemies  —  Lincoln's 
usurpations  —  Davis 's  —  Effects  —  Southern  leaders  —  South's 
degradation  —  "Falling    from    grace"  —  Toombs's    secession 
speech  —  A    Cabinet   decision  —  Stephens    writes    Governor 
Johnson  of  Georgia  —  Incorrect  versions  of  his  speeches  — 
Lincoln  and  a  Cabinet  position  —  Linton  and  secession  .  326 

CHAPTER  XV 

Dream  visits  —  Pauline  Epistles  —  " Garbled  extracts" 
from  Bible  —  Suggestion  for  preachers  —  Ideas  about  dreams 

—  Friendship  —  Judge   Collamer's  story  —  Woodman   leaves 
soon  —  Mr.    Stephens    saddened  —  More    distortion    of    his 
speeches  —  Charlotte    speech    a    warning  —  General    Lee's 
movement  into  Pennsylvania;    Morgan's  invasion  of  Ohio  — 


x  CONTENTS 

°" Reconstruction"  —  Peace  mission  of  1863  —  Cotton  Loan 

—  Opinion   of   Joe   Brown  —  Andrew    Johnson's   speech   in 
1861  —  Strange  spectacle:  brother  fighting  brother  for  same 
object    *        .        .     .    ,        .        .        .        .        .        .345 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Letter  from  Linton  —  Solitary  confinement  —  Ewell  and 
aide  released  —  Seward's  reported  remark  —  First  hand-shake 
in  prison — " Fancy"  interview  —  Grows  weaker  —  Held  for 
" political  speculation"  —  Peculiarity  of  apostolic  letters  — 
Reminiscence :  admission  to  the  bar  —  Talk  with  Woodman 

—  Breaks  down,  weeping  —  Seaverns's  hospitality;  Mrs.  Seav- 
erns  and  little  Annie  —  The  Dictator  —  Grief  at  Woodman's 
impending  departure  —  Letter  to  Seward;    pleads  feebleness, 
former    acquaintance;     requests    interview;     etc.;     Hampton 
Roads  Conference  —  Writes  trivialities  to  preserve  sanity  — 
Flowers  through  the  bars 355 

CHAPTER  XVII 

"  Row  with  bedbugs"  —  More  bad  luck  —  Smoking  amen 
ities  —  Cicero  on  "slaves"  —  Glad  to  see  Woodman  —  Dave 
Holt's  "dripping  moon"  —  "Bucket  Letters "  — Meets  hos 
pital  steward  —  Turning-points  in  life  —  Cicero  and  Paley 
as  moralists  —  Polite  lies  —  Lawyers  and  the  truth  —  His  own 
rule  —  A  lawyer's  office  and  duty  —  Solomon  and  immor 
tality  —  Mr.  Davis 's  freedom  enlarged  —  Solomon's  Song  — 
Changes  at  the  Fort  —  Major  Appleton  —  No  news  from 
Seaverns's  appeal 378 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Release  from  close  confinement  —  Visits  —  Library  and 
librarian  —  Major  Allen's  congratulations  —  Flowers  from 
Mrs.  Appleton  —  Notable  anniversary  —  Code  of  Jesus  — 
A  Boston  friend  —  A  mouse  —  Curious  gazers  —  Grant  at 
Faneuil  Hall  —  Opinion  of  Grant  —  Had  Lincoln  lived  — 
Christ's  genealogy  —  Atlantic  cable  —  Visit  from  Woodman 

—  Letters   and   flowers  —  Noon   on   the   ramparts  —  Friend 
ship  —  Major  Appleton's  visit  —  Social  life  on  the  bastions 

—  Captain  Livermore  —  The  sentry  —  Alone?     .        .      394 


CONTENTS  xi 

CHAPTER  XIX 

Confiscations  —  A  child  visitor  —  President  ill  —  Noon 
signal  —  Reminiscence;  with  Linton  at  the  woodwright's  — 
Financial  statement  —  Newspaper  bill  —  A  bitter  journal 

—  Bedbugs;    and  observant  guard  —  No  letters;    "in  prison, 
soon    forgot"  —  A    walk    outside    the    Fort  —  A    Georgian's 
grave  —  Longing  for  home  —  Woodman's  attentions  —  Mrs. 
Salter's  —  Annie  Seaverns's  —  More  gazers  —  Mr.  Baskerville 

—  Mr.  Parrott's  visit  —  At  the  Appletons'     .         .         .       407 

CHAPTER  XX 

In  Captain  Baldwin's  parlour  —  A  visitor  —  Leaves  money 
-A  Fort  fog  —  " The  Cavalier  Dismounted"  —  Southern 
aristocracy;  Cavalier  and  Puritan;  efiect  of  slavery;  out 
side  agitation  vs.  internal  reform  —  Georgia  "self-made" 
Toombs's  ancestry  —  St.  John's  Gospel  —  Hampton  Roads 
Conference — Little  Charles  Nutler  —  The  Major's  quarters — 
Christ's  incarnation  —  His  view  of  Toombs;  an  exposition  — 
Presentiment  —  Atlantic  cable  —  Failing  eyesight  and  whiten 
ing  hair  —  Anguish  —  Walk  with  Major  Appleton  .  417 

CHAPTER  XXI 

A  luxury  —  Letter  from  Linton  —  Mabel  Appleton  — 
Noon  signal  and  the  workmen  —  A  pleasure  party;  Mr. 
Stephens  wounded  —  Strange  whisperings  —  An  Irish  greeting 

—  Rawhide  shoes  and  armed  overseers  —  Gun-works  —  Rule 
for  testing  accuracy  —  Mrs.  Appleton's  note  —  Discusses  with 
Mr.   Burlingame,    Anderson ville;     defends    Davis;     his    own 
efforts  for  prisoners  —  Commissary  rooms  —  "Pope's   "Uni 
versal  Prayer"   -Mail-carrier  story  —  Purchased  release  not 
desired  —  Walk  around  the  Fort  —  Thermometer  and  guard 

—  Prisoner  and  servitor;    a  melon  —  An  old  Congress  friend 

—  Farewells  —  A  gracious  visitor  .        .        .        .432 

CHAPTER  XXII 

Sabbath  at  Liberty  Hall  in  mind-picture  —  Prison  con 
ditions  —  Senator  Wilson  calls  —  Permission  to  see  Reagan 

—  A  pathetic  meeting  —  Harrington's  good- will  —  Fort  music 


xii  CONTENTS 

—  The  messes  —  When  Atlanta  "was  a  forest" — Dred  Scott 
case  —  Davis's  flight  —  Reagan's  letter  to  Texas  —  The  Liver- 
mores —  Copper  works  —  "Fancy"   interview;    negro    ques 
tion;     Republic    needs    repose;     patriot's    duty  —  Governor 
Gumming  —  The     cable  —  Fears    for    Liberty    Hall  —  Asks 
President    for    interview  —  Dr.    Willis  —  Letter    from    Lin- 
ton         ...        . 454 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

Hoping  Linton  may  come  —  Reagan  applies  for  amnesty 

—  Reagan's    Memoirs  —  Swedenborg  —  Stephens's    idea    of 
God;    of  man  —  Last  stroll  perhaps  with  Woodman  —  Bald 
win's  hospitality  —  "Last  Judgment"  —  Bedbugs  and  mouse 

—  Better  quarters  promised 468 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

New  quarters  —  Robertson's  Sermons  —  Courtesies  to 
Woodman  —  Wonders  why  Linton  figures  so  little  in  his  dreams 
—  A  curtain  —  A  little  boy  —  Dreams  of  Linton  -^  News  from 
home  —  At  the  pump  —  Woodman's  farewell  call  —  Linton 
in  Washington  —  Opinion  of  Greeley  —  Reagan's  enlarge 
ment  —  Linton  and  Governor  Brown  —  Midway  community 

—  Advises  Geary 476 

CHAPTER  XXV 

Report  that  Davis  denounces  him  —  Reagan  messes  with 
him  —  " Smutty  stories"  —  Matthew  Arnold  —  Anxiety  about 
Linton  — Offers  to  teach  Geary  Latin  — "Dog  and  Wolf" 
story  —  Mrs.  Livermore  —  Old  Congress  days  —  Letter  from 
Linton  —  General  Denver's  visit  —  Washington  gossip  — 
Greeley's  letter  —  Seward  vindictive  ?  —  Newspaper  news  — 
Soldiers  disciplined  .  ,  ,  .  .  .  L  .  491 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

Linton  and  H.  V.  Johnson  come  —  No  release  —  Reagan's 
children  —  Linton  and  the  diary  —  A  dinner  party  —  The 
charade  —  Visits  from  Mr.  Myers  and  others  —  Writes  Grant 
and  the  President  —  Seward's  reason  —  Letter  to  Seward  — 


CONTENTS  xiii 

Georgia  news  —  A  friendly  cat  —  Indignation  —  A  libellous 
tract  —  Beecher  on  the  negro  —  The  President's  policy  — 
H.  V.  Johnson  advised;  negro  education  —  Cards  and  a 
story  —  Writes  Seward  —  A  sea  monster  —  Efforts  for  release 

—  Garrison   to   be   mustered   out  —  Seward's   note  —  Letter 
to  Mrs.  Appleton  —  Reagan's  good  news  —  Mrs.  Salter  and 
daughters  —  Harry's  letter  —  President's  policy  —  Letter  from 
Grant's  aide  —  Letter  to  Miss  Van  Lew;    forged  speeches  — 
Home  news  —  Newton's  letter  —  Gifts  .        .        .       500 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

Free  again !  —  At  home  —  Last  entry  at  Fort  —  Partings 

—  In    Boston  —  Callers  —  Visits   Mr.    Pierce  —  People   glad 
at  his  release  —  Hillard's  message  to  the  President  —  In  Wash 
ington —  Private   interview   with   the   President;     Stephens's 
views  on  negro  suffrage;    Johnson's  on  the  negro  question  — 
At  Lynchburg;     warned  —  An   aged   traveller' —  Waste   and 
desolation  —  Liberty  Hall 531 


PART  III 

CONCLUSION 

Elected  to  the  Senate  —  Letter  to  President  Johnson  —  , 
At  Grant's  Reception  —  Denied  his    seat    in   the   Senate  — 
Letters  on  the  political  situation;    Reconstruction;    the  race  ' 
question  —  Literary  labours  —  Grant-Greeley  campaign  —  In 
Congress  —  On   Lincoln  —  Family   ties  —  Linton's   marriage 
—  Linton's  death  —  Letters  to  John  Stephens  —  On  lobby 
ing  —  Governor  of  Georgia  —  His  death       .        .        .      543 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF 
ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 


INTRODUCTION 

AEXANDER  STEPHENS,  a  British  lad,  after 
fighting  for  Charles  Stuart  at  Culloden,  sought 
sanctuary  from  English  vengeance  in  Pennsyl 
vania.  Here  he  married  Catherine,  daughter  of  James 
Baskins,  a  wealthy  gentleman,  who  disinherited  her  for  her 
choice.  But  her  soldier  of  fortune  fought  in  the  French 
and  Indian  wars  under  Washington,  and  came  out  of  the 
Revolution  a  captain.  In  1784  he  moved  to  Georgia, 
and  on  his  rented  farm  on  historic  Kettle  Creek,  Cath 
erine  died  and  was  buried.  His  older  children  scattered, 
and  the  old  captain,  ever  a  better  hand  at  war  than 
money-making,  found  his  mainstay  in  Andrew  Baskins, 
his  youngest,  a  youth  of  unusual  qualities.  Andrew, 
with  earnings  made  as  a  teacher  while  in  his  teens, 
bought  a  farm,  nucleus  of  that  "old  homestead"  which 
Mr.  Stephens  loved  so  well,  settled  thereon  his  father 
and  sister  and  presently  brought  thither  a  fair  wife, 
Margaret  Grier.  Margaret  came  of  folk  who  had  a 
liking  for  books,  and  a  turn  for  law,  war,  and  meteor 
ology.  Her  brother  Aaron  was  an  Indian  fighter  and 
general  of  militia;  her  brother  Robert  was  founder  of 
Grier 's  Almanac;  her  cousin  Robert  became  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  Her  father  was  said 
to  have  "the  largest  library  in  all  that  part  of  the 
country"  of  mid-eastern  Georgia  where  he  lived.  In 
her  son's  character  was  a  marked  blending  of  parental 
traits.  He  was  thrifty,  generous,  progressive;  one  of 


/4  :  INTRODUCTION 

the  best  lawyers  in  the  land;  a  reader  and  collector  of 
books;  a  close  observer  of  the  weather,  and  father  of  the 
Weather  Bureau  of  the  United  States.  He  preached 
against  war,  but  was  quick  to  resent  an  insult  by  a  chal 
lenge  to  a  duel,  his  promptness  in  this  respect  being 
doubtless  due  to  a  disposition  to  show  that  he  could 
give  and  take,  and  asked  no  quarter  of  strong  men. 

Margaret  died  in  1812,  leaving  him  a  month  old,  and 
so  feeble  an  infant  that  it  was  a  miracle  he  lived,  bereft 
of  her  bosom  and  her  care.  In  1814,  Andrew  married 
Matilda,  an  excellent  lady,  daughter  of  Colonel  John 
Lindsay,  or  "Old  Silverfist,"  whose  arm  wore  a  silver 
cap  in  lieu  of  a  hand  lost  in  the  Revolution. 

Making  a  living  was  pioneer  work  for  the  Stephens 
family;  all  its  members  Boiled,  the  head  setting  ener 
getic  example.  Little  Alex's  devotion  to  his  father 
stimulated  his  naturally  industrious  disposition.  Like 
David,  he  tended  sheep;  he  minded  cattle,  hoed  the 
garden,  gathered  vegetables,  picked  up  chips;  was  mill- 
boy  and  errand-boy;  handed  threads  for  his  stepmother's 
loom;  nursed  her  children;  at  ten,  was  a  champion 
corn-dropper  on  his  father's  farm;  at  twelve,  a  regular 
ploughhand.  Of  this  period  he  has  left  this  pastoral:  * 

My  duty  in  childhood  was  to  tend  the  sheep.  One 
evening,  after  a  snowy  day,  I  went  to  call  them  up,  fold 
and  feed  them.  I  found  all  but  one  —  a  ewe.  I  called 
for  some  time  but  she  did  not  come.  The  following 
evening  she  was  still  missing.  Next  morning,  my  father 
went  with  me.  He  did  not  see  the  ewe,  and  asked  how 
long  she  had  been  missing.  I  told  him.  "Why  did 
you  say  nothing  of  it  before?"  he  asked  sternly.  I 

*In  several  letters  and  in  the  memory  of  friends  and  relatives  to  whom  he  loved  to  talk  of 
his  childhood  days.  An  extended  statement  of  this  and  much  else  here  given  may  be  found  in 
Johnston  and  Browne's  "Life  of  Stephens." 


INTRODUCTION  5 

could  say  nothing,  for  the  true  reason  had  been  fear 
lest  I  be  sent  back  in  the  dark  and  the  snow.  I  had 
supposed  she  would  come  up  in  a  day  or  two.  We  set 
out  to  search  for  the  ewe,  and  found  her  dead,  with  a 
lamb  she  had  borne  dead  beside  her.  It  was  a  painful 
thought  to  me  for  a  long  time  that  "  Mottle-face,"  as 
we  called  the  ewe,  had  suffered  and  died  through  my 
neglect.  No  darkness,  cold,  or  snow  could  have  kept 
me  from  hunting  her  up  if  I  had  thought  of  her  being 
in  such  a  condition. 

At  fifteen,  his  schooling,  a  few  months  at  a  time  as  he 
could  be  spared  from  work,  made  a  total  of  about  two 
years  in  "old  field  schools."  He  writes: 

I  studied  with  intense  interest  by  the  light  of  blazing 
pine  knots,  the  only  light  in  our  house  for  readers  in  those 
days.  My  stepmother  had  a  candle  in  her  room  by 
which  she  sewed,  patched,  darned,  and  performed  other 
domestic  tasks.  By  the  fire  I  read  long  after  the  whole 
household  was  asleep,  and  that  after  a  hard  day's  work. 

Of  a  May  day  in  1826  he  said,  years  after: 

Right  along  here  I  was  ploughing  when  I  was  sent  for 
to  go  to  the  house.  Father  was  worse.  It  was  the  day 
before  he  died.  Just  up  there  I  took  out  my  horse, 
not  dreaming  it  was  for  the  last  time. 

In  a  week  his  stepmother  died.  Her  children,  John, 
Catherine,  and  Linton,  were  sent  to  her  kin;  Margaret's, 
Aaron  Grier  and  Alexander,  to  their  mother's  brother, 
General  Aaron  Grier,  near  Raytown,  Warren  County. 
In  Mr.  Stephens's  letters  is  this  silhouette  of  his  aunt, 
Betsy  Grier: 

Uncle  Grier's  sister,  who  lived  with  him,  was  a  woman 
of  unusually  strong  mind,  and  what  in  those  days  might 


6  INTRODUCTION 

have  been  called  well  read.     She  had  a  good  library 
and  made  good  use  of  it  [his  grandfather  Grier's  legacy]. 

At  his  Uncle  Grier's,  Alexander  wrote  his  first  letter. 

It  was,  I  think,  the  second  Sunday  after  I  went  to  our 
new  home  upon  the  breaking  up  of  our  little  family 
circle  on  the  death  of  father  and  ma.  It  was  to  Uncle 
James  Stephens,  of  Pennsylvania,  giving  an  account  of 
our  affliction.  Uncle  Aaron  had  gone  to  meeting. 
Brother  Aaron  Grier  and  I  were  both  writing.  We 
had  a  table  in  the  middle  of  the  big  room.  It  was  some 
time  before  we  could  get  a  pen  apiece.  At  that  time, 
no  such  thing  as  a  pen  of  any  kind  but  a  goosequill  was 
ever  heard  of,  in  those  parts  at  least.  Our  inkstand 
was  a  little  leather-covered  vial  Uncle  Aaron  used  to 
take  when  he  went  from  home;  in  it  was  some  cotton 
that  held  the  ink,  and  the  pen  was  filled  by  pressing  it 
against  the  cotton.  I  was  all  day  at  that  letter.  When 
Uncle  Aaron  came  home,  he  looked  over  both  letters, 
made  some  corrections,  and  then  we  had  to  write  them 
over  again.  This,  my  first  letter,  was  the  utterance  of 
the  bitterest  grief. 

A  Rev.  Mr.  Williams,  wishing  to  start  a  Union  Sun 
day  School  in  Raytown,  laid  his  plans  before  Miss  Grier. 
Alexander  helped  to  organize  this  school  and  taught  in 
it.  His  renown  as  a  Bible  student  quickly  spread. 

Of  his  first  start  to  Sunday  School  by  his  father,  he 
has  said : 

It  was  an  epoch  in  my  life.  Then  I  first  took  a  taste 
for  reading.  I  was  a  little  over  twelve.  All  my  reading 
had  been  limited  to  the  spelling-book  and  the  New 
Testament.  I  was  put  into  a  class  beginning  with 
Genesis.  It  was  no  task  for  me  to  get  the  lesson,  though 
I  had  no  other  time  for  it  but  Sunday  mornings  and 
evenings,  or  at  night  by  light  of  a  pine-knot  fire.  My 


INTRODUCTION  7 

entrance  into  this  school  gave  me  a  taste    for  reading, 
history,  and  chronology. 

Comparing  this  with  other  epochs  in  his  life: 

One  of  the  first  that  I  remember  was  "  dropping  the 
slips"  -a  frock  such  as  girls  wear  —  and  putting  on 
breeches,  an  event  giving  me  entirely  new  notions  of 
myself.  Starting  to  school  was  another.  But  I  no  more 
thought  of  this  the  morning  my  father  gave  me  the 
beautiful  new  spelling-book  with  its  rich  blue  cover, 
and  told  me  to  go  to  school  and  be  a  good  boy,  than  I 
thought  several  years  after  that  I  was  turning  another 
point  when  he  started  me  with  a  Bible  to  Powder  Creek 
meeting-house. 

After  the  first  year  at  their  uncle's,  Aaron  worKe^  on 
the  farm  for  wages.  Alexander,  to  whom  the  same 
chance  was  offered,  requested  to  continue  his  studies  at 
Locust  Grove  Academy,  where  he  and  Aaron  had  been 
in  faithful  attendance  as  farmwork  permitted.  Of  the 
close  of  the  1827  term,  he  writes: 

I  well  remember  my  feelings  the  last  evening;  how  I 
gathered  up  all  my  things  —  books,  papers,  slate-pencils 
and  ink  —  put  some  in  my  basket  and  some  under  my 
arm,  and  then  bade  all  good-bye.  I  reflected,  as  I 
walked  the  homeward  path,  that  this  was  the  last  time 
I  should  ever  tread  its  beaten  track,  and  the  last  day  I 
should  ever  go  to  school.  The  next  week  I  was  to  go 
to  Crawford ville  to  seek  employment  in  a  store.  Next 
Sunday  I  went  to  Sunday  School.  Mr.  Mills  inquired 
how  I  was  coming  on  at  the  Academy.  I  told  him  my 
term  was  out,  and  what  I  was  going  to  do.  He  asked 
how  I  would  like  to  go  to  Washington,  Ga.,  and  study 
Latin.  I  said  I  would  like  it  very  well,  but  had  not  the 
means.  He  proposed  to  send  me.  I  said  I  would 
consult  my  uncle  and  aunt. 


8  INTRODUCTION 

Aunt  Betsy  advised  that  the  better  his  education  the 
better  he  could  repay  Mr.  Mills;  she  got  his  clothes 
ready  and  started  him  off.  July  28,  1827,  he  was  at 
Mr.  Webster's  academy  and  in  Adam's  Latin  Grammar; 
August  1 8,  he  was  reading  Histories  Sacrce  in  a  class 
of  a  year's  standing.  His  grammar  had  been  his  teacher's ; 
in  it  he  wrote,  under  " Alexander  Hamilton  Webster," 
"Alexander  Hamilton  Stephens,"  paying  the  donor  the 
one  tribute  in  his  power  by  adopting  the  same  middle 
name.  He  was  troubled  when  told  of  a  desire  to  educate 
him  for  the  ministry:  "  Whether  I  should  be  fit  to  preach 
when  I  should  grow  lip,  I  could  not  know.  I  could  give 
no  answer  until  I  had  consulted  my  aunt,  my  mentor." 
Mr.  Webster  and  Aunt  Betsy  decided  that  he  should 
complete  his  course  under  the  Presbyterian  Education 
Society,  leaving  the  question  of  vocation  in  abeyance. 
August  6,  1828,  he  writes  from  the  State  University  at 
Athens  a  letter  to  Aaron  which  quaintly  reflects  his 
own  character  and  the  turmoil  of  the  day  over  the  Tariff : 

Dear  Brother  and  Friend:  I  have  now  an  opportunity 
of  informing  you  of  my  situation.  Early  this  morn 
ing,  after  you  left  me,  I  left  Washington  for  Athens  in 
a  crowded  stage;  but  we  had  a  delightful  journey,  having 
good  company  and  pleasant  weather.  About  5,  we 
arrived  in  Athens.  Thursday  and  Friday,  I  was  engaged 
in  nothing  particular  but  walking  about  the  streets,  etc. 
Saturday  my  examination  came  off.  After  all  my  pains 
in  reviewing  at  home,  I  was  not  examined  on  a  single 
thing  I  had  reviewed,  but  as  good  luck  would  have  it, 
I  missed  none,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Freshman  class. 
[Describes  Commencement,  etc.]  The  finest  crops  I 
have  seen  are  between  here  and  Washington. 

Athens,  I  discover,  is  a  very  popular  retreat  for  great 
people,  especially  about  Commencement.  To-day  there 


INTRODUCTION  9 

is  an  innumerable  number  of  people,  horses,  carriages, 
gigs,  sulkies,  wagons,  cake-and-cider  carts,  etc.  The 
Tariff  is  carried  to  a  high  degree  here.  It  is  sufficient 
for  me  to  say  that  some  of  the  people  are  so  incensed 
against  the  Tariff  that  they  wear  their  broadcloth  every 
day  and  their  homespun  Sunday.  Mr.  McDuffie  came 
to  Athens  last  Sunday;  he  himself  was  dressed  in  home 
spun  and  his  boy  [Negro  servant]  in  broadcloth.  You 
can  form  an  idea  from  the  foregoing  how  the  Tariff 
stands  in  the  minds  of  the  people  here.  The  Colleges 
were  illuminated  last  night,  a  candle  to  every  pane  of 
glass.  I  board  at  Mrs.  Church's,  and  am  much  pleased 
both  with  Athens  and  the  people.  I  must  conclude, 
as  I  have  nothing  of  importance  and  I  have  a  very  sore 
finger.  So  fare  you  well  at  the  present, 

And  I  ever  remain  your  Friend, 

A.  H.  STEPHENS 

To  all  my  friends 
Who  now  do  live 

My  compliments 
I  in  love  do  give. 

"Mr.  McDuffie"  was  the  Congressman  who  after 
ward  became  Governor  of  South  Carolina.  In  1828 
the  " Tariff  of  Abominations"  was  passed  and  the  South, 
Carolina  leading,  protested  violently.  "Mrs.  Church" 
was  wife  of  Dr.  Church,  the  later  College  President. 

"My  college  days  were  my  happiest  days,"  Mr. 
Stephens  has  said.  He  was  a  favourite  with  faculty  and 
students.  His  room  was  popular,  a  place  of  clean  joviality, 
where  wit  and  repartee  and  story-telling  were  cultivated, 
and  refreshments,  barring  liquor  and  tobacco,  were  always 
on  hand:  "Boys  met  there  who  never  met  elsewhere  — 
the  most  dissipated  and  the  most  ascetically  pious" 
"most  were  wealthy."  Of  his  poverty  he  "seldom 
thought;  no  distinctions  were  there  but  of  merit."  In 
two  years,  deciding  that  the  ministry  was  not  his  voca- 


io  INTRODUCTION 

tion,  he  repaid  the  Education  Society's  advances  with 
funds  borrowed  from  Aaron;  and  on  his  patrimony  of 
about  $400,  completed  his  course.  He  then  taught 
school  in  Madison  for  "four  months  of  misery."  He 
missed  his  college  associations.  And  an  experience 
which  should  have  brought  him  life's  joy  brought  him 
but  sorrow.  He  loved.  But  he  kept  silent  because 
of  his  poverty  and  ill  health.  So  sacred  he  held  this 
experience  that  only  once  or  twice  in  after  life  did  he 
mention  it.  All  that  tradition  preserves  of  the  object 
of  his  attachment  is  that  she  was  lovely  in  person  and 
character;  was  his  pupil,  and  learned  rapidly;  and  she 
had  "dark  eyes  and  curls  and  rosy  cheeks."  Years 
after,  when  in  Congress,  he  loved  again;  the  lady,  a 
woman  of  beauty  and  distinction,  was  not  indifferent 
to  him;  but  again  he  kept  silent;  a  woman's  due,  he 
thought,  was  a  husband  on  whom  she  could  lean  and 
not  an  invalid  whom  she  must  nurse.  From  Madison 
he  went  to  Dr.  Le  Conte's,  Liberty  County,  as  tutor  to 
a  few  select  pupils,  among  them  John  and  Joseph 
Le  Conte,  the  later  eminent  scientists.  He  was  again 
a  valued  member  of  a  scholarly  and  cultured  circle, 
and  life  grew  brighter,  but  he  felt  that  he  was  not  ful 
filling  his  mission.  Declining  $1,500  for  another  year's 
stay,  he  began  to  study  law  at  Crawford ville.  Here  he 
boarded  with  his  stepmother's  brother-in-law,  the  Rev. 
Williamson  Bird,  in  the  house  which  is  now  historic 
as  Liberty  Hall,  this  being  the  name  Mr.  Stephens  gave 
to  the  property  when  he  bought  it,  in  1845,  on  the  death 
of  Mr.  Bird. 

In  his  Prison  Journal,  he  describes  his  admission  to 
the  bar.  His  first  essay  at  "riding  the  circuit"  was  to 
Washington,  twenty  miles  distant.  He  had  no  horse. 


INTRODUCTION  n 

With  saddlebags  on  his  shoulders,  he  set  out  at  dusk 
of  a  hot  July  day,  walked  to  his  uncle  Aaron's,  which 
was  halfway;  and  next  day,  rode  to  court,  clad  in  a  neat 
white  suit  which  he  had  retired  to  the  woods  to  don 
just  before  entering  town.  At  this  court  he  met  Robert 
Toombs,  and  their  lifelong  intimacy,  second  only  to  that 
between  himself  and  his  brother  Linton,  began.  A 
partnership  in  Columbus  at  $1,500  or  more  a  year  was 
offered  him  by  Swepston  Jeffries,  a  leading  lawyer,  but 
he  preferred  Crawfordville  and  no  prospects  because 
nearby  was  the  old  homestead,  over  which  he  loved  to 
roam,  and  which,  in  fulfilment  of  a  cherished  purpose, 
he  bought  in  1838.  From  his  diary  of  1834,  the  following 
condensed  excerpts  are  taken: 

May  2.  — The  other  day,  as  I  was  coming  from  my 
boarding-house  in  a  cheerful  brisk  walk,  I  was  laid 
low  in  the  dust  by  hearing  the  superintendent  of  a 
shoe-shop  ask  a  workman,  "  Who  is  that  little  fellow  that 
walks  so  fast  by  here  every  day?"  with  the  reply  in  a 
sarcastic  tone,  "Why,  that's  a  lawyer!" 

May  8.  -  Read  Jackson's  Protest  to  the  Senate. 
Am  pleased  with  it  in  general  ...  I  feel  interested 
for  him  ...  I  see  vile  attempts  made  to  fix  infamy 
upon  him.  His  Proclamation  of  December,  1832,  I  con 
demn.  But  for  one  error  a  man  who  has  done  much 
good  for  his  country  should  not  be  abandoned.  For 
where  we  find  a  president  who  will  commit  only  one 
wrong,  we  shall  find  few  who  will  not  commit  more. 

May  12.  —  My  desires  do  not  stop  short  of  the  high 
est  places  of  distinction.  Yet  how  can  I  effect  my  pur 
pose?  Poor  and  without  friends,  time  passing  with 
rapid  flight  and  I  effecting  nothing. 

May  17. — Brother  still  with  me.  Had  an  intro 
duction  to  a  man  who  addressed  me  familiarly  as  "My 
son."  Such  often  happens  to  me.  My  weight  is  94 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


pounds,  height  67  inches,  and  my  whole  appearance 
that  of  a  youth  of  eighteen. 

May  19. — Inferior  Court  sat;  no  business.  Star 
vation  to  the  whole  race  of  lawyers! 

May  30. — Examined  some  drawings  of  the  ancient 
statues.  With  the  Gladiator  and  Venus  I  am  delighted. 
Pity  but  some  of  our  fashionable  belles  would  take  a 
lesson  from  this  elegant  form  of  true  grace,  the  Venus; 
they  would  change  their  present  disgusting  waspish 
taste. 

June  3. — The  railroad  is  the  topic  of  the  day. 
Railroads,  it  is  true,  are  novel  things.  The  greatest 
obstacle  is  the  greatness  of  the  enterprise.  The  stupen 
dous  thought  of  seeing  steam-engines  moving  over  our 
hills  at  the  safe  and  rapid  flight  of  fifteen  miles  an  hour, 
produces  a  greater  effect  in  dissuasion  of  the  undertaking 
than  any  discovered  defect  in  arguments  in  its  favour. 

June  6.  —  Read  in  Southern  Recorder  (the  only 
paper  I  take,  and  devoted  to  States  Rights)  a  chapter 
on  cats,  with  which  I  was  pleased. 

June  7.  — I  believe  I  shall  never  be  worth  anything, 
and  the  thought  is  death  to  my  soul.  I  am  too  boyish, 
unmanful,  trifling,  simple  in  my  manners  and  address. 

June  15. — Quarterly  meeting.  Pretty  good  ser 
mon. 

June  17. — Tried  to  borrow  a  horse  to  go  to  Uncle 
Grier's  on  business,  but  was  so  disappointed  as  to  fill 
me  with  mortification  and  a  due  sense  of  my  humble 
dependence.  I  had  rather  (and  have  often  done  it) 
walk  than  ask  for  a  horse. 

June  20.  —  Had  a  visit  from  Dr.  Foster  and  prom 
ised  to  deliver  an  oration  on  the  Fourth  of  July. 

June  25.  —  Went  to  a  party.  Witnessed  the  new 
dance  [the  waltz]  which  disgusted  me  very  much.  Oh, 
the  follies  of  man! 

July  24.  —  Engaged  for  the  first  time,  with  a  con 
tingent  fee  of  $180.  May  Providence  look  propitiously 
upon  me ! 


INTRODUCTION  13 

He  lived  on  $6  a  month.  In  a  letter,  in  after  years, 
he  wrote: 

No  one  can  imagine  how  I  worked,  how  I  delved,  how 
I  laboured  over  books.  Often  I  spent  the  whole  night 
over  a  law-book,  and  went  to  bed  at  dawn.  My  business 
increased.  My  brother  Aaron,  who  taught  school  in 
the  Asbury  settlement  visited  me  often.  Our  excursions 
to  the  old  homestead  constituted  most  of  my  recreation 
except  when  I  went  to  see  him  or  Uncle  Aaron  or  old 
Aunt  Betsy. 

On  the  Fourth  of  July,  1834,  he  made  his  first  political 
speech,  and  it  was  on  States  Rights.  Celebration  of  the 
Fourth  was  Crawfordville's  great  annual  event,  with  people 
coming  in  from  the  country  round  and  much  feasting 
and  barbecuing;  a  prominent  citizen  would  serve  as 
orator  of  the  day  and  another  as  reader  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  From  1834  Stephens  was  in  regular 
demand  in  one  or  the  other  of  these  capacities. 

In  his  first  important  case,  he  did  what  he  was  often 
to  do  in  Congress  on  great  issues  —  carried  a  minority 
to  victory.  Isaac  Battle,  head  of  an  influential  clan, 
wished  to  retain  possession  of  his  grandchild,  daughter 
of  his  son's  widow  who  had  married  an  intemperate  man. 
A  great  crowd  came  to  the  trial  of  the  case.  After  able 
counsel  for  the  Battles  had  spoken,  a  pallid,  unknown 
boy  arose  and  pleaded  for  the  mother  the  divine  right  of 
motherhood.  A  Battle  reported  next  day:  "When  that 
little  fellow  began  to  argue  and  the  judges  fell  to  crying, 
I  knew  Isaac  would  have  to  give  up  Martha  Ann."  His 
practice  grew  rapidly.  So  much  business  came  to  him 
that  he  called  Aaron  Grier  to  his  aid.  When  he  took  a 
Northern  tour  in  1838,  he  left  his  affairs  in  the  hands 
of  Toombs  and  Aaron.  On  this  tour,  he  saw  Fort  Warren 


14  INTRODUCTION 

for  the  first  time  on  May  25,  the  day  on  which  he  was 
to  see  it  in  1865  as  a  prisoner.  This  was  his  second 
Northern  trip;  it  included  a  visit  to  his  father's  brother 
James,  in  Pennsylvania,  as  had  the  first  in  1835,  of  which 
an  amusing  incident  has  been  preserved.  At  the  family 
dinner,  Uncle  James,  a  worthy  farmer,  asked,  "What 
business  do  you  follow,  Alex?"  "I  am  a  lawyer,  Uncle." 
An  ominous  silence  fell.  Presently  Uncle  James  asked 
huskily,  "Alex,  don't  you  have  to  tell  lies?" 

In  1835  Mr.  Stephens  had  his  first  interview  with 
a  President  of  the  United  States.  He  found  Andrew 
Jackson  in  dressing-gown  and  slippers,  a  silver  pipe  at 
his  side,  before  a  big  fire  in  the  White  House.  "What's 
the  news  from  Georgia?"  asked  Old  Hickory.  Stephens 
told  of  the  outbreak  of  the  Creek  Indians;  the  stage  he 
boarded  at  Washington,  Ga.,  was  the  only  one  of  a  train 
of  coaches  which  had  escaped  capture  with  massacre  of  all 
passengers  between  Montgomery  and  Columbus.  "I 
have  a  letter  by  the  lower  route  telling  something  of 
this,"  said  Jackson.  "In  God's  name,  where's  Howard  ?" 
"I  don't  know.  As  Major  Howard's  are  Georgia  forces 
under  control  of  the  Georgia  Legislature,  there  may  be 
some  question  of  jurisdiction" — "  Jurisdiction  by  the  Eter 
nal!  when  the  United  States  Mail  is  robbed  and  citizens 
murdered!"  cried  Old  Hickory,  springing  to  his  feet. 
He  kept  Stephens  for  over  an  hour.  In  1838,  Mr. 
Stephens  saw  Congress  in  session;  as  he  jotted  down  in 
a  little  note-book,  he  saw  "Wise  and  Clay;  a  dull  day; 
Webster,  sullen,  worn  out,  caged  lion;  Benton,  arrogant, 
disgusting  manner."  He  "walked  way  out  on  the  com 
mons  N.  W.,  where  Washington  will  be  in  days  to  come." 
Baltimore  was  "first  city  going  North  that  is  lighted 
with  gas";  and  where  he  saw  white  servants.  In  Phila- 


-  INTRODUCTION  15 

delphia  at  night  in  the  Merchants'  Hotel:  " Startled  in 
my  room  by  cry  of  fire  —  mob  set  fire  to  Philadelphia 
or  Pennsylvania  Hall  for  its  abolitionism." 

Answering  inquiries  from  a  friend,  Mr.  Stephens,  in 
1871,  gave  some  account  of  his  political  life  to  1859, 
which  is  reproduced  because  of  its  spontaneity  and 
because,  as  his  own,  it  is  authoritative,  though  it  is  by  no 
means  a  complete  statement: 

i1 

I  was  brought  up  a  Jeffersonian  Democrat  of  the 
strictest  sect  —  of  the  Crawford  and  Troup  school  in 
Georgia.  All  Georgians  belonged  to  that  school  when 
I  was  a  boy.  The  party  divisions  of  the  State,  the  Troup 
men  and  Clarke  men,  all  supported  Crawford  for  Presi 
dent  in  1824,  though  Clarke  was  but  lukewarm  because 
Crawford  was  Troup's  great  leader;  they  barely  ran  no 
opposition;  they  sympathized  in  that  contest  with  Mr. 
Calhoun,  then  becoming  prominent,  and  between  whom 
and  Mr.  Crawford  no  very  kind  feelings  existed,  the 
two  being  rivals  in  the  same  party. 

My  first  vote  was  given  in  1833,  after  the  split  on 
Nullification.  The  Troup-Crawford  wing  did  not  favour 
Nullification:  they  organized  on  a  platform  which  they 
proclaimed  as  the  true  States  Rights  principles;  while 
opposing  Nullification  as  taught  in  South  Carolina, 
they  also  opposed  the  doctrines  of  General  Jackson's 
famous  Proclamation;  they  held  the  right  of  Secession, 
but  repudiated  Nullification  as  a  proper  or  peaceful 
remedy  for  a  difference  between  a  State  and  the  United 
States  Government.  William  H.  Crawford  was  Presi 
dent  of  the  organizing  committee.  Great  numbers  of 
the  old  Crawford-Troup- Jefferson  party  went  with  the 
Nullifiers.  By  these  means,  the  old  party  in  Georgia 
became  demoralized.  John  Forsyth,  then  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  as  a  Troup-Crawford  man,  abandoned 
both  wings.  That  is,  he  not  only  repudiated  Nullification 
but  also  the  States  Rights  doctrine  announced  by  Craw- 


1 6  INTRODUCTION 

ford  and  Troup  with  their  adherents.  He  organized 
what  was  called  the  Union  party  of  the  State,  and  took 
off  enough  of  the  old  Crawford-Troup  men  to  make  with 
the  Clarke  men  a  majority,  and  for  several  years  this 
Union- Jackson  party,  so-called,  governed  the  State.  In 
1833,  Wilson  Lump  kin  was  their  nominee  for  Governor, 
and  the  States  Rights  nominee  was  Major  Joel  Crawford 
(relative  of  W.  H.).  In  this  election,  my  first  vote  was 
given,  and  for  Crawford. 

In  1836,  I  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  as  a  States 
Rights  man.  My  county,  Taliaferro,  had  been  under 
the  lead  of  Nullifiers;  though  they  acted  with  the  States 
Rights  party  in  preference  to  the  Forsyth  party,  they 
did  not  like  to  support  one  who  did  not  accept  the  doc 
trine  of  Nullification  —  not  even  William  H.  Crawford 
and  George  M.  Troup,  their  old  leaders.  I  had  bitter 
opposition  in  my  first  campaign  because  I  was  against 
Nullification.  In  1836,  the  States  Rights  party  in  Georgia 
carried  the  electoral  vote  for  President,  casting  it  for 
Hugh  L.  White,  of  Tennessee.  The  Forsyth-Union- 
Jackson  party  ran  Van  Buren  and  were  defeated  in  the 
State.  In  1839,  after  the  Harrisburg  Convention  nom 
inated  Harrison,  I  favoured  the  nomination  by  the  States 
Rights  party  in  Georgia  of  George  M.  Troup.  A  reso 
lution  to  that  effect  was  passed  by  the  December  Conven 
tion  at  Milledgeville.  In  the  summer  of  1840,  when  the 
Harrison  fever  raged  high  —  when  the  storm  was  at  its 
topmost  pitch  of  "Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too!"  the 
Georgia  leaders  became  infected;  another  convention 
was  held;  Judge  Berrien  was  the  leading  spirit;  Troup's 
name  was  taken  down  and  Harrison's  run  up. 

I  was  young;  and  as  it  was  shown  that  Harrison  was  a 
Jefferson  Democrat,  and  as  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
beat  the  corruptionists  in  power  under  Van  Buren,  I 
"went  with  my  folks"  and  voted  for  Harrison.  Whig 
had  not  then  been  introduced  into  Georgia  as  a  party 
name.  In  1842  the  States  Rights  party  in  convention 
to  nominate  candidates  for  Congress,  under  the  lead  of 


INTRODUCTION  17 

Richard  Henry  Wilde,  assumed  the  name  of  Whig. 
Their  ticket  was  defeated.  In  the  Legislature  of  1842 
I,  being  in  the  Senate,  made  a  long  report  on  Federal 
relations;  it  became  the  Whig  platform  in  Georgia.  A 
vacancy  occurred  in  the  Congressional  delegation  elected 
as  Democrats  so-called  the  year  before;  in  the  summer 
of  1843, 1  was  nominated  to  fill  that  vacancy  by  the  Whigs, 
so-called  on  the  principles  of  the  report  of  1842,  and  was 
elected  by  about  3,000  majority. 

I  took  my  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
December,  1843.  I  stood  nominally  as  a  Whig,  yet  held 
few  sentiments  in  common  with  the  national  party: 
was  opposed  to  the  protection  policy;  to  the  policy  of  re 
ceiving  abolition  petitions  in  Congress  and  to  the  Congres 
sional  jurisdiction  in  any  form  of  the  slavery  question. 
I  favoured  the  incorporation  of  Texas  into  the  Union; 
not  under  the  Tyler  treaty  —  that  I  opposed  —  but  under 
joint  resolution  for  her  admission  as  a  State.  This 
well-nigh  severed  my  connection  even  in  name  with  the 
Whig  party  at  Washington  as  well  as  in  Georgia.  Judge 
Berrien  had  become  thoroughly  identified  with  Mr. 
Clay  and  the  Whig  party  throughout  the  country,  not 
only  on  the  Protective  Tariff  but  in  opposition  to  Texan 
annexation.  Indeed,  he  went  further  than  Clay  on  the 
latter  question. 

I  omitted  to  state  at  the  right  place  that  the  Whig 
party  of  Georgia  supported  Clay  for  the  Presidency  in 
1844,  though  differing  widely  with  him  on  many  questions. 
For  instance,  after  Clay's  Raleigh  letter  opposing  annex 
ation,  our  State  Convention  passed  resolutions  favouring 
that  measure.  These  resolutions  were  drawn  up  by  me 
in  Washington  and  sent  down  to  be  adopted,  as  they 
were,  by  the  State  Convention  nominating  electoral 
candidates.  I,  however,  gave  Mr.  Clay  a  warm  support. 
I  had  urged  him  not  to  publish  that  anti-Texas  Raleigh 
letter;  he  told  me,  as  he  was  passing  through  the  State, 
that  he  intended  to  come  out  with  such  a  letter.  I 
urged  him  not  to.  I  believe  he  was  influenced  by  con- 


i8  INTRODUCTION 

siderations  of  policy.  I  knew  from  conversations  with 
him  that  he  was  really  in  favour  of  the  admission  of 
Texas  if  it  could  be  done  without  endangering  the  Union, 
and  I  believed  that  it  would  be  a  leading  object  of  his 
administration,  if  elected,  to  bring  Texas  in  without 
violent  agitation.  Texas  was  brought  in  as  she  was  by 
my  stand  in  the  House.  I  got  Milton  Brown,  of  Tennes 
see,  an  old  Member,  and  six  or  seven  so-called  Southern 
Whigs  to  stand  with  me.  We,  as  the  House  was  con 
stituted,  held  the  balance  of  power,  and  compelled  the 
Democratic  side  so-called  to  come  to  our  terms.  Mr. 
Polk  I  regarded  as  a  mere  demagogue  and  a  very  bad 
man.  He  was  elected  by  a  political  fraud  on  the  people 
of  Pennsylvania  in  the  matter  of  his  views  on  the  Tariff; 
to  save  himself  on  that  point,  he  resolved  to  get  into  a 
war  with  Mexico.  The  Texas  question  afforded  oppor 
tunity.  His  course  in  relation  to  that  war  was  what  threw 
me  into  the  ranks  of  the  Whigs,  the  opposition.  I 
denounced  the  war  and  its  inauguration.  I  took  the 
lead  in  this  method  of  treating  it  in  the  House. 

My  first  conversation  with  Mr.  Calhoun  was  a  day  or 
two  after  my  first  speech  on  the  war;  in  May,  I  think, 
1846.  It  occurred  in  this  way.  Mr.  Burt,  of  South 
Carolina,  Member  of  the  House  and  relative  by  marriage 
of  Mr.  Calhoun,  said  Mr.  Calhoun  had  asked  him  to 
bring  me  to  see  him  if  agreeable  to  me;  that  he  wanted 
to  know  me.  We  went.  Mr.  Calhoun  stated  that  he 
had  read  my  speech,  was  pleased  with  it,  and  wished  to 
express  his  gratification;  then  he  entered  into  a  long 
conversation,  in  his  peculiar  and  earnest  style,  on  the 
whole  subject;  said  he  concurred  with  me  fully  in  every 
view  presented,  but  could  say  nothing  then  in  the  Senate, 
owing  to  his  complications  with  the  administration  on 
the  Oregon  question;  that  he  was  exceedingly  anxious 
to  get  that  question  settled  without  war  with  England; 
if  he  should  denounce  the  administration  as  it  ought  to 
be  denounced  for  its  policy  in  bringing  on  the  Mexican 
,  hp  ^ould  lose  his  influence  with  them  on  Oregon; 


INTRODUCTION  19 

duty  required  silence  for  the  present;  but  as  soon  as  the 
controversy  with  England  was  ended,  he  should  take 
the  same  position  on  Mexico  in  the  Senate  that  I  had 
taken  in  the  House. 

This  I  mention  simply  as  an  incident  of  my  first  acquain 
tance  with  Calhoun.  Our  conversation  was  full  and 
free,  but  understood  to  be  a  matter,  on  his  side,  not  to 
be  talked  of.  He  did,  afterward  in  the  Senate,  follow 
the  line  he  told  me  he  would;  it  was  after  the  Oregon 
question  was  settled,  in  February,  I  think,  1847.  The 
only  difference  then  between  us  was  that  he  insisted  that 
we  ought  to  take  a  slip  of  country  as  indemnity,  which 
seemed  strange  to  me  after  his  declaration  in  the  same 
grand  speech  that  "Mexico  is  the  forbidden  fruit." 

My  position  on  the  mode  of  admission  of  Texas  con 
trolled  that  matter.  This  was  during  the  second  session 
of  my  first  Congress.  My  action  in  the  next  Congress 
controlled  the  course  the  Mexican  War  finally  took. 
The  Whig  party,  in  the  Congress  beginning  4th  March, 
1845,  and  ending  4th  March,  1847,  was  in  a  minority 
of  about  70.  This  was  the  Congress  that  recognized 
the  war  as  the  act  of  Mexico  —  a  shameful  lie !  The 
Whigs,  after  war  began,  were  all  at  sea.  Winthrop, 
Joe  Ingersoll,  and  the  like  knew  not  what  to  do;  they 
were  timid  and  fearful.  No  one,  they  would  say,  can 
oppose  the  war;  the  fate  of  all  who  opposed  the  War  of 
1812  was  before  their  eyes;  Crittenden  in  the  Senate 
was  of  the  same  mind.  Now,  at  this  stage  of  the  case 
(when  the  War  party,  Cass  at  their  head  in  the  Senate, 
was  ready  to  swallow  all  Mexico,  and  really  intended  to 
do  it,  I  verily  believe),  I  drew  up  and  submitted  to 
our  old  leaders  in  the  House,  especially  Winthrop  and 
Ingersoll,  a  resolution  which  should  properly  present 
the  position  of  the  Whigs  on  the  war.  I  told  them  it 
was  essential  in  elections-  for  the  next  Congress,  to  go 
before  the  country  on  a  well-defined  policy,  and  that 
that  policy  must  be  a  true  and  patriotic  one  or  we  would 
be  utterly  defeated.  It  was  embraced,  I  thought,  in 


20  INTRODUCTION 

the  resolutions.  Ingersoll  and  Winthrop,  as  well  as 
every  other  to  whom  I  submitted  it,  not  even  excepting 
my  colleague,  Mr.  Toombs,  disapproved  the  policy 
of  offering  it ;  it  would  put  us  before  the  people  as  opposed 
to  the  vindication  of  the  rights  and  honour  of  the  country. 
I  knew  there  was  no  hope  of  getting  it  in  to  be  acted  on 
but  upon  a  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  for  its  introduction; 
a  vote  could  be  had  on  that  question  and  in  this  way 
it  could  be  got  before  the  House.  I  determined  to  offer 
it  anyway,  and  did.  At  first,  several  prominent,  aspiring, 
expediency  Whigs  dodged  it,  but  when  they  saw  that 
Cobb,  of  Georgia,  a  leading  man  on  the  other  side,  voted 
to  suspend  the  rules  for  its  introduction,  they  crawled 
out,  like  chickens  that  had  been  hiding  in  a  bush  from 
a  hawk,  and  voted  the  same  way.  I  finally  got  every, 
or  nearly  every,  Whig  vote  in  the  House  and  a  few  Demo 
crats,  Cobb  at  the  head.  Cobb  was  an  exceedingly 
quick  and  shrewd  man ;  he  saw  the  power  in  the  resolution 
and  foresaw  its  effect  upon  the  public.  The  resolution 
became,  as  I  intended  it  to  be,  the  national  Whig  plat 
form  so  far  as  the  war  was  concerned.  Upon  it  a  major 
ity  was  returned  to  the  House  in  the  face  of  a  most  brilliant 
war;  and  that  majority  by  one  vote  arrested  the  war. 
It  was  all  done  on  high  and  patriotic  principles  and  on 
no  base  demagogical  subterfuge. 

The  administration  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  the 
change  in  the  character  of  the  House.  Winthrop  was 
Speaker,  and  the  committees  were  all  different  from 
what  they  had  been.  Still,  Mr.  Polk  attempted,  by 
browbeating  and  charging  us  with  disloyalty  and  with 
"  giving  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,"  to  scare  our 
weak-kneed  into  submission.  Such  treatment,  I  knew, 
had  to  be  met  with  boldness  and  defiance.  Hence,  in 
February,  1848,  while  many  Whigs  were  trembling  in 
their  shoes,  the  War  party  introduced  for  popular  effect 
a  resolution  tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  General 
Twiggs  (I  believe  it  was)  for  gallantry  at  Cerro  Gordo. 
I  joined  in  giving  all  the  praise  set  forth  to  that  brave 


INTRODUCTION  21 

officer  and  his  men,  but  wished  the  resolution  amended 
so  as  to  read,  "in  a  war  unconstitutionally  begun. "  When 
the  time  for  offering  the  amendment  came,  Winthrop 
gave  the  floor  to  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  who  offered 
it.  A  great  sensation  ensued.  The  War  party  was 
elated,  they  looked  on  triumph  as  certain;  they  did  not 
think  we  would  dare  vote  for  it.  Our  weak-kneed 
trembled;  many  got  up  and  walked  out;  I  rallied  all  I 
could,  presented  an  undaunted  front,  urged  every  one 
I  could  find  to  stand  up  square  to  the  truth.  The  vote 
at  first  was  close;  but  when  the  hidden  chickens  under 
the  brush  in  the  outside  alleys  saw  that  their  votes  would 
carry  it,  enough  came  up  and  voted  "  Aye"  to  pass  it. 

The  War  men  looked  aghast !  That  vote  of  the  House 
—  that  expression  of  condemnation  by  a  majority  of 
the  impeaching  branch  of  the  Government  —  ended  the 
war,  broke  its  backbone.  Polk  saw  what  was  coming. 
In  a  few  days,  Trist  was  dispatched  to  Mexico  to  make 
the  best  terms  of  peace  he  could.  This  is  the  real  origin 
of  the  celebrated  " Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo." 

The  resolution  thus  amended  was  passed.  The  War 
party  dropped  it.  John  Quincy  Adams  died  while  it 
was  pending.  The  House  adjourned  and  the  resolution 
was  not  again  taken  up.  But  that  vote  had  done  its 
work,  as  I  knew  it  would  when  the  shaft  was  sent. 

For  your  question  about  my  course  toward  General 
Taylor.  It  was  I  --  no  egotism  in  telling  you  the  simple 
truth  —  who  made  him  President.  Soon  after  the  first 
battles  of  the  war  at  Resaca  and  Palo  Alto,  I  urged  on 
the  anti- War  party  that  Taylor  was  our  man ;  I  got  his  nom 
ination  in  a  Whig  convention  in  Georgia  in  1847.  At 
the  beginning  of  Congress  in  December,  I  was  mainly 
instrumental  in  getting  up  a  Taylor  Club  in  Congress; 
it  was  known  as  the  Young  Indians.  For  months  there 
were  but  seven  of  us :  Truman  Smith  of  Connecticut,  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  of  Illinois,  William  Ballard  Preston,  Thomas 
S.  Flournoy  and  John  S.  Pendleton,  of  Virginia,  Toombs 
and  myself  of  Georgia.  Others  came  in  afterward  — 


22  INTRODUCTION 

Cabell  of  Florida,  Hilliard  of  Alabama,  and  some  whose 
names  I  forget.  It  was  confined  to  the  House.  Mr. 
Crittenden,  of  the  Senate,  fully  concurred  with  us.  While 
strongly  attached  to  Mr.  Clay  personally,  he  did  not 
think  Clay  could  be  elected.  We  opened  an  extensive 
correspondence  and  put  the  ball  in  motion.  The  con 
test  between  the  Clay  Whigs  and  the  Taylor  men  for 
the  nomination  in  Philadelphia  was  bitter  and  fierce. 
Many  things  I  could  tell  which  would  entertain  you, 
had  I  time.  One  incident  I  may  mention  —  how  I 
got  a  Taylor  battery  planted  in  New  York  City. 

During  the  winter  of  1847-48,  we  could  get  no  hearing 
in  New  York,  though  we  had  some  zealous  men  cooper 
ating  with  us  there,  General  Draper  and  others;  and  we 
had  no  Taylor  paper  there.  Colonel  Humphrey  Mar 
shall,  of  Buena  Vista  fame,  had  attempted  to  speak  there 
for  Taylor,  but  the  roughs  of  the  Whig  party  broke  up 
all  Taylor  meetings.  I  saw  that  this  must  be  changed; 
we  must  get  a  foothold  by  some  means  in  the  Metropolis. 
I  devised  a  programme,  choosing  Toombs  for  speaker. 
Samuel  J.  Anderson,  a  clerk  in  the  House  and  a  very 
shrewd  man  whom  I  knew  well,  knew  Isaiah  Rhynders, 
captain  among  roughs  and  shoulder-hitters  in  New  York 
-  famous  as  the  head  of  the  Corbin  [  ?  ]  Club  in  the 
Clay-Polk  contest  of  1844;  I  knew  he  was  sore  at  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  been  treated  by  the  Polk  admin 
istration  and  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Taylor  move 
ment. 

Now  I  told  Toombs  we  must  have  a  successful  hearing 
in  New  York,  and  that  he  was  the  man  to  face  any  sort 
of  crowd.  My  plan  was  for  him  to  take  Anderson 
with  him ;  Anderson  was  to  hunt  up  Rhynders  (I  believe 
that's  the  spelling)  and  bring  him  to  Toombs.  Toombs 
should  tell  Rhynders  what  he  wanted  —  a  fair  and 
uninterrupted  hearing  from  a  New  York  audience  in 
behalf  of  Taylor;  and  to  ask  Rhynders  if  he  could  see 
that  he,  Toombs,  got  it,  and  at  what  cost.  I  told  him 
to  pay  Rhynders  just  what  he  would  ask.  The  pro- 


INTRODUCTION  23 

gramme  was  carried  out.  Toombs  and  Anderson  went 
on;  Rhynders  met  Toombs  at  the  Astor  House,  entered 
cheerfully  into  the  engagement,  and  said  it  would  cost 
$200:  it  would  require  that  to  secure  the  necessary  force. 
Toombs  closed  with  him.  Rhynders  said  it  would  fa 
cilitate  his  work  if  Toombs  would  meet  some  of  his  "boy- 
hoys"  at  a  certain  noted  saloon  the  evening  before  the 
speech  and  get  acquainted  with  them.  Toombs,  who 
was  able  to  make  himself  perfectly  at  home  in  such  a 
crowd,  went  at  the  appointed  hour  and  met  the  captain 
with  his  subalterns,  Bill  Ford,  Sullivan,  and  other  noted 
boxers.  Nothing  passed  but  such  agreeable  chat  as 
Toombs  knew  how  to  give  in  his  peculiar  style,  and  the 
glass  to  his  company.  Rhynders,  on  parting,  told 
Toombs  it  was  all  right ;  but  that  he  must  not  get  flurried 
or  off  his  feet  at  any  outburst  that  might  happen  at  first ; 
there  might  be  some  disorder  at  the  start,  but  that  he, 
Rhynders,  would  down  it  all  right. 

The  meeting  was  duly  announced.  The  hour  arrived; 
a  large  audience  assembled ;  the  hall  was  brilliantly  lighted. 
The  most  prominent  Taylor  men  in  the  city  presided; 
they  knew  nothing  of  Toombs 's  arrangement  with  Rhyn 
ders  and  were  very  uneasy.  One  of  them  introduced  the 
orator  of  the  evening.  No  sooner  had  Toombs  with 
his  fine  and  manly  presence  stepped  forward  and  uttered 
the  words,  " Fellow  citizens  of  New  York-  '  than  a 
yell  rose  from  various  parts  of  the  house:  " Slave-holder !" 
Slave-holder!"  Toombs  remained  quiet  and  composed 
for  a  moment,  and  began  again.  Another  yell  went  up: 
"Huipah  for  Clay!  Hurrah  for  Clay!"  Toombs,  in 
imperturbable  temper,  not  seeming  to  be  excited  in  the 
least,  again  commenced ;  again  yells  arose.  Still  unmoved, 
he  began,  when  on  repetition  of  the  cries,  "Slave-holder!" 
and  the  like,  there  was  the  greatest  row  you  ever  saw. 
" Put  him  out!"  rang  from  one  side  of  the  hall  to  the  other, 
and  everywhere  a  stalwart  arm  was  seen  pitching  some 
fellow  out.  Rhynders' s  men  were  at  work.  Some  who 
were  being  pitched  out  exclaimed:  "I  made  no  noise!" 


24  INTRODUCTION 

"You  have  chalk  on  your  back!"  was  the  reply;  "and 
you've  got  to  go." 

In  two  minutes  the  hall  was  cleared  of  some  forty 
"chalk-backs."  Rhynders's  plan,  as  he  afterward  told 
Toombs,  had  been  to  scatter  his  men  through  the  audience; 
they  were  quietly  to  mark  the  backs  of  all  who  made  inter 
ruptions;  on  the  order,  "Put  them  out!"  they  were  to 
seize  and  put  out  by  force  all  chalk-backs.  He  and  they 
knew  pretty  well  beforehand  who  were  the  brawlers 
sent  to  break  up  the  meeting;  but,  to  make  certain,  his 
plan  was  first  to  spot  them.  The  hall  was  soon  cleared 
of  rowdies.  The  audience  was  quiet  and  orderly  while 
Toombs  gave  them  one  of  his  masterly  popular  harangues. 
Before  the  conclusion,  the  wildest  enthusiasm  prevailed; 
loud  shouts  of  applause  went  up;  and  then  came  "three 
cheers  for  old  Zach!"  given  with  a  vim  as  Toombs  took 
his  seat.  Our  victory  was  complete;  we  had  a  foothold 
in  New  York;  our  battery  in  that  stronghold  of  the  enemy 
was  well  served  afterward  and  did  most  effective  work. 
Great  events  often  turn  on  small  ones.  Now,  as  an 
active  party  in  all  these  scenes,  I  tell  you  that  that  one 
little  thing  of  getting  a  successful  hearing  in  New  York 
had  powerful  results. 

This  has  taken  up  too  much  time  for  me  to  go  on  with 
other  incidents.  If  I  live  to  write  a  book,  as  I  wish, 
on  "Congressional  Reminiscences,"  I  may  give  more  such 
incidents.  Of  course  what  I  now  write  is  only  to  afford 
you  light  on  the  points  on  which  you  question  me.  You 
will  understand  that  in  all  I  did,  I  was  moved  by  a  motive 
far  higher  than  my  own  advantage  or  distinction.  I 
have  generally  most  cheerfully  permitted  others  to  reap 
the  honours  accruing  from  any  line  of  policy  I  suggested. 

When  Taylor  was  elected,  he  sent  for  me  immediately 
on  his  reaching  Washington.  Crittenden,  then  Gov 
ernor  of  Kentucky,  had  advised  him  to  consult  me. 
Taylor  asked  me  and  Toombs  to  go  into  his  Cabinet. 
I  advised  against  this,  and  presented  the  names  of  George 
W.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  and  William  Ballard  Preston, 


INTRODUCTION  25 

of  Virginia.  The  other  names  for  Cabinet  positions 
were  submitted  to  me.  I  did  not  like  Clayton  for  Sec 
tary  of  State ;  Collamer  for  Postmaster  General  I  approved ; 
Meredith,  of  Pennsylvania,  I  knew  nothing  about; 
Reverdy  Johnson  for  Attorney  General,  I  thought  well  of. 

Just  at  this  time  the  seed  of  what  ruined  Taylor's 
administration  was  sowed  in  an  alliance  with  William 
H.  Seward,  head  of  the  Abolition  party  in  New  York. 
The  saddest  reflection  for  me  was  that  this  was  effected 
through  Preston.  Preston  was  an  able  and  true  man;  I 
had  every  confidence  in  him.  He  was  a  bold  and  active 
"  Young  Indian."  He  was  the  man  who  carried  the 
Virginia  Whigs  against  Botts.  Somehow,  strangely 
enough  too,  Seward,  by  some  sort  of  blandishment, 
came  it  over  him.  Seward  gave  the  strongest  pledges 
that  he,  in  the  Senate,  would  drop  the  slavery  agitation 
and  give  Taylor's  administration  a  cordial  support  on  a 
broad  continental  basis  without  stirring  up  sectional 
animosities.  These  promises  were  relied  on  by  Preston, 
who  looked  on  Seward  as  a  great  leader.  Seward  was 
put  virtually  in  possession  of  the  power  of  distributing 
the  entire  Federal  patronage  in  New  York.  This  \vas 
the  state  of  things  when  I  left  Washington,  March,  1849. 
I  was  not  pleased,  for  I  had  no  confidence  in  Seward. 

When  the  new  Congress  assembled  in  December, 
1849,  I  found  that  Seward  as  a  charmer  had  complete 
control  of  Preston.  He  had  got  Webb,  through  whom 
his  pledges  had  been  given,  sent  as  minister  abroad. 
He  had  got  Preston  to  believe  that  the  Northern  Whigs 
must  hold  on  to  their  doctrine  of  Congressional  exclu 
sion  of  slavery  from  the  Territories;  that  it  would  destroy 
them  to  abandon  it;  but  the  vexed  question  could  be  got 
rid  of  by  what  was  known  as  the  administration  policy  - 
non-action.  I  knew  he  was  not  sincere  in  this  and  that 
he  only  wanted  Preston  not  to  make  war  on  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  It  was  at  the  opening  of  this  Congress  that, 
as  a  touchstone  of  party  principle,  I  insisted  that  the 
Whig  or  administration  caucus,  in  nominating  a  candidate 


26  INTRODUCTION 

for  Speaker,  should  define  its  position.  Toombs  and 
myself  and  six  or  seven  other  Southern  Whigs  so-called 
concurred  in  that  view.  The  resolution  (you  can  see 
more  about  it  in  Vol.  II  of  my  "  War  Between  the  States") 
was  drawn  up  in  my  room  and  Toombs  took  charge  of  it. 
When  the  caucus  met,  he  offered  it.  It  embraced  the 
idea  that  Congress  ought  not  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  nor  prohibit  it  in  the  Territories. 
This  resolution  was  laid  on  the  table  in  the  caucus  on 
motion  of  Stanley  of  North  Carolina.  Toombs  and  myself 
and  six  or  seven  other  Whigs  so-called  withdrew.  That 
was  the  last  time  I  ever  met  a  Whig  caucus  so-called  in 
Congress.  Winthrop  was  again  nominated  for  Speaker, 
but  lost  his  election  by  defection  of  the  Southern  Whigs. 
The  lead  I  took  in  the  adjustment  measures  of  1850 
will  be  seen  in  Vol.  II  of  "War  Between  the  States."  I 
controlled  that  settlement;  that  is,  without  the  part  I 
took  at  the  time,  it  would  never  have  been  made.  The 
rupture  between  me  and  Preston  became  open,  and  very 
painful  to  me.  Taylor,  under  Preston's  advice,  still 
adhered  to  his  non-action  policy,  while  Seward  was 
working  with  vim,  just  as  he  did  long  afterward  with 
President  Johnson,  seeming  to  be  with  him  but  under 
mining  him  in  all  he  did.  I  told  Johnson  of  this,  in  1866, 
but  he  no  more  heeded  me  than  Taylor  did.  Taylor 
died  in  July,  1850,  while  all  was  at  sea  on  the  adjustment. 
A  few  days  before  his  attack,  I  had  a  long  and  earnest 
interview  with  him  and  urged  him  to  change  his  policy, 
which  was  at  that  time  to  send  troops  to  Santa  Fe,  Texas, 
and  take  Federal  occupation  of  territory  against  the  claim 
of  Texas  —  Se ward's  game,  as  I  believed.  I  went  to 
see  Preston,  Toombs  with  me.  Preston  was  not  at  home; 
we  met  in  front  of  the  Treasury  Building;  we  had  a  long 
talk;  Toombs  said  little,  that  little  on  my  side.  I  told 
Preston  that  if  troops  were  ordered  to  Santa  Fe,  the 
President  would  be  impeached.  "Who  will  impeach 
him?"  asked  he.  "I  will  if  nobody  else  does,"  I  replied. 
We  turned  and  parted.  That  was  our  last  interview 


INTRODUCTION  27 

until  many  years  after,  when,  on  other  questions,  we  met 
cordially;  and  at  the  time  of  his  death,  we  were  again 
warm  friends.  The  day  after  our  street  interview,  there 
appeared  a  card  from  me  in  the  National  Intelligencer, 
which  created  a  sensation  in  Washington;  you  will  find 
it,  if  you  see  fit  to  look  for  it,  in  the  issue  on  or  about 
the  Fourth. 

With  Taylor's  death,  Fillmore  came  in;  a  change  took 
place  in  the  Cabinet.  Crawford  had  determined  to 
resign  if  the  order  for  marching  the  troops  had  been 
given.  On  8th  August,  I  think,  I  made  a  speech  that 
did  more  than  any  other  one  speech  that  session,  I  think, 
to  carry  the  famous  adjustment  measures;  for  it  brought 
the  Northern  Wilmot  Proviso  men  —  Fillmore  Whigs, 
I  mean  —  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Proviso  must  be 
abandoned.  I  was  called  home;  I  paired  with  a  Free 
Soiler  from  Connecticut  who  was  also  called  away,  and 
I  did  not  get  back  until  the  measure  was  passed.  After 
this,  I  came  home  and  stumped  Georgia  —  travelled 
3,000  miles  by  actual  count  —  explaining  the  principles 
of  the  settlement  and  advising  the  people  to  accept  them 
and  remain  in  the  Union  under  them.  Our  Legislature 
had  called  a  Sovereign  Convention  of  the  People  to  assem 
ble  in  case  California  should  be  admitted.  I  was  against 
secession  for  that  cause.  Toombs  and  Cobb  were  both 
with  me  in  this.  The  Whig  Convention  elected  in  the 
State  was  largely  in  favour  of  the  settlement.  I  was  in 
that  Convention  and  on  the  Committee  that  drafted  the 
celebrated  Georgia  Platform  of  1850;  these  resolutions 
were  on  all  turning  points  my  work,  though  I  did  not  figure 
before  the  public  in  them. 

After  that  Convention,  I  returned  to  Washington,  and 
gave  Fillmore's  administration  my  support.  Before  that 
Convention,  I  had  gone  to  Washington  to  be  present 
at  the  opening  of  Congress  and  especially  to  see  Fillmore's 
message  before  it  was  delivered.  I  got  an  opportunity 
of  seeing^it  through  Mr.  Crittenden,  then  in  the  Cabinet. 
On  reading  the  latter  part  —  the  message  was  then  in 


28  INTRODUCTION 

print;  it  was  the  Saturday  night  before  Congress  met 
-I  did  not  like  the  conclusion,  which  spoke  of  some 
modification  to  be  made  in  the  adjustment  measures. 
I  told  Mr.  Crittenden  that  Mr.  Fiilmore  ought  to  treat 
the  settlement  as  final  and  to  use  the  expression  Mr. 
Webster  had  applied  in  a  published  letter  in  which  he 
spoke  of  the  measures  as  a  settlement  "in  principle  and 
in  substance "  of  the  subjects  embraced  in  them.  On 
my  urgent  entreaty,  Mr.  Crittenden  took  the  message 
to  Fiilmore  with  the  phraseology  I  had  suggested  sub 
stituted,  and  the  change  was  made.  This  is  how  that 
important  part  of  his  message  of  December,  1850,  came 
to  be  as  it  is. 

I  wanted  Webster  to  be  the  candidate  of  the  Consti 
tutional  Union  party  for  1852.  The  part  I  took  in  the 
Whig  platform  of  that  year,  you  will  see  in  Vol.  II.  I 
did  not,  however,  after  1849,  meet  a  Whig  caucus  myself. 
I  intended  to  be  free  of  party  trammels.  If  Scott,  with 
whom  I  was  on  the  most  intimate  terms  of  friendship, 
had  endorsed  that  platform,  I  would  have  supported  him. 
This  he  knew  by  direct  message  from  me.  When  he 
refused  to  do  it,  I  came  out  in  a  card  in  the  National 
Intelligencer,  signed  by  several  others,  giving  my  reasons 
for  not  voting  for  him.  The  result  was  as  I  expected. 
Pierce  was  elected.  I  acted  with  no  party  or  parties 
organizing  his  administration.  But  on  the  assembling 
of  the  new  Congress  in  1855,  I  told  Ho  well  Cobb  and 
J.  Glancey  Jones  if  they  would  in  caucus  adopt  a  resolu 
tion  I  would  draw  up,  I  would  go  in  the  House  next 
day  and  not  only  vote  for  their  nominee  for  Speaker  but 
cooperate  thoroughly  with  their  party  in  the  line  of  policy 
to  be  indicated  in  that  resolution.  This  was  in  my  room 
Sunday  night;  Congress  was  to  meet  next  day.  They 
asked  for  the  resolution;  I  drew  it  up  and  handed  it  to 
them.  They  approved  it;  it  went  to  the  caucus  and 
J.  Glancey  Jones  offered  it.  It  was  passed  unanimously. 
Upon  that  resolution,  the  party  was  organized.  It  was 
carried  to  Cincinnati  and  became  part  of  the  platform 


INTRODUCTION  29 

on  which  Buchanan  was  elected.  Most  of  Buchanan's 
measures  I  supported;  many  I  opposed.  I  deeply 
deplored  his  quarrel  with  Douglas.  When  I  could  not 
get  him  to  abandon  it,  I  quit  Congress  forever.  As  I 
told  him  in  our  last  interview,  if  he  persisted  in  his  course 
a  burst-up  at  Charleston  [where  the  National  Democratic 
Convention  was  to  be  held]  would  be  inevitable;  with 
that,  war  would  come,  the  end  of  which  I  could  not 
foresee,  and  as  I  did  not  care  to  be  in  at  the  death,  I 
should  retire.  I  told  him  in  plain  words  that  his  policy 
would  lead  to  disruption  of  the  Government:  "It  will 
be  as  certain,"  I  said,  "as  that  you  would  break  your 
neck  if  you  should  jump  out  of  that  window" ;  we  were 
sitting  by  a  window.  He  was  inflexible.  I  wrote  home 
saying  I  would  not  be  a  candidate  for  Congress  again. 
I  retired  for  good.  Before  leaving,  I  brought  Oregon 
into  the  Union  as  a  State.  This  was  my  last  work  in 
Congress.  But  for  me,  I  am  sure  the  bill  for  her  admis 
sion  would  not  have  passed  that  term.  I  have  given  — 
in  a  brief  and  hurried  way  and  as  I  recollect  it  —  the 
personal  data  you  asked  for.  This  letter  may  sound 
egotistical  to  those  who  do  not  know  me  personally.  It 
is  not  intended  for  anybody  but  you. 

Yours  truly, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Some  elaboration  of  the  ground  gone  over  in  this 
fragmentary  statement  is  essential  to  anything  like  a 
rounded  view  of  Mr.  Stephens's  political  life  to  1859. 
Mr.  Stephens  mentions  his  minority  positions  on 
nullification  and  secession  which  his  political  opponents 
used  against  him  in  his  race  for  the  legislature  in  1836. 
They  also  charged  him  with  abolitionism  because  he 
opposed  vigilance  committees  as  proper  tribunals  for 
handling  abolition  agents  sent  South  to  incite  Negroes 
to  insurrection.  He  mentions  framing  the  Whig  platform 
in  1842.  His  legislative  services  extended  far  beyond 


30  INTRODUCTION 

this,  and  embraced  matters  of  present-day  value.  His 
maiden  speech  in  the  legislature  saved  the  measure 
for  building  the  State  Road,  a  project  much  ridi 
culed,  railroads  being  then  in  the  early  experimental 
stage.  The  bill  was  nearly  lost  when  he  arose,  in 
appearance  an  invalid  boy  with  black  eyes  gleaming 
from  an  unearthly  white  face,  and  proved  by  indis 
putable  data  and  argument  the  value  and  practic 
ability  of  the  road.  His  support  saved  the  charter 
for  the  Macon  Female  College,  the  first  in  the  world  to 
confer  on  women  the  usual  college  degrees,  and  an  enter 
prise,  like  the  railroad,  much  ridiculed.  He  championed 
the  cause  of  his  Alma  Mater,  the  State  University,  then 
in  straits,  and,  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Edu 
cation,  advanced  in  many  ways  the  cause  of  learning. 

His  first  speech  in  Congress,  against  his  own  right  to 
a  seat,  declared  his  lifelong  creed  that  "the  permanency 
of  our  institutions  can  only  be  preserved  by  confining 
the  action  of  the  State  and  Federal  Governments  each 
to  its  own  proper  sphere."  He  had  been  elected  before 
Georgia's  adoption  of  the  district  system  as  ordered  by 
Congress.  The  right  of  Congress  so  to  order  being 
questioned,  he  upheld  it  on  constitutional  grounds.  His 
political  opponents  at  the  South  recited  the  scandal  of 
how  John  Quincy  Adams  shook  hands  with  him  after 
the  speech.  Adams,  who  was  not  much  given  to  listen 
ing  to  speeches,  really  paid  the  young  Georgian  marked 
attention.  Till  his  death,  Mr.  Stephens  preserved  a 
poem  written  to  him  in  Adams's  cramped  hand;  the  last 
stanza  ran: 

As  strangers  in  this  hall  we  met; 

But  now  with  one  united  heart, 
Whate'er  of  life  awaits  us  yet, 

In  cordial  friendship  let  us  part. 


INTRODUCTION  31 

From  this  first  speech  in  Congress  to  his  last  before  x 
the  war,  his  straight  line  of  endeavour  was  to  preserve 
the  Union  under  the  Constitution.  His  opposition  to 
Texan  annexation  was  not  pleasing  to  the  South,  but  he 
was  unwilling  to  receive  Texas  unless  her  slavery  limits 
were  first  defined;  as  they  were  finally,  and  on  his  own 
plan  based  on  the  Missouri  Compromise.  His  Texas 
speech,*  the  first  to  bring  him  into  national  prominence, 
contained  the  oft-quoted  sentences  which  revived  against 
him  at  the  South  the  charges  of  abolitionism  while  at  the 
North  he  was  accused  of  labouring  for  slavery  extension: 

My  reason  for  wishing  it  [the  slavery  limit]  settled 
in  the  beginning,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  make  known.  I 
fear  the  excitement  growing  out  of  the  agitation 
hereafter  may  endanger  the  harmony  and  even  existence 
of  our  present  Union.  ...  I  am  no  defender  of 
slavery  in  the  abstract.  I  would  rejoice  to  see  all 
the  sons  of  Adam's  family  in  the  enjoyment  of  those 
rights  set  forth  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as 
natural  and  inalienable,  if  a  stern  necessity,  bearing  the 
impress  of  the  Creator,  did  not  in  some  cases  prevent. 

The  right  of  the  Union  to  "  acquire  territory "  and  the 
wisdom  of  doing  so  were  questioned.  He  declared  for 
expansion  but  against  imperialism: 

This  [annexation]  is  an  important  step  in  settling 
the  principle  of  our  future  extension.  We  are  reminded 
of  the  growth  of  the  Roman  Empire  which  fell  of  its 
own  weight;  and  of  England,  who  is  hardly  able  to 
keep  together  her  extensive  parts.  Rome  extended  her 
dominions  by  conquest,  she  compelled  provinces  to  bear 
the  yoke;  England  extends  hers  upon  the  principle  of 
colonization;  her  distant  dependencies  are  subject  to 

*  For  the  full  text  of  the  Texas  speech,  from  which  condensed  excerpts  are  here  made,  see 
Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"  280-302. 


32  INTRODUCTION 

her  laws  but  are  deprived  of  the  rights  of  representation. 
With  us,  a  new  system  has  commenced,  characteristic 
of  the  age.  It  is  the  system  of  a  Republic  formed  by  the 
union  of  separate  independent  States,  yielding  so  much 
of  their  sovereign  powers  as  are  necessary  for  national 
and  foreign  purposes,  and  retaining  all  others  for  local 
and  domestic  objects.  Who  shall  undertake  to  say  how 
far  this  system  may  not  go  ? 

He  said,  speaking  of  Mexican  territory:  * 

No  principle  is  more  dangerous  than  that  of  com 
pelling  other  people  to  adopt  our  form  of  government. 
It  is  not  only  wrong  in  itself,  but  contrary  to  the  whole 
spirit  and  genius  of  the  liberty  we  enjoy. 

Asking  if  the  Mexican  war  was  waged  for  conquest: 

If  so,  I  protest  ...  I  am  no  enemy  to  the  extension 
of  our  domain.  I  trust  the  day  is  coming  and  is  not  far 
distant  when  the  whole  continent  will  be  ours.  That 
this  is  our  ultimate  destiny  I  believe,  but  it  is  not  to  be 
accomplished  by  the  sword.  We  can  only  properly 
enlarge  by  voluntary  accessions. 

In  his  denunciation  of  Folk's  abuse  of  power,  we  see 
the  same  jealous  regard  for  the  Constitution  and  the 
public  rights  which  later  inspired  his  arraignment  of 
Davis  and  Lincoln  for  their  usurpations: 

Congress  alone  can  constitutionally  draw  the  sword. 
The  President  can  not.  The  war  was  brought  upon 
us  while  Congress  was  in  session  without  our  knowl 
edge.  The  new  and  strange  doctrine  is  put  forth  that 
Congress  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  conduct  of  the  war; 
that  the  President  is  entitled  to  its  uncontrolled  manage- 

*  For  full  text  of  the  Mexican  War  speeches  from  which  these  condensed  excerpts  are  made, 
see  Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  oi  Stephens,"  302-334. 


INTRODUCTION  33 

ment;  that  we  can  do  nothing  but  vote  men  and  money 
to  whatever  extent  his  folly  and  caprice  may  dictate. 
Neighbouring  States  may  be  subjugated,  extensive  terri 
tories  annexed,  provincial  governments  erected,  the 
rights  of  conscience  violated,  and  the  oath  of  allegiance 
administered  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  .  .  .  and  the 
Representatives  of  the  people  are  to  say  nothing  against 
these  extraordinary  outrages  upon  the  fixed  principles 
of  their  Government.  For  a  very  little  further  inter 
ference  with  discussion,  Charles  X.  of  France  lost  his 
crown,  and  for  a  very  little  greater  stretch  of  royal  pre 
rogative,  Charles  I.  of  England  lost  his  head.  By 
reflecting  on  these  examples,  our  Executive,  without 
entertaining  apprehensions  of  a  fate  similar  to  either, 
may  yet  learn  some  profitable  lessons. 

The  description  in  this  of  the  treatment  of  a  conquered 
people  in  1847  fits  the  case  of  the  South  during  recon 
struction  with  an  aptness  calling  for  remark.  Empha 
sizing  the  peril  of  receiving  Mexican  territory  without 
settling  its  slavery  limits,  Stephens  said : 

Who  can  sit  here  and  listen  to  the  debates  and  look 
unmoved  on  the  prospect  before  us?  .  .  .  They 
show  a  fixed  determination  on  the  part  of  the  North, 
which  is  now  in  the  majority  in  this  House  and  ever 
will  be  hereafter,  that,  if  territory  is  acquired,  the  insti 
tutions  of  the  South  shall  be  forever  excluded  from  its 
limits.  What  is  to  be  the  result?  Will  the  South  sub 
mit?  Will  the  North  yield?  Or,  shall  these  two  great 
sections  be  arrayed  against  each  other?  If  Mexico, 
"the  forbidden  fruit,"  is  to  be  seized  at  every  hazard, 
I  fear  that  those  who  control  public  affairs,  in  their  eager 
pursuit  after  the  unenviable  distinction  of  despoiling  a 
sister  republic,  will  have  the  still  less  enviable  glory  of 
looking  back  upon  the  shattered  and  broken  fragments 
of  their  own  confederacy. 


34  INTRODUCTION 

The  Mexican  War  resolutions,  which  were  his  master 
piece,  offered  in  Congress  when  the  war  was  at  its  height 
and  national  pride  drunk  with  conquest,  were  so  adroitly 
framed  that  the  War  party  could  vote  neither  for  nor 
against  them  with  safety,  and  refusal  to  vote  at  all  placed 
them  before  the  people  as  unable  to  say  that  the  war 
"is  not  waged  with  a  view  to  conquest  or  the  dismem 
berment"  of  Mexico  and  that  "it  is  the  desire  of  the 
United  States  that  hostilities  should  be  terminated  upon 
terms  honourable  to  both  parties."  In  making  this 
issue,  he  relied  upon  the  wisdom  and  conscience  of  the 
people;  he  was  always  ready  to  trust  to  that.  His 
course  led  to  the  defeat  of  the  War  party  at  the  polls 
and  the  election  of  a  Whig  President  and  Congress. 

In  his  mention  of  making  Zachary  Taylor  President, 
he  neglects  the  "Allison  Letter,"  the  Whig  platform,  on 
which  Taylor  was  elected.  It  was  composed  at  the 
Rush  House  by  Stephens,  Toombs,  and  Crittenden,  and 
despatched  to  Taylor  at  Baton  Rouge;  Taylor  published 
it  as  a  supplement,  prepared  on  more  mature  reflection, 
to  a  letter  to  Captain  Allison  in  which  he  had  already 
avowed  his  position.  Stephens's  choice  of  Taylor  was 
based  on  that  great  soldier's  popularity.  His  disap 
pointment  in  Taylor's  administration  caused  him  to 
declare  that  measures,  not  men  or  party,  should  thence 
forth  control  his  course;  and  he  held  to  this  when  he 
refused  to  support  Winfield  Scott  in  1852,  though  his 
friendship  for  Scott  was  as  sincere  and  his  appreci 
ation  of  Scott's  public  services  as  great  as  in  1847,  when 
he  lent  his  effective  exertions  to  Scott's  investiture  with 
the  rank  of  lieutenant-general. 

The  "Three-million  Bill,"  appropriating  the  first 
purchase-money  for  Mexican  territory,  passed  in  spite 


INTRODUCTION  35 

of  his  opposition.  California,  Utah,  and  New  Mexico 
were  acquired  without  settlement  of  their  slavery 
limits,  the  South,  eager  for  domain,  voting  with  the 
North  when  the  bill  was  stripped  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  And  now  began  the  Union's  death-struggle 
in  the  conflict  between  the  sections  over  slavery  in 
these  lands.  "It  is  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the 
Union/'  he  wrote. 

For  defeating  the  Clayton  Compromise,  an  adjust 
ment  measure  of  1848,  he  received  doubtful  thanks  from 
Southern  associates  who  clung  to  the  belief  that  this 
measure  was  favourable  to  their  section.  While  cam 
paigning  Georgia  that  fall  he  nearly  paid  for  his  course 
with  his  life.  He  was  told  that  his  friend,  Judge  Cone, 
had  denounced  him  therefor  as  a  traitor.  Stephens 
said  he  could  not  believe  this  of  Cone,  but  would  slap 
Cone  if  Cone  admitted  it.  In  an  amicable  conversation 
with  Stephens,  Cone  repudiated  the  remark  reported 
of  him;  Stephens  then  told  Cone  what  he  himself  had 
said,  stating  it  in  a  way  to  rob  the  words  of  offense; 
they  parted  with  mutual  good  feeling.  But  Cone's 
political  foes  taunted  him  with  cowardice,  until  Cone, 
in  heat  and  worry,  wrote  Stephens  a  demand  for  retrac 
tion.  Stephens's  amiable  reply  had  not  reached  Cone 
before  the  two  men  met  on  the  piazza  of  the  Atlanta 
Hotel,  and  a  personal  encounter  was  precipitated  by 
Cone's  calling  Stephens  " traitor"  and  getting  slapped 
in  return.  Cone,  large  and  muscular,  slashed  at  Stephens 
with  a  dirk-knife,  bore  him  down,  held  the  knife  over 
his  bare  throat,  shouting:  " Retract!  or  I  will  cut  your 
d— d  throat!"  "Never!  Cut!"  cried  Stephens, 
catching  the  descending  blade  in  his  naked  hand.  As 
Cone  was  wrenching  the  knife  away,  the  men  were 


36  INTRODUCTION 

separated  and  Stephens  was  borne  off  with  many  wounds 
in  his  body,  a  severed  artery,  and  his  right  hand  so  muti 
lated  that  he  was  never  again  able  to  write  plainly. 
Cone's  distress  was  deep;  Stephens  refused  to  prose 
cute  him;  and  friendship  was  renewed.  Stephens's 
next  public  appearance  was  at  the  head  of  a  Taylor 
procession  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  men,  while  the  people 
shouted,  " Thank  God  for  little  Alex!"  However  the 
politicians  might  berate  him,  the  people  loved  him  from 
first  to  last. 

He  was  Clay's  coadjutor  in  securing  the  Compromise 
of  1850,  which  saved  the  Union  then.  That  it  carried 
its  vital  principle,  non-intervention  by  Congress  with 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  each  Territory  deciding  for 
herself  in  framing  her  State  constitution,  was  chiefly  due 
to  Stephens.  In  one  of  the  most  dramatic  moments 
ever  felt  in  the  Senate,  Webster  cast  his  vote  for  non 
intervention.  Stephens' s  effort  to  hold  both  sections 
to  it  thereafter  was  no  more  inspired  by  a  desire  to  per 
petuate  slavery  than  was  Webster's  vote;  both  desired 
to  save  the  Union.  The  manifesto  of  1851,  signed  by 
Clay  and  forty  or  more  leading  men  from  both  Houses 
and  irrespective  of  party,  declaring  for  non-intervention 
as  a  final  settlement  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress, 
was  drawn  up  by  Stephens.  With  Webster,  he  incor 
porated  the  same  principle  in  the  Whig  platform  of  1852. 
The  great  New  Englander's  "  Union  Speech,"  which 
closed  Faneuil  Hall  against  him,  and  his  speech  on  the 
same  line  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  all  inspired,  as  Stephens 
felt,  by  selfless  desire  to  save  the  Union,  enshrined  him 
in  the  Georgian's  regard.  Webster  was  Stephens's  ideal 
statesman  and  perfect  patriot.  The  tragedy  of  Web 
ster's  rejection  by  the  Whigs  in  1852  he  felt  keenly, 


INTRODUCTION  37 

and  when  he  cast  his  vote  for  President,  it  was  for  Web 
ster  though  Webster  was  dead.  The  card  which  he 
mentions  as  published  by  himself  in  the  National  Intel 
ligencer,  in  1852,  is  known  in  history  as  the  card  of  the 
Whig  leaders  which  disrupted  the  Whig  party,  defeated 
Scott  and  elected  Pierce.  The  "  Georgia  Platform  of 
1850,"  his  work,  gave  Georgia  her  title  of  "  Union  State 
of  the  South,"  and  might  have  given  her  that  of  "Empire 
State,"  for  by  it  she  led  sister  States  into  line. 

As  Douglas's  coadjutor,  he  sustained  in  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  of  1854  the  settlement  of  1850,  to  which 
"in  principle  and  substance"  both  great  parties  stood 
pledged.  He  carried  that  bill  through  the  House  by  a 
parliamentary  manoeuvre  as  brilliant  and  audacious  as 
has  ever  been  executed,  and  more  than  a  match  for  that 
by  which  in  1850  he  killed  Doty's  California  resolution 
and  saved  the  Compromise.  The  declaration  in  the 
bill  that  the  Missouri  restriction  was  void,  drew  from 
the  abolitionists,  the  Sumner-Chase  manifesto,  call 
ing  the  Missouri  Compromise  a  "sacred  pledge,"  and 
"solemn  compact";  3,000  New  England  clergymen, 
"assuming  to  speak  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,"  as 
Mr.  Stephens  said,  "joined  in  the  chorus."  His  speeches 
on  Kansas  are  clear  history,  showing,  by  analysis  of  the 
votes  of  the  House,  that  the  North  in  Congress  had 
repeatedly  repudiated  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  so 
forced  a  new  compromise  or  disunion.  They  reflect  his 
own  views  that  Congressional  exclusion  of  slavery  from 
the  Territories,  purchased  with  the  blood  and  money 
of  all  the  States,  was  unconstitutional,  and  that  it  was 
the  virtual  exclusion  of  the  white  Southerner,  who,  to 
settle  in  the  common  domain,  must  sell  or  free  his  slaves, 
however  contrary  either  course  might  be  to  his  interest 


38  INTRODUCTION 

and  conscience  and  to  their  interest  and  desire,  Negroes, 
in  the  patriarchal  system  of  the  day,  being  part  of  the 
master's  family.  He  saw  in  it  no  mercy  to  the  blacks, 
as  it  was  their  exclusion,  emphasized  in  various  States 
by  statutes  forbidding  free  Negroes  to  settle  in  them  and 
by  other  discriminations  against  black  labour.  Now, 
and  in  later  Kansas  legislation,  he  urged  on  the  North 
in  Congress  as  Webster  had  urged:  Why  needlessly 
irritate  the  South  by  Congressional  exclusion  of  slavery 
from  lands  where  Nature's  laws  of  climate,  soil,  and  popu 
lation  prohibit  it?  And  on  the  South:  Why  arouse 
fresh  agitation  by  asking  Congressional  protection  of 
slavery  where  Nature  interdicts  it?  To  both:  As  a 
practical  issue,  slavery  in  the  Territories  is  a  dead  letter; 
the  individuality  of  a  State,  the  unity  of  the  Nation,  is 
a  living  one;  and  this  is  in  your  hands;  stand  by  the 
Compromise  of  1850. 

Yet  in  one  section  he  was  reproached  for  leaning  toward 
abolitionism  and  in  the  other  condemned  for  advocating 
slavery  extension.  He  was  battling  for  a  principle  that 
he  considered  the  bed-rock  of  the  Republic's  safety. 
The  disposition  of  African  slavery  —  though  he  did  not 
minimize  its  gravity  —  was  an  incident  as  compared 
with  the  preservation  of  this  principle,  which,  if  adhered 
to,  would  preserve  the  Union,  prevent  war  and  bloodshed, 
and  give  the  American  people,  whose  wisdom  and  right 
eousness  he  never  doubted,  that  security  and  peace  of 
mind  which  is  essential  to  sane  deliberation  and  right 
enactments.  He  indicates  in  his  Prison  Journal  his  belief 
that  but  for  outside  agitation  which  prevented  internal 
discussion,  the  South  would  have  abolished  or  reformed 
the  system  of  wardship  in  which  she  held  her  semi- 
savages.  Before  a  Southern  audience  in  1859  he  declared 


INTRODUCTION  39 

that  slavery,  if  not  best  for  both  races,  ought  to  be  abol 
ished.  Yet  he  did  not  believe  slavery  wrong  in  itself;  for 
the  Bible,  the  religious  and  moral  code  of  Christendom, 
upheld  it. 

A  recent  charge  has  been  made  that  as  an  "  emissary 
of  the  slave  power,"  he  corrupted  the  Supreme  Court, 
unduly  influencing  its  decision  on  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,*  his  letters  giving  advance 
opinion  on  the  decision  being  cited  as  proof.  More 
natural  explanation  of  his  forecast  is  found  in  his  long  and 
close  association  with  the  justices,  whose  opinions  he 
might  be  expected  to  know  by  inference,  as  well  as  by 
entirely  proper  conference,  had  there  been  any  great 
secrecy  about  them,  which  there  was  not.  He  was  not 
in  accord  with  Chief  Justice  Taney's  pronouncement 
on  the  Missouri  Compromise,  as  his  declared  belief  in 
its  constitutionality  before  Congress,  January  17,  1856, 
and  his  reference  in  his  Prison  Journal  show.  He  did, 
as  he  stated  in  a  letter  "urge  all  the  influences  I  could 
bring  to  bear"  to  hasten  the  action  of  the  court,  hoping 
its  effect  would  be  for  the  peace  and  preservation  of 
the  Union  in  quieting  Southern  fears  of  Squatter  Sover 
eignty  and  Northern  threats  to  abrogate  the  Compromise 
of  1850  by  a  revival  of  that  of  1820. 

When  the  Constitutional  Union  movement  of  1850 
in  the  South  was  wrecked  in  two  years  on  the  rock  of 
old  and  petty  party  antagonisms,  Mr.  Stephens's  anxi 
ety  as  to  the  South' s  ability  to  establish  separate  existence 
under  the  leaders  then  guiding  her  was  increased.  His 
doubts  had  begun  in  Congress,  where  he  had  seen  many 


*  See  Dred  Scott  Case  in  Hill's  "  Decisive  Battles  of  the  Law";  —  Curtis's  "  Life  and  Writings 
of  B.  R.  Curtis";  —  Tyler's  "  Memoir  of  Taney";  —  Cleveland's  "  Letters  and  Speeches  of  Steph 
ens,"  416-31,  489-515. 


40  INTRODUCTION 

vital  points  lost  by  lack  of  cohesion,  shortness  of  vision 
and  personal  and  party  ambition  in  the  Southern  element ; 
not  that  the  Northern  was  free  from  these  faults:  but 
the  Southern  situation  was  more  perilous  and  Southern 
need  of  statesmanship  greater.  An  occasion  when  this 
lack  of  cohesion  had  profoundly  impressed  him  was  in 
the  deadlock  over  the  Speak ership  in  1849;  then,  had 
Southern  Whigs  and  Democrats  made  common  cause, 
they  could,  in  his  belief,  have  brought  Northern  asso 
ciates  to  satisfactory  terms;  but,  in  his  words,  "the 
Democrats  let  go,  elected  their  Speaker,  and  made  all 
the  capital  they  could  out  of  the  divisions  in  the  Whig 
party."  Again,  on  the  "  Three-million  Bill,"  had  the 
Southerners  refused  to  vote  the  purchase-money,  they 
could  have  prevented  the  acquisition  of  the  Mexican 
territory  unless  Congressional  protection  of  slavery,  their 
constitutional  right  in  the  common  domain,  were  pledged 
for  it  on  the  basis  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  or  some 
other  line  of  division.  This  was  the  one  occasion  when 
he  was  willing  to  make  a  stand  to  the  point  of  disunion, 
believing  that  without  definite  settlement  then,  disunion 
would  result,  as  it  did,  from  continued  agitation  in  Con 
gress;  believing,  too,  that  the  settlement  could  be  got 
and  the  Union  preserved.  After  voting  the  money  with 
out  bargaining  for  protection,  he  thought  the  South  had 
lost  her  opportunity  of  power,  and  would  be  wise  to 
hold  on  to  non-intervention  with  all  possible  tenacity. 
As  the  presidential  year,  1860,  approached,  he  saw 
more  and  more  clearly  that  non-intervention  was  the 
one  possible  meeting-ground  for  the  sections  —  all  the 
North  would  grant,  the  least  the  South  would  accept; 
less  though  it  was  than  the  South's  desire  or  her  consti 
tutional  right,  it  had  been  attained  by  a  struggle  the 


INTRODUCTION  41 

intensity  of  which  only  those  who  made  it  could  know; 
and  these  knew  that  more  could  not  be  won.  He  saw 
in  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  with  his  Western  and  Northern 
following,  the  one  candidate  favourable  to  the  South 
who  could  lead  the  Democrats  to  victory;  and  that  if 
Douglas  were  read  out  of  the  party,  so  would  the  North 
and  West  be.  He  tried  to  make  Buchanan  and  Cobb, 
Buchanan's  Cabinet  officer  and  trusted  adviser,  see  this 
as  he  saw  it.  But  Buchanan  could  not  forgive  Douglas's 
defection  on  Kansas  and  his  Squatter  Sovereignty  here 
sy;  Buchanan  wanted  Cobb  to  succeed  himself;  and 
further,  he  was  openly  and  honestly  committed  to  pro 
tection.  So,  Mr.  Stephens,  foreseeing  the  end,  left 
Washington.  From  the  steamer,  he  looked  back  upon 
the  receding  Capitol.  "I  suppose  you  are  thinking  of 
your  return  next  year  as  senator,"  said  some  one  jocosely. 
He  answered  with  emotion:  "I  never  expect  to  see 
Washington  again  unless  I  am  brought  here  a  prisoner." 
As  a  prisoner  on  parole  from  Fort  Warren,  he  next  saw  it. 
In  holding  this  sketch  closely  to  the  guiding  principle 
of  his  political  course,  much  that  is  valuable  and  pic 
turesque  has  been  omitted  or  but  lightly  touched  upon. 
As  for  instance,  his  championship  of  new  States.  He 
said  in  his  speech  on  the  Missouri  Compromise  (Decem 
ber  14,  1854),  when  refuting  the  imputation  that  he  was 
chiefly  concerned  to  increase  the  number  of  slave  States: 
"I  have  voted  for  the  admission  of  every  Northern  State 
since  I  have  occupied  a  seat  upon  this  floor."  His 
speeches  for  Minnesota  and  Oregon  defended  the  alien 
suffrage  clauses  in  their  constitutions  on  a  plea  that,  no 
matter  what  point  was  involved,  called  forth  his  utmost 
powers  —  the  plea  of  a  State's  right  under  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States. 


42  INTRODUCTION 

He  was  an  indefatigable  worker;  he  performed  official, 
professional,  and  social  duties  rigorously;  read  the  papers; 
conducted  a  heavy  correspondence;  was  the  most 
approachable  of  men;  people  from  .everywhere  wrote 
or  talked  to  him  about  the  " state  of  the  country" 
always  with  him  a  live  topic,  and  about  their  troubles 
and  everything  else.  He  tried  to  answer  every  letter, 
to  see  every  caller.  Petitioners,  whose  own  representa 
tives  would  not  heed  them,  appealed  to  him  in  their  dif 
ficulties;  and  the  patient,  painstaking  work  performed 
by  him  in  the  Departments  and  elsewhere  for  people 
from  all  sections  is  almost  beyond  belief.  The  number 
of  letters,  sympathetic,  information-giving,  that  he  wrote 
with  that  maimed  hand  of  his  is  almost  incredible.  For 
many  of  his  services,  charge  was  legitimate,  but  he  made 
none. 

It  was  his  rule  not  to  make  a  dollar  beyond  his  salary 
when  in  Washington;  and  to  accept  no  work  at  home 
that  might  conflict  with  his  duties  as  a  tribune  of  the 
people.  When  he  entered  Congress  he  was  worth  about 
$14,000;  when  he  left,  after  sixteen  years,  about  $16,000, 
the  increase  due  to  accumulation  of  interest.  In  1859-61, 
he  made  $22,000  at  his  profession  of  law.  At  all  times, 
his  expenses  were  heavy.  Simple  in  his  own  tastes  and 
economical  in  expenditures  on  himself,  he  spent  bounti 
fully  on  others.  He  seemed  unable  to  refuse  his  time 
or  money  to  any  in  need.  An  ingrate  would  be  helped 
anew.  "He  had  power  to 'forgive  as  long  as  any  had 
power  to  wrong  him,"  wrote  " Dick  Johnston."  "  Brother 
is  like  a  ship  otherwise  stanch  but  eaten  up  by  barnacles 
that  he  can  not  dislodge,"  said  Linton.  "He  is  kind  to 
folks  that  nobody  else  will  be  kind  to.  Mars  Alex  is 
kinder  to  dogs  than  mos'  folks  is  to  folks,"  said  his  Negro 


INTRODUCTION  43 

body-servant  His  hospitality  at  his  rooms  in  Washing 
ton  and  at  Liberty  Hall  was  unbounded.  Meal  hours 
at  the  Hall  were  timed  to  suit  the  train  hours.  Dis 
tinguished  visitors  from  everywhere  sought  the  sage's 
dwelling;  so  did  hungry  tramps,  black  and  white.  Liberty 
Hall  and  its  master  belonged  to  the  people.  On  the  lot 
was  a  Baptist  church;  after  the  war,  a  Methodist  church 
-  Bird's  Chapel,  named  in  honour  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Bird  —  was  added;  when  his  Catholic  sister-in-law, 
the  second  Mrs.  Linton  Stephens,  visited  him,  a  room 
in  his  house  was  converted  into  a  Catholic  chapel.  So 
broad  were  his  religious  views  that  he  was  several  times 
reported  to  be  an  atheist!  The  depth  and  intensity  of 
his  religious  character,  as  revealed  in  his  Journal,  will 
be  a  surprise  to  many  who  knewr  him  well,  for  so  opposed 
was  he  to  anything  savouring  of  cant,  that  he  erred, 
perhaps,  on  the  side  of  too  great  reserve.  Even  in  his 
letters  to  Linton,  when  Linton  was  a  boy  at  school, 
his  words  of  advice  on  spiritual  matters  are  given  with 
great  hesitation  —  the  hesitation  of  much  reverence 
rather  than  of  little  faith. 

He  early  began  to  help  needy  youths  to  an  education. 
In  Crawfordville,  when  a  green  country  lad  would  step 
off  the  train,  look  timidly  around,  and  ask:  "Whar's 
the  man  that  educates  poor  boys?"  every  finger  would 
point  to  Liberty  Hall.  He  was  always  ready  to  encour 
age  struggling  genius.  He  gave  John  A.  Ward,  the 
sculptor,  his  first  paying  commission,  with  $400  for  its 
execution;  he  paid  $600  to  Count  Sandors,  the  refugee 
artist,  and  through  his  influence  with  the  Russian  Min 
ister,  secured  the  exile's  return  to  Poland. 

During  his  first  session  in  Congress,  he  supported 
the  measure  for  testing  the  telegraph;  and  at  a  later 


44  INTRODUCTION 

session  performed  like  services  for  the  Atlantic  cable. 
These  enterprises,  like  the  railroad  and  the  higher 
education  of  women  which  he  had  advocated  in  the 
Georgia  Legislature,  were  almost  laughed  out  of  court  as 
being  impractical  and  visionary.  Our  present  mode 
of  reckoning  the  Congressional  year  originated  in  a  sug 
gestion  made  by  him  in  1851  that  it  should  begin  with 
noon,  March  4,  instead  of  midnight,  March  3,  which  was 
then  the  rule.  His  connection  with  one  of  our  most  useful 
branches  of  Government  service  is  not  a  familiar  fact,  yet 
its  nature  was  such  that  he  may  be  justly  called  the  Father 
of  the  Weather  Bureau.  This  letter  by  him  to  F.  G.  Arn 
old,  of  the  Treasury,  written  July  2,  1879,  relates  some  in 
teresting  circumstances  in  the  early  history  of  the  Bureau : 

Your  letter  of  Saturday  was  received  this  morning. 
I  had  not  forgotten  my  promise  to  give  you  some  points 
in  my  memory  connected  with  the  origin  of  our  system 
of  Weather  Reports,  from  which  sprang  the  present 
Signal  Service  Bureau.  In  the  winter  of  1853-4, 1  became 
acquainted  with  Mr.  Espy,  then  styled  the  "  Storm  King." 
We  boarded  at  the  same  house,  kept  by  Mrs.  Duncan. 
He  was  .employed  in  the  Meteorological  Department 
of  the  Navy.  As  I  took  great  interest  in  matters  meteoro 
logical,  we  were  soon  well  acquainted.  His  "  Philosophy 
of  Storms"  was  put  into  my  hand  by  him,  and  I  was 
informed  that  he  had  some  years  before  submitted  a 
paper  embodying  the  same  principles  to  an  American 
association  of  scientists  at  New  Haven,  but  it  met  with 
no  favour.  He  submitted  a  similar  paper  to  the  Royal 
Society  of  London  with  like  results,  and  then  to  the 
French  Academy  of  Sciences  at  Paris,  where  it  was 
referred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  MM.  Arago,  Pouillet, 
and  Babinet.  Their  report  concluded : 

Mr.  Espy's  communication  contains  a  great  number  of  well- 
observed  and  well-described  facts.  His  theory  in  the  present  state 
of  science  alone  accounts  for  the  phenomena,  and  when  completed, 


INTRODUCTION  45 

as  he  intends,  by  a  study  of  the  action  of  electricity  when  it  in 
tervenes,  will  leave  nothing  to  be  desired.  In  a  word,  for  physical 
geography,  agriculture,  navigation  and  meteorology,  it  gives  us  new 
explanations,  indications  useful  for  ulterior  researches;  and  redresses 
many  accredited  errors.  The  Committee  expresses  then  the  wish 
that  Mr.  Espy  should  be  placed  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  in  a  position  to  continue  his  important  investigations,  and  to 
complete  his  theory  already  so  remarkable. 

After  this  recommendation,  he  was  placed  in  the 
office  he  held  when  I  became  acquainted  with  him.  So 
satisfied  was  I  with  the  correctness  of  his  theory  and 
the  principles  therein  announced  touching  the  formation 
of  rainclouds,  as  well  as  great  storms  and  tornadoes,  that 
I  urged  immediate  utilization.  At  that  time  the  facts 
on  which  his  theory  rested,  and,  according  to  suggestion, 
on  which  their  truth  was  to  be  established,  were  being 
collected  by  agents  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  who 
sent  monthly  the  result  of  their  daily  observations  to  him, 
which  he  embodied  in  an  annual  report  to  Congress. 
I  urged  the  importance  of  daily  telegraph  announcements 
from  all  parts  of  the  country.  His  reply  was,  want  of 
money:  his  appropriation  was  only  $2,000  per  annum. 
I  suggested  that  we  go  to  the  National  Intelligencer  and 
the  Union  and  get  them  to  publish  short  weather  reports 
from  distant  points  of  the  country  as  an  item  of  news 
without  charge.  Messrs.  Gales  and  Seaton,  and  Mr. 
Ritchie  readily  assented.  A  request  to  the  telegraph 
companies  to  send  such  short  messages  without  charge 
was  granted.  In  this  way,  I  think,  the  first  telegraph 
weather  reports  were  ever  made  or  announced  in  this 
or  any  other  country.  The  first  appeared,  as  well  as 
I  can  recollect,  in  the  early  summer  of  1854.  They  were 
very  meagre,  simply  announcing  from  New  Orleans, 
Chicago,  Boston,  and  other  points,  the  course  of  the 
wind,  state  of  the  thermometer,  and  whether  clear,  rainy, 
snowing,  cloudy,  etc.  Mr.  Espy  continued  in  his  position 
as  long  as  I  remained  in  Congress.  The  appropriation 
for  his  salary  was  often  assailed,  but  a  few  of  us  were 
able  to  save  it. 


46  INTRODUCTION 

He  was  a  Pennsylvania!!,  and  by  profession  a  school 
master.  He  was  an  original  thinker,  but  not  a  lucid 
speaker.  Professor  Henry  [Secretary  of  the  Smith 
sonian  Institution]  was  one  of  the  very  few  scientists 
of  this  country  who  entertained  favourable  views  of  his 
theory.  The  fashion  was  to  snub  him  utterly  with  his 
entire  system  of  philosophy.  When  we  see  the  advantages 
arising  from  its  developments  and  applications  to  com 
merce,  navigation,  and  agriculture,  in  the  saving  of 
thousands  of  lives  and  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  prop 
erty,  is  it  assuming  too  much  to  say  that  the  humble 
schoolmaster,  comparatively  unknown  in  his  generation, 
will,  at  no  distant  day,  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest 
benefactors  of  mankind  ? 

The  force  which  Mr.  Stephens  made  of  his  life  is  remark 
able  when  we  consider  the  difficulties  he  overcame.  It 
is  doubtful  if  any  other  man  has  achieved  as  striking 
eminence  against  as  heavy  odds.  In  addition  to  early 
orphanage  and  poverty,  he  was  handicapped  by  a  con 
stitution  so  frail  that  his  continued  existence  was  a  miracle. 
He  never  knew  a  well  hour  in  his  life.  "He  never  looked 
as  if  he  had  two  weeks'  purchase  on  life,"  said  Toombs. 
R.  M.  Johnston,  a  child  at  the  time,  saw  him  first  when 
he  was  twenty-one:  "His  form  was  the  most  slight 
and  slender  I  had  ever  seen;  his  chestnut  hair  was 
brushed  away  from  a  thin  white  brow  and  bloodless 
cheeks.  The  child  looking  at  him  felt  sorry  for  another 
child."  "Sonny,  get  up  and  give  the  gentleman  a  seat," 
his  landlady  at  Charleston  admonished  him  in  1839, 
when  he  was  a  delegate  to  the  Southern  Commercial 
Convention,  where  he  crossed  Swords  with  Hayne,  Ham 
ilton,  and  Preston;  with  his  "fondness  for  the  humorous," 
he  rose  smilingly  while  his  companions  laughed.  His 
weight  was  rarely  over  a  hundred  pounds  and  usually  less. 


INTRODUCTION  47 

In  his  earlier  campaigns,  he  was  often  mistaken  for  a 
boy.  But  woe  to  the  opponent  who  rated  him  by  his  size! 
Colquitt,  judge  and  senator,  and  leading  speaker  and 
debater  of  the  State,  hearing  how  others  had  gone  down 
before  young  Stephens,  remarked  casually  that  his 
"  hands  itched  to  get  hold  of  him."  When  Stephens, 
with  courtesy,  humour,  and  facts  (a  store  of  which  he 
always  kept  handy)  demolished  this  Goliath,  some  wag 
in  the  crowd  cried:  "Your  hands  itch  to  let  him  go, 
Judge,  don't  they?"  When  he  swept  through  Georgia 
like  a  cyclone,  in  1855,  in  his  campaign  against  the  Know- 
nothing  or  American  party  with  its  "  un-American  secret- 
order  organization"  and  " unconstitutional  proscription 
of  Catholics  and  foreigners,"  his  hearers  would  exclaim, 
"He  is  nothing  but  lungs  and  brain!"  Slight  as  he  was 
in  body,  so  forceful  and  effective  were  his  denunciations 
that  the  party,  or  secret  order,  assailed,  threatened  to 
silence  him  by  violence  if  he  did  not  moderate  his  tone. 

The  Pennsylvania**,  in  1854,  when  commenting  on 
his  Kansas-Nebraska  speech  and  on  him  as  "considered 
by  many  the  ablest  member  of  the  House,"  who  could 
"hold  the  congregated  talent  of  the  country  spellbound 
for  hours,"  describes  his  fragile  appearance,  and  adds: 
"But  the  whole  man  is  charged  with  the  electricity  of 
intellect  —  a  touch  would  bring  forth  the  divine  spark." 
The  Washington  letter  in  the  Charleston  Courier,  January 
7,  1857,  gives  this  dramatic  picture  of  an  hour  in  the 
House,  with  Stephens  the  figure  dominant: 

It  had  been  rumoured  throughout  the  city  —  told  in 
drawing  rooms,  private  parlours,  and  public  saloons  — 
that  "Stephens  of  Georgia"  was  to  speak  on  Tuesday. 
At  an  early  hour  the  galleries  filled  to  overflowing  with 
the  families  of  our  distinguished  statesmen,  members 


48  INTRODUCTION 

of  foreign  legations,  dashing  belles,  with  a  sprinkling 
here  and  there  of  our  best  residents.  As  we  passed 
through  the  lobbies,  we  were  struck  with  the  deep  and 
reverential  quiet  that  pervaded  the  House.  Where  was 
the  power  that  subdued  the  confusion  of  this  always 
riotous  assembly?  Listening  faces  were  turned  toward 
a  shrunken  and  emaciated  figure,  the  shoulders  contracted 
and  drawn  in,  the  face  the  colour  of  ashes.  There  was 
something  grand  in  the  spectacle  of  this  shadowy  figure 
binding  up  the  very  breath  of  the  House!  The  speaker 
seemed  the  mere  organ  of  some  hidden  power.  He  had 
little  variety  of  gesture,  and  what  he  used  seemed  per 
fectly  unstudied.  He  was  so  absorbed  in  his  subject 
as  to  be  unconscious  that  he  had  feet  or  hands  to  manage. 
His  unearthly  face  seemed  to  brighten  into  fuller  and 
ghostlier  meaning;  his  eye  shone  like  a  sunken  pit  of 
fire  suddenly  disclosed;  his  attenuated  form  seemed  to 
dilate  to  his  dilating  soul;  his  voice  seemed  exalted  to 
a  trumpet  tone. 

A  picture  by  another  writer: 

A  deathlike  silence  reigns  over  the  Hall,  broken  only 
by  the  reverberating  tones  of  the  speaker's  voice.  Sena 
tors  have  deserted  the  other  wing  of  the  Capitol  and  are 
sitting  as  under  a  spell  they  cannot  break.  Mr.  Speaker 
has  thrown  down  his  hammer. 

But  Stephens  did  not  strive  after  oratory;  in  his  belief, 
eloquence  was  a  dangerous  power,  to  be  kept  well  in 
hand;  it  was  the  incident  of  his  speeches;  his  first  aim 
was  to  convince  by  fact  and  argument  and  not  by  a  play 
upon  the  emotions.  He  never  once  made  an  appeal  to 
sectional  passions.  It  was  the  fashion  to  speak  of  him 
as  " intellect  incarnate"  and  a  "bodiless  brain."  He 
could  command  always,  it  is  said,  the  rapt  attention  of 
the  House.  He  was  an  adviser  of  great  leaders,  a  coun- 


INTRODUCTION  49 

seller  of  presidents.  Yet  this  is  the  man  whom  the  Con 
federate  Senate  so  humiliated  on  one  occasion  by  a 
refusal  to  hear  him  speak,  that  he  asked  to  resign  his 
position  as  its  presiding  officer  and  the  Vice-President 
of  the  Confederacy.  He  was  a  consummate  parliamenta 
rian;  any  one  of  the  great  games  of  state  he  played  on 
the  floor  of  the  House  would  make  a  thrilling  chapter. 
He  was  a  bold  and  finished  diplomat,  an  able  and  phil 
osophical  statesman.  It  is  common  for  those  who  knew 
him  to  say,  "He  was  a  seer."  His  faculty  of  foresight 
seemed  intuitive,  mystical.  This  prophetic  quality  was 
in  part  the  effect  of  illness  upon  his  peculiar  temperament, 
the  result  of  protracted  periods  of  physical  quiescence 
and  abnormal  thought  activity  when,  with  attention 
focussed  upon  the  problems  of  public  life,  he  read  the 
future  by  the  past  and  by  his  knowledge  of  the  minds 
of  men.  He  was  ambitious,  but  ambition  was  so  slight 
a  force  in  his  character  when  compared  with  the  grand 
passion  of  his  life  —  love  of  country  —  that  its  voice  was 
not  even  heard  when  patriotism  spoke. 

Socially,  he  was  a  man  of  much  charm  and  magnetism. 
We  wish  he  had  left  those  "Congressional  Reminiscences" 
with  full  record  of  the  "Attic  nights"  at  Mrs.  Carter's, 
where  he  foregathered  with  a  "mess"  of  which  Justices 
Taney,  Story,  McLean,  and  McKinley,  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  Jacob  Collamer,  of  the  House,  were  members ; 
and  of  evenings  at  the  Rush  House  where  he  lived  with 
Toombs  and  Crittenden;  and  of  those  Sunday  dinners 
at  Sullivan's  —  Stephens  objected  that  they  were  on 
Sunday,  "but  his  company  is  generally  select" — with 
Clay,  Webster,  Cobb,  Hale,  Stephens,  Toombs,  and 
Crittenden  around  the  board.  Among  his  papers  are 
gilt-edged  notes  in  Webster's  hand  relating  to  hospi- 


50  INTRODUCTION 

talities  between  him  and  "Mr.  Stephens  and  Mr. 
Toombs,"  with  such  other  good  companies  present  that 
we  would  like  to  play  eavesdropper  to  their  table-talk. 

Stephens  was  popular  in  Government  circles,  where 
his  labours  to  produce  harmony  between  sectional 
factions  were  appreciated  with  some  warmth  even  by 
those  who  knew  they  were  vain  and  who  helped  to  make 
them  so.  On  his  retirement  from  Congress,  he  was 
tendered  the  extraordinary  compliment  of  a  public 
dinner,  both  House  and  Senate  to  attend,  irrespective 
of  party,  and  headed  by  their  presiding  officers,  the  Vice- 
President  and  the  Speaker.  He  was  unable  to  accept 
it,  but  he  was  none  the  less  pleased  at  the  evidence  of 
kind  feeling. 

The  Speakership  was  more  than  once  within  his  grasp. 
Toombs  wrote,  November  18,  1857: 

I  see  a  good  deal  about  your  running  for  Speaker. 
If  you  would  accept  the  offer,  I  would  like  to  know. 
I  should  very  much  like  to  see  you  in  the  Chair,  especially 
as  against  Orr,  who  has  conceived  that  what  is  called 
the  ultraism  of  Carolina  is  obnoxious  to  the  Nation. 

Stephens  wrote  Linton,  December  i,  1857: 

Orr  will  be  Speaker.  I  have  forbidden  the  use  of  my 
name.  I  am  for  organizing  the  House  with  as  much 
harmony  as  possible. 

His  reason  in  part  for  steadfast  refusal  when  urged 
to  stand  for  the  Presidency  was  fear  lest  his  physical 
strength  was  unequal  to  the  canvass  required  and  the 
duties  which  the  position  involved.  He  had  some  novel 
views  of  the  office  and  its  seeking.  In  1858,  disgusted 
over  the  mischievous  scramble  for  the  candidacy  in  an 


INTRODUCTION  51 

hour  of  imminent  national  peril,  he  exclaimed:  "I  had 
as  lief  be  put  on  a  list  of  suspected  horse-thieves  as  in 
the  number  of  those  aspiring  to  the  Presidency!"  he 
had  told  a  friend  so  to  declare  him.  He  was  just  back 
from  a  call  on  Buchanan : 

Perhaps  Old  Buck  thought  I  was  an  insidious  rival, 
slyly  worming  myself  into  his  shoes.  If  so,  alas,  poor 
old  fellow!  how  his  views  would  change  did  he  but  know 
how  I  pitied  him,  as  I  looked  upon  him,  with  all  his  power ! 

He  said  in  1860: 

What  amazes  me  in  Douglas  is  his  desire  to  be  Presi 
dent.  I  have  sometimes  asked  him  what  he  desired 
the  office  for.  It  has  never  added  to  the  reputation  of 
a  single  man.  You  may  look  over  the  list:  which  made 
any  reputation  after  becoming  President?  Four  or 
eight  years  is  too  short  a  time  to  pursue  a  policy  which 
will  give  this.  If  I  had  loved  office,  I  would  have  con 
tinued  in  the  House;  I  should  be  able  to  make  a  repu 
tation  faster  in  that  place  than  in  the  other. 

He  refused  to  be  put  in  nomination  at  Charleston  in 
1860  for  President  of  the  United  States.  At  Montgomery, 
he  declined  to  be  considered  for  President  of  the  Con 
federacy,  and  advised  that  it  was  not  fitting  for  its  first 
office  to  be  conferred  on  him  in  preference  to  a  leader 
of  the  secession  movement  which  had  created  the  new 
Government.  The  second  position  he  accepted  in  the 
interests  of  harmony  between  the  new  Government  and 
the  anti-secession  sentiment  which  he  had  led;  and  for 
other  reasons,  fully  set  forth  in  his  Prison  Journal. 

He  was  about  to  become  President,  it  seemed,  in  the 
order  of  succession,  when,  on  several  occasions,  Mr. 
Davis  was  so  ill  that  death  was  expected.  In  his  sane 


52  INTRODUCTION 

view  of  the  situation  as  expressed  in  a  private  letter, 
ambition  played  no  part: 

I  should  regard  the  President's  death  as  the  greatest 
possible  calamity.  .  .  .  The  general  and  profound  shock 
would  of  itself  gender  and  increase  that  spirit  of  dissen 
sion  and  faction,  which  at  all  times  exists  in  a  country 
situated  as  ours  is.  With  us,  it  would  almost  certainly 
manifest  itself  in  a  formidable  way  from  the  fact  that 
a  large  number  of  prominent  and  active  men,  who  would 
probably  soon  form  a  party  for  concert  of  action,  really 
and  honestly  distrust  my  ability  to  conduct  affairs  suc 
cessfully.  To  what  extent  their  demonstrations  might 
go,  I  cannot  conjecture;  but  far  enough  to  cripple  my 
efforts  on  any  line  of  policy  I  might  adopt,  even  assuming 
it  might  be  for  the  best.  The  unhinging,  upturning, 
and  unsettling  of  things  so  little  settled  at  present,  the 
greater  confounding  of  things  even  now  confused,  would 
render  it  one  of  the  greatest  calamities  that  could  befall 
us,  to  say  nothing  of  the  correctness  of  the  views  of  those 
who  entertain  such  serious  distrust  of  my  ability  to  direct 
affairs.  On  that  point,  I  assure  you,  I  have  the  strongest 
distrust  of  myself. 

While  many  would  have  welcomed  his  rule  as  leading 
to  peace,  a  number  believed  his  views  inimical  to  Con 
federate  success,  and  anonymous  warnings  were  sent 
him  that,  if  Davis  died,  he  must  resign  or  be  assassi 
nated.  Such  warnings  or  threats  reached  him  on  other 
occasions,  accompanied  with  the  charge  of  treachery 
to  the  Confederacy. 

From  this  discussion  of  Mr.  Stephens's  views  on  office, 
we  revert  to  the  thread  of  our  story  with  an  extract  from 
his  last  speech  in  Congress  before  the  war  and  from  his 
"Farewell  Speech"  in  Augusta: 

The  immense  territory  to  the  West  has  to  be  peopled. 
It  is  now  peopling;  new  States  are  fast  springing  up. 


INTRODUCTION  53 

This  is  the  sixteenth  session  I  have  been  here,  and  within 
that  brief  space,  we  have  added  six  States  to  the  Union  — 
lacking  but  one  of  being  more  than  half  of  the  original 
thirteen.  Upward  of  twelve  hundred  thousand  square 
miles  of  territory  —  a  much  larger  area  than  was  possessed 
by  the  whole  United  States  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  in  1783  —  have  been  added.  This  progress  is  not 
to  be  arrested.  There  are  persons  now  living  who  will 
see  over  a  hundred  million  human  beings  within  the 
present  boundaries,  to  say  nothing  of  future  extensions, 
and  perhaps  double  the  number  of  States.  For  myself, 
I  say  to  you,  my  Southern  colleagues  on  this  floor,  that 
I  do  not  apprehend  any  danger  to  our  constitutional 
rights  from  the  bare  fact  of  increasing  the  number  of 
States  with  institutions  dissimilar  to  ours.  The  whole 
governmental  fabric  of  the  United  States  is  based  upon 
the  idea  of  dissimilarity  m  the  institutions  of  its  respec 
tive  members.  Principles,  not  numbers,  are  our  pro 
tection.  By  our  system,  each  State,  however  great  the 
number,  has  the  absolute  right  to  regulate  all  her  internal 
affairs  as  she  pleases,  subject  only  to  her  obligations 
under  the  Constitution.  Such  is  the  theory  of  our  machin 
ery  of  self-government  by  the  people.  This  is  the  great 
novelty  of  our  peculiar  system.  It  is  for  us  and  those 
who  come  after  us  to  determine  whether  this  grand 
experimental  problem  shall  be  worked  out,  not  by  quar 
relling  amongst  ourselves,  not  by  doing  injustice  to  any, 
not  by  keeping  out  any  particular  class  of  States;  but 
by  each  State  remaining  a  separate  and  distinct  organ 
ization  within  itself  —  all  bound  together  for  general 
objects  under  a  common  Federal  head;  as  it  were,  a 
wheel  within  a  wheel.* 

At  Augusta,  July  2,  1859: 

I  deem  it  my  duty  to  repeat  what  I  said  in  1850 :     What 
ever  abstract  rights  of  expansion  we  may  have  secured 

*  The  lull  text  of  the  speech,  from  which  this  condensed  excerpt  is  taken,  may  be  found  in 
Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"  pp.  621-37. 


54  INTRODUCTION 

in  the  settlement  of  that  policy  [non-intervention],  you 
may  not  expect  to  see  many  of  the  Territories  come  into 
the  Union  as  slave  States  unless  we  have  an  increase  of 
African  stock.  The  law  of  population  will  prevent. 
It  is  in  full  view  of  this,  that  I  have  stated  that,  if  the 
present  basis  of  settlement  between  the  sections  of  the 
Union  be  adhered  to,  you  have  nothing  to  fear  for  your 
safety  or  security.  For  on  these  principles,  one  slave  State 
by  herself  would  be  perfectly  secure  against  encroachment 
on  her  domestic  policy  though  all  the  rest  were  free.* 

We  catch,  in  these  addresses,  his  idea  of  non-inter 
vention  as  a  policy  whereby  to  make  safe  and  peaceful 
end  of  the  struggle  between  the  sections,  begun  with  the 
Union,  to  preserve  their  respective  balances  of  power 
in  Congress  by  equality  in  numbers,  a  struggle  lost  to 
the  South  with  the  admission  of  California.  His  pur 
pose  to  quiet  the  South,  to  reassure  her  on  the  dangers 
of  expansion,  and  at  the  same  time  to  warn  her  as  to  her 
one  path  of  safety,  is  plain;  as  is  his  intent  to  put  the 
North  on  her  Constitutional  honour,  now  that  numbers 
gave  her  power  to  oppress  and  harass  her  sister  section 
who,  as  Thomas  Jefferson  described  it,  "had  the  wolf 
[slavery]  by  the  ears  and  could  neither  safely  hold  him 
nor  safely  let  him  go."  His  Northern  critics  quoted 
his  Augusta  speech  as  proof  that  he  advocated  revival 
of  the  slave-trade  with  Africa;  while  his  Southern  critics 
began  to  ask  anew  if  he  was  not  unsound  on  abolition 
because  he  said  this:  "If  slavery,  as  it  exists  with  us, 
is  not  best,  or  cannot  be  made  the  best,  for  both  races  — 
the  African  as  well  as  his  master  —  it  ought  to  be  abol 
ished." 

His  purpose  when  he  left  Washington  in   1859  was 

*  The  full  text  of  Mr.  Stephens's  "Farewell  Speech,"  from  which  this  condensed  excerpt  is 
made,  may  be  found  in  Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  ot  Stephens,"  pp.  637-51. 


INTRODUCTION  55 

permanent  retirement  to  private  life.  But  the  country's 
troubles  drew  him  again  into  politics,  and  in  1860  we 
find  him  an  Elector  on  the  Douglas- Johnson  ticket, 
campaigning  Georgia  for  the  "  principles  of  1850"  and 
the  Union.  A  letter  of  1860,  no  day  date,  seems  to 
have  been  hastily  scrawled  on  the  eve  of  his  Union  speech 
of  Sept.  i,  1860,  in  Augusta,  the  John  Forsyth  mentioned 
being  the  publicist  of  that  name : 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  about  to  start  to  Augusta,  all 
packed  and  ready  to  go.  I  feel  sad,  sad.  I  enclose  a 
clip  from  John  Forsyth's  pen.  When  he,  after  his  denun 
ciations  of  disunionists  in  the  summer,  takes  Jlis  position, 
what  may  be  expected  of  others?  This  was  sent  me  by 
Herring,  of  Atlanta,  who  has  turned  secessionist.  We 
must  do  the  best  we  can  for  the  body  politic  —  that  is 
all.  What  is  to  be  the  result  of  the  present  malady  or 
epidemic  among  our  people,  I  don't  know.  But  I  am 
resolved  to  do  the  best  I  can  for  them.  That  is  all  I 
can  do.  The  balance  is  with  them  and  with  God. 
Good-bye.  Affectionately, 

ALEX. 

The  severity  of  the  malady  is  reflected  in  this,  written  by 
J.  A.  Hambleton,  Atlanta,  Ga.,  Oct.  25,  to  Mr.  Stephens: 

Mr.  Toombs  has  just  delivered  a  speech  of  the  most 
abusive  and  inflammatory  character  of  Judge  Douglas. 
He  spoke  like  a  madman  and  acted  like  a  fanatic.  He 
told  his  hearers  that  Douglas  is  an  incendiary  and  should 
not  be  permitted  to  speak  here.  The  effect,  I  fear,  will 
be  that  Douglas  will  be  grossly  insulted,  a  result  that 
would  be  more  than  mortifying  to  me  and  to  many,  and 
hazardous  to  the  aggressors.  I  sincerely  hope  you  will 
be  present,  as,  if  there  is  a  plan  to  insult  Douglas,  your 
presence  will  prevent  its  being  carried  out.  I  want 
you  to  introduce  Douglas. 


56  INTRODUCTION 

In  his  Augusta  speech,  Mr.  Stephens  condemned  the 
action  of  those  members  of  the  Charleston  Convention  who 
withdrew  from  it  because  they  failed  to  carry  their  demand 
for  a  plank  in  the  party  platform  calling  for  Congressional 
protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territories;  and  he  made  that 
prophecy  for  which  some  called  him  " insane": 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  Secession  movement 
at  Charleston  was  a  disunionist  movement,  or  intended 
as  such  by  all  who  joined  in  it,  but  I  do  mean  to  say 
that  the  movement  tends  to  disunion,  to  civil  strife  ;v  may 
lead  to  it,  and  most  probably  will,  unless  arrested  by 
the  virtue,  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  people. 
The  signs  of  the  time  portend  evil.  You  need  not  be 
surprised  to  see  these  States,  now  so  peaceful,  contented, 
prosperous,  and  happy,  embroiled  in  civil  war  in  less 
than  twelve  months. 

The  split  in  the  Democratic  party  at  Charleston  and 
Baltimore,  which  put  three  candidates  in  the  field  against 
Lincoln,  elected  Lincoln  on  a  platform  declaring  against 
Government  toleration,  in  any  form,  of  slavery  in  the 
Territories.  South  Carolina  promptly  seceded.  Several 
States  followed  her.  Georgia,  trembling  on  the  brink, 
was  held  back  by  Stephens  as  long  as  he  had  power  to 
hold  her.  In  his  speech  before  her  Legislature,  Nov. 
14,  1860,  he  pleaded  eloquently  for  peace  and  the  Union: 

My  object  is  not  to  stir  up  strife  but  to  allay  it.  ... 
It  is  said  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  and  principles  are  against 
the  Constitution,  and  that  if  he  carries  them  out,  it  will 
be  destructive  of  our  rights.  The  President  is  no  emperor, 
no  dictator.  He  can  do  nothing  unless  he  is  backed  by 
Congress.  The  House  is  largely  against  him.  In  the 
Senate,  he  will  also  be  powerless;  there  will  be  a  major 
ity  of  four  against  him.  .  .  . 

I  am  not  of  those  who  believe  the  Union  has  been  a 


INTRODUCTION  57 

curse.  True  men,  men  of  integrity,  entertain  different 
views.  I  do  not  question  their  right;  I  would  not  impugn 
their  motive.  Nor  will  I  undertake  to  say  that  this 
Government  of  our  fathers  is  perfect,  but  that  this  Gov 
ernment  of  our  fathers,  with  all  its  defects,  comes  nearer 
the  objects  of  all  good  governments  than  any  other  on 
the  face  of  the  earth,  is  my  settled  conviction.  The 
influence  of  the  Government  on  us  is  like  that  of  the 
atmosphere.  Its  benefits  are  so  silent  and  unseen  that 
they  are  seldom  thought  of  or  appreciated.  .  .  . 

Northern  States  have  violated  their  plighted  faith. 
What  ought  we  to  do  ?  By  the  law  of  nations,  you  have 
a  right  to  demand  the  carrying  out  of  this  article  of  agree 
ment  [Constitutional  pledge  for  return  of  fugitive  slaves], 
and  in  case  it  be  not  done,  we  would  have  the  right  to 
commit  acts  of  reprisal  on  these  faithless  governments, 
and  seize  on  their  property  or  that  of  their  citizens  where- 
ever  found.  The  States  of  the  Union  stand  upon  the 
same  footing  with  each  other  as  foreign  nations  in  this 
respect.  But  by  the  law  of  nations,  we  are  equally 
bound,  before  proceeding  to  violent  measures,  to  set 
forth  our  grievances  before  the  offending  governments, 
to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  redress  the  wrong.  Let 
your  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Republic  make  out 
a  bill  of  grievances;  let  it  be  sent  by  the  Governor  to 
these  faithless  States;  and  if  reason  and  argument  shall 
be  tried  in  vain  —  if  all  shall  fail  —  I  would  be  for  retali 
atory  measures.  I  advise  the  calling  of  a  convention 
with  the  earnest  desire  to  preserve  peace.  I  am  for 
exhausting  all  that  patriotism  demands  before  taking 
the  last  step.* 

Toombs's  speech  the  night  before  was  as  impassioned 
a  plea  for  secession  as  Stephens' s  was  an  earnest  argu 
ment  against  it.  Yet  after  Stephens's  speech,  Toombs, 
who  had  bombarded  it  with  interruptions,  proposed 

*  For  the  full  text  of  Mr.  Stephens's  "Union  Speech,"  from  which  this  condensed  excerpt  is 
made,  see  Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"  pp.  694-713. 


58  INTRODUCTION 

" Three  cheers  for  Stephens!"  "one  of  the  brightest  intel 
lects  and  purest  patriots  that  lives!"  "That  was  well 
done,"  said  some  one  to  Toombs.  "I  always  try  to 
behave  myself  at  a  funeral,"  replied  Toombs.  A  restraint 
grew  up  between  the  friends  which  was  only  dissipated 
when  they  met  in  the  Confederate  Congress  at  Mont 
gomery.  In  his  battle  for  the  Union,  Stephens,  with 
Herschel  V.  Johnson  and  Benjamin  H.  Hill,  led  a  forlorn 
hope  against  Toombs,  the  Cobb  brothers,  Governor 
Joe  Brown,  and  many  other  men  of  might,  who  headed 
the  swelling  ranks  of  the  secessionists.  An  idea  expressed 
by  Tom  Cobb,  "We  can  make  better  terms  out  of  the 
Union  than  in  it,"  turned  the  scale  of  fate,  as  Mr.  Steph 
ens  believed.  Boykin  in  his  "Memorial"  says  the  "voice 
and  influence"  of  Howell  Cobb  caused  Georgia  to  secede; 
and,  had  she  declined  to  secede,  "the other  States  would 
not  have  seceded."  It  has  often  been  said  that  but 
for  Cobb,  Stephens  could  have  kept  Georgia  in  the  Union. 
Mr.  Stephen s's  next  Union  speech  was  before  the 
Georgia  Secession  Convention ;  in  this  he  said : 

I  have  looked,  and  do  look,  upon  our  present  Gov 
ernment  as  the  best  in  the  world.  I  have  ever  believed 
and  do  now  believe  that  it  is  to  the  best  interest  of  all 
the  States  to  remain  united  under  the  Constitution.  My 
judgment  is  against  secession.  We  should  not  take 
this  extreme  step  before  some  positive  aggression  upon 
our  rights  by  the  General  Government,  which  may  never 
occur;  or  before  failure,  after  every  effort  made,  to  get 
a  faithful  performance  on  the  part  of  those  States  which 
now  stand  so  derelict  to  their  plighted  faith. 

He  received  many  letters  from  all  parts  of  the  country 
applauding  his  Union  speech  of  November.  A  number  of 
leading  Northern  and  Western  men,  with  whom  he  had 


INTRODUCTION  59 

been  associated  in  Congress,  approved  his  suggestion  of 
remonstrance  with  the  derelict  States,  and  pledged  their 
influence  with  their  own  States  for  a  favourable  hearing; 
some  were  already  at  work  with  their  governors  and  legis 
latures.  "All  that  the  South  has  to  do,"  wrote  one,  "is 
to  appeal  from  the  North  drunk  with  fanaticism  to  the 
North  sobered  at  the  prospect  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union."  "All  we  ask  of  our  Southern  friends,"  wrote 
ex- Governor  McClelland  of  Michigan,  "is  patience; 
and  we  hope  they  will  forbear  because  we  are  truly  suf 
fering  as  much  if  not  more  than  they  are.  The  Con 
stitutional  men  of  the  South  have  really  more  true  friends 
in  the  North  to-day,  who  understand  and  appreciate 
their  grievances,  than  ever  before,  because  our  people 
did  not  until  recently  direct  their  attention  to  the  subject, 
nor  have  very  many  of  them  yet  had  time  to  examine  it 
in  all  its  bearings."  These  letters  gave  Mr.  Stephens 
a  reasonable  basis,  if  he  had  had  no  other,  for  his  belief 
at  this  time,  which  was  maintained  during  the  war,  that 
there  was  a  hope  for  peaceful  settlement  through  an 
alignment  in  common  phalanx  of  the  strict  construction- 
ists  of  the  Constitution,  North  and  South,  and  that 
Southern  diplomacy  should  be  directed  toward  the  estab 
lishment  of  such  an  alignment. 

Lincoln  wrote  to  him  for  a  copy  of  the  Union  Speech. 
In  replying,  Mr.  Stephens  said:  "The  country  is  in 
great  peril,  and  no  man  ever  had  heavier  or  greater 
responsibilities  resting  upon  him  than  you  have  in  the 
present  momentous  crisis."  This  drew  forth  Lincoln's 
historic  response,  marked  "For  your  eye  only,"  an 
injunction  observed  by  Stephens  until  after  Lincoln's 
death  and  his  own  return  from  Fort  Warren. 


60  INTRODUCTION 

I  fully  appreciate  the  present  peril  the  country  is  in, 
and  the  weight  of  the  responsibility  on  me.  Do  the 
people  of  the  South  really  entertain  fears  that  a  Repub 
lican  administration  would  directly  or  indirectly  interfere 
with  their  slaves?  If  they  do,  I  wish  to  assure  you,  as 
once  a  friend,  and  still,  I  hope,  not  an  enemy,  that  there 
is  no  cause  for  such  fears.  The  South  would  be  in  no 
more  danger  in  this  respect  than  it  was  in  the  days  of 
Washington.  I  suppose,  however,  this  does  not  meet 
the  case.  You  think  slavery  right  and  ought  to  be 
extended;  while  we  think  it  is  wrong  and  ought  to  be 
restricted.  That,  I  suppose,  is  the  rub.  It  certainly 
is  the  only  substantial  difference  between  us. 

These  sentences  are  from  Mr.  Stephens' s  lengthy  reply, 
the  main  ideas  of  which,  on  slavery,  are  reiterated  in 
the  Journal: 

Personally,  I  am  not  your  enemy  —  far  from  it;  and 
however  widely  we  may  differ  politically,  yet  I  trust 
we  both  have  an  earnest  desire  to  preserve  and  maintain 
the  Union.  .  .  .  When  men  come  under  the  influ 
ence  of  fanaticism,  there  is  no  telling  where  their  impulses 
or  passions  may  drive  them.  This  is  what  creates  our 
discontent  and  apprehensions,  not  unreasonable  when 
we  see  ...  such  reckless  exhibitions  of  madness  as 
the  John  Brown  raid  into  Virginia,  which  has  received 
so  much  sympathy  from  many,  and  no  open  condemnation 
from  any  of  the  leading  members  of  the  dominant  party. 
.  .  .  In  addressing  you  thus,  I  would  have  you  under 
stand  me  as  being  not  a  personal  enemy,  but  as  one  who 
would  have  you  do  what  you  can  to  save  our  common 
country.  A  word  fitly  spoken  by  you  now  would  be 
like  "  apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  silver." 

After  the  war,  when  Lincoln's  picture  was  unveiled 
in  Congress,  and  Stephens  spoke  as  the  South's  representa 
tive,  he  said  of  his  early  connection  with  Lincoln : 


INTRODUCTION  61 

I  knew  Mr.  Lincoln  well.  We  met  in  the  House  in 
December,  1847.  We  were  together  during  the  Thirtieth 
Congress.  I  was  as  intimate  with  him  as  with  any  other 
man  of  that  Congress  except  perhaps  one.  That  excep 
tion  was  my  colleague,  Mr.  Toombs.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
warm-hearted;  he  was  generous;  he  was  magnanimous; 
he  was  most  truly  "with  malice  toward  none,  with  charity 
for  all." 

Lincoln  and  Stephens  had  much  in  common.  The 
boyhood  of  each  had  been  a  struggle  with  poverty;  each 
had  conned  his  lessons  by  a  pine-knot  fire.  Both  were 
lawyers.  In  Congress,  both  were  Whigs  and  members 
of  the  same  political  club;  they  acted  together  on  the 
Mexican  War  and  in  electing  Taylor.  Lincoln's  early 
impression  of  Stephens  appears  in  a  letter  to  his  law 
partner,  Feb.  2,  1843:  "I  take  up  my  pen  to  tell  you  that 
Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  a  little  slim  pale-faced  con 
sumptive  man,  has  just  concluded  the  very  best  speech 
of  an  hour's  length  I  ever  heard.  My  old  withered  dry 
eyes  are  full  of  tears  yet." 

In  his  Journal,  Mr.  Stephens  denies  the  truth  of  the 
report  that  Lincoln  invited  him  to  a  position  in  his  Cabinet. 
Lincoln  seems  to  have  considered  doing  so.  Oberholtzer 
says  in  his  "Life  of  Lincoln":  "He  wished  to  have  the 
various  sections  represented.  Montgomery  Blair  was 
taken  from  Maryland,  after  seriously  discussing  the 
availability  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia." 
For  Mr.  Stephens's  opinion  of  Lincoln's  political  course 
in  the  sixties,  the  reader  is  referred  to  that  part  of  his 
"War  Between  the  States"  in  which  he  fully  reviews  it 
and  says:  "Mr.  Lincoln  was  kind-hearted  (no  man  I 
ever  knew  was  more  so)  but  the  same  was  true  of  Julius 
Caesar";  "I  do  not  think  he  intended  to  overthrow  the 


62  INTRODUCTION 

Institutions  of  the  country.  I  do  not  think  he  under 
stood  them  or  the  tendencies  of  his  acts  upon  them. 
The  Union,  with  him,  in  sentiment  rose  to  the  sublimity 
of  a  religious  mysticism,  while  his  ideas  of  its  structure 
and  formation,  in  logic,  rested  upon  nothing  but  the 
subtleties  of  a  sophism!"  These  strictures  relate  to 
Lincoln's  encroachments  on  the  Constitution. 

Georgia  seceded,  and  sent  Stephens  as  delegate  to 
the  Provisional  Congress  of  the  "Confederacy  at  Mont 
gomery,  first  complying  with  the  condition  he  required, 
that  she  should  instruct  her  delegates  to  demand  that 
any  new  government  formed  should  be  modelled  on  the 
old  one.  His  object  was  to  preserve  to  the  States  the 
American  principles  of  self-government  —  the  Constitu 
tion.  He  also  plainly  had  in  mind  a  reunion  of  the 
States  under  the  old  bond  or  the  new.  With  like  principles 
and  machinery  of  government,  the  two  confederacies 
would  have  no  wide  political  chasm  to  cross  for  fusion  — 
to  which  end  he  doubtless  meant  to  direct  his  diplomatic 
energies.  Should  the  new  Constitution  improve  on  the 
old,  so  much  the  better  would  be  the  chances  for  the 
Confederacy  to  become  the  absorbing  Government. 

His  industry,  knowledge  of  government,  and  par 
liamentary  experience  enabled  him  to  be  of  great  service 
in  organizing  the  new  republic.  "The  Rules  for  the 
Government  of  the  Congress"  was  his  work,  and  so  to  a 
large  degree  was  the  framing  of  the  Confederate  Con 
stitution.  A  prohibition,  in  the  latter  instrument,  of 
the  slave-trade  with  Africa,  is  in  itself  refutation  of  the 
charge  that  he  advocated  revival  of  this  trade.  On 
February  n,  his  forty-ninth  birthday,  he  was  sworn  in 
as  Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy.  A  week  later, 
Jefferson  Davis  was  inaugurated  as  President.  The 


INTRODUCTION  63 

first  mention  of  Mr.  Davis  in  Stephens's  letters  is  the 
following,  written  by  Stephens  when  Chairman  of  the 
House  Committee  of  Conference  on  the  Kansas  Bill: 

May  i,  1858.-  Every  Southern  Senator  voted  for 
it.  Jefferson  Davis  had  himself  sent  for  to  record  his 
vote.  He  is  in  very  bad  health,  has  been  extremely  ill. 
I  took  the  paper  to  him  and  got  his  approval  of  it  before 
I  would  agree  to  report  it.  This  is  the  way  I  worked  the 
matter  with  all  the  leading  men  of  the  South. 

And  it  was  a  tremendous  labour,  that  of  getting  these 
men  " present  and  ready  to  sustain  it,"  as  is  shown  in 
his  notes  of  that  time,  with  their  refrain:  "My  heart 
is  sad  —  sad.  If  we  should  separate,  what  is  to  become 
of  us?  Have  we  any  future  but  miserable  petty 
squabbles  ?"  He  and  Davis  were  not  usually  in  such 
accord  as  on  this  occasion.  Davis  came  into  Congress 
as  a  Democrat  when  Mr.  Stephens  was  a  Whig;  Davis 
was  for  Polk,  for  the  Mexican  War,  against  Taylor, 
against  the  Compromise  of  1850,  and  for  Congressional 
protection  of  slavery  in  the  Territories.  The  new  plank 
in  the  Democrat  platform  which  caused  the  "burst-up" 
at  Charleston  was,  in  substance,  two  of  a  series  of  resolu 
tions  offered  by  Davis,  Feb.  2, 1860,  in  the  Senate.  This 
"plank"  brought  on  the  war,  as  Stephens  felt.  In 
character  and  temperament,  the  two  men  were  as  wide 
apart  as  in  political  views.  Davis's  education,  of  scholarly 
finish,  had  come  to  him  without  struggle;  he  was  of 
aristocratic  temper  and  bearing;  a  West  Pointer  and  a 
stickler  for  military  form  and  order.  Stephens  prided 
himself  on  being  of  the  people;  and  as  a  lawyer,  he  was 
jealous  for  the  civic  power  in  any  test  between  that  and 
martial  law. 


64  INTRODUCTION 

As  officers  of  the  Confederacy,  their  early  relations 
were  harmonious.  Davis  sent  for  Stephens  and  consulted 
him  to  a  considerable  degree.  In  letters  to  Linton, 
Stephens  soon  expresses  uneasiness  about  the  "  wisdom 
and  discretion  of  the  appointing  power";  he  presently 
mentions  that  the  War  Department  "is  badly  managed. 
The  Secretary  is  very  inefficient.  There  were  twenty 
thousand  stand  of  arms  offered  us  for  sale.  He  post 
poned  it  until  after  the  fall  of  Sumter;  then  tried  to  get 
them,  but  it  was  too  late."  This  Cabinet  officer,  L.  P. 
Walker,  is  he  who  made  the  unfortunate  remark  in  a 
public  speech  after  the  fall  of  Sumter,  that  the  Confederate 
flag  should  soon  fly  "over  the  Capitol  at  Washington" 
and  "over  Faneuil  Hall  itself,"  a  boast  not  warranted 
by  the  purpose  of  the  Confederacy,  and  one  which  did 
much  to  fan  unfriendly  feelings  at  the  North. 

Stephens's  evident  desire  was  to  be  useful  in  economics 
and  diplomacy,  to  which  fields  his  gifts  and  training  fitted, 
and  his  physical  infirmity  limited  him.  His  letters  reflect 
his  sharp  sense  of  secession's  business  side,  which  "calls 
for  great  patience  and  forbearance  by  the  people  in  sus 
taining  the  inconveniences  and  burdens  incident  to  a 
change  of  government  —  derangement  of  mails  and 
commerce,  increase  of  taxes,  and  a  thousand  things  not 
before  thought  of."  "Independence  will  cost  money  as 
well  as  blood,"  he  says,  and  is  concerned  as  to  how  the 
people  will  meet  the  prosaic  details  ~of  sacrifice.  He 
promptly  laid  before  the  Government  a  plan  by  which, 
as  he  conceived,  a  sound  basis  of  credit  might  be  estab 
lished  through  judicious  employment  of  the  South's 
staple  —  that  King  Cotton  in  whose  powers  her  leaders 
had  greatly  confided  when  contemplating  secession. 
This  plan,  as  outlined  in  a  speech  at  Crawfordville, 


INTRODUCTION  65 

Nov.  i,  1862,  his  first  on  the  subject  which  he  allowed 
to  be  published,  was  as  follows: 

I  was  in  favour  of  the  Government's  taking  all  the 
cotton  that  would  be  subscribed  for  eight-per-cent.  bonds 
at  ten  cents  a  pound.  Two  million  bales  of  last  year's 
crop  might  have  been  counted  on.  This  would  have 
cost  the  Government  a  hundred  million  bonds.  With 
this  cotton  in  hand  and  pledged,  any  number,  short 
of  fifty,  of  the  best  ironclad  steamers  could  have  been 
contracted  for  and  built  in  Europe  —  steamers  at  two 
millions  each  could  have  been  procured.  Thirty  millions 
would  have  got  fifteen.  Five  might  have  been  ready  by 
the  first  of  January  last  to  open  one  of  our  blockaded 
ports.  Three  could  have  been  left  to  keep  the  port  open 
while  two  convoyed  the  cotton  across  if  necessary.  Thus, 
the  debt  could  have  been  paid  with  cotton  at  a  much 
higher  price  than  it  cost,  and  a  channel  of  trade  kept 
open  until  others  could  have  been  built  and  paid  for  in 
the  same  way.  At  less  than  one  month's  present  expendi 
ture  on  our  army,  our  coast  might  have  been  cleared. 
Besides  this,  at  least  two  million  more  bales  of  the  old 
crop  might  have  been  counted  on;  this,  with  the  other, 
making  a  debt  in  round  numbers  to  the  planters  of 
$200,000,000.  But  this  cotton  held  in  Europe  until 
the  price  shall  be  fifty  cents  a  pound  [it  went  higher] 
would  constitute  a  fund  of  at  least  one  billion  dollars, 
which  would  not  only  have  kept  our  finances  in  sound 
condition,  but  the  clear  profit  of  $800,000,000  would 
have  met  the  entire  expenses  of  the  war  for  years  to  come. 

Dr.  Craven,  in  his  "  Prison  Life  of  Jefferson  Davis," 
reports  Mr.  Davis  as  describing  a  plan  like  this,  which 
was  urged  on  Mr.  Memminger,  by  whom  is  not  stated,  and 
which  Mr.  Davis  "privately  approved  but  had  not  time 
to  study  and  take  the  responsibility  of  directing  until 
too  late";  Davis  said  it  would  have  maintained  Southern 


66  INTRODUCTION 

credit,   which  "in  itself  would  have  insured  victory." 
In  her  "Memoir"  of  her  husband,  Mrs.  Davis  makes 
slighting  allusion  to  some  such  plan,  as  impractical  and 
visionary  and  advised  by  critics  of  the  Administration. 
Mr.  Memminger  wrote  Mr.  Stephens,  Sept.   17,   1867: 

The  scheme,  as  I  understood  it,  never  proposed  a  pur 
chase  of  cotton  with  bonds  but  with  money,  or  Confeder 
ate  currency,  which  was  then  money.  I  enclose  you  a 
circular  written  at  the  time,  which  will  put  you  in  posses 
sion  of  the  views  then  entertained.  As  for  the  notion  since 
promulgated,  of  shipping  cotton  to  England  early  in  the 
war  and  holding  it  there  as  the  basis  of  credit,  that  is 
completely  negatived,  as  you  know,  by  the  fact  that  at 
the  early  stage  of  the  war,  no  one  expected  the  blockade 
or  the  war  to  last  more  than  a  year. 

Mr.  Stephens's  letters  and  speeches  of  1860-61  show 
that  he  feared  a  long  war. 
The  circular  says  of  the  scheme: 

The  issue  is  to  be  paid  in  treasury  notes,  and  therefore, 
if  we  put  aside  for  the  present  the  many  and  serious 
objections  to  the  possession,  transportation,  and  manage 
ment  of  the  crop  by  the  Government,  it  becomes  simply 
a  question  of  amount. 

Which  amount  was  declared  too  large  a  burden  for 
a  new  government  "engaged  in  a  gigantic  war."  The 
scheme  was  treated  as  a  discrimination  in  favour  of 
cotton  planters.  By  the  Loan  or  Memminger  plan, 
the  planter  bound  himself  to  pay  into  the  Treasury  a 
part  of  the  proceeds  from  his  cotton  sales  in  exchange  for 
interest-bearing  bonds.  Had  Toombs  been  as  careful 
as  Stephens  in  preserving  letters,  we  might  reproduce  the 
documents  from  Stephens  which  drew  this  from  Toombs, 
June  21,  1 86 1,  when  Secretary  of  State: 


INTRODUCTION  67 

Dear  Stephens:  The  Maryland  Commissioners  sub 
mitted  nothing  except  to  urge  us  to  cross  the  Potomac  as 
soon  as  possible  with  an  army  in  order  that  they  may 
join  us.  There  is  nothing  in  Harper's  Ferry  evacuation, 
except  Johnston  got  strong  enough  to  take  the  field  and 
march  forward  to  Martinsburg  to  meet  the  enemy  rather 
than  have  leisurely  to  concentrate  on  him  at  the  Ferry. 

It  is  impossible  to  overestimate  the  importance  of 
your  present  duty  in  procuring  the  Cotton  Loan.  I  fear 
Tom  Cobb  got  weary  in  well-doing  too  soon,  and  that 
interest  may  flag.  Print  your  speeches,  get  the  news 
papers  in  Georgia  to  write  on  the  subject  and  send  to 
other  States,  chide  the  Southwest  (Ala.,  Miss,  and  La.) 
for  their  tardiness.  If  we  do  not  do  this,  the  Loan  will 
flag,  and  if  that  flags  we  shall  see  the  worst  times  we  have 
seen  yet.  With  the  Loan,  we  can  do  anything  in  time; 
without  it,  nothing.  Push  it  to  the  last  extremity.  We 
have  bought  arms  in  Europe  and  are  daily  expecting  them; 
the  purchases  were  wholly  below  our  wants  from  lack  of 
comprehension  in  the  War  Department.  Arrangements 
are  enlarged,  but  it  will  take  time  to  perfect  them.  Davis 
works  slowly,  too  slowly  for  the  crisis. 

The  scheme  of  taking  the  cotton  at  ten  cents  per  pound 
won't  do.  We  wish  to  borrow  cotton  or  its  proceeds, 
not  to  buy  it.  If  it  falls,  it  seems  planters  want  to  put 
the  fall  on  the  country.  What  sort  of  financial  aid  is 
that?  If  it  were  to  happen  that  we  could  not  get  off 
the  cotton,  we  would  be  utterly  prostrated  by  flooding 
the  country  with  credits  we  could  not  redeem,  and  for  a 
commodity  we  could  neither  sell  nor  consume.  It 
would  be  fatal  to  the  whole  scheme.  I  \vould  rather 
condemn  it  to  public  use.  I  have  taken  up  your  letters 
and  answered  them  as  the  items  presented,  and  this 
letter  therefore  is  without  continuity  of  thought  or  subject. 

I  heard  from  England  and  France  the  twenty-first  May. 
Both  are  very  friendly,  assure  us  they  will  buy  our  cotton 
this  fall  at  all  hazards,  will  observe  strict  neutrality  for 
the  present  and  acknowledge  us  formally  as  soon  as 


68  INTRODUCTION 

either  time  or  our  decided  success  gives  assurance  of  our 
power  to  maintain  ourselves. 

I  think  there  will  be  very  important  developments  in 
a  few  days  at  Philippi,  Harper's  Ferry,  and  Manassas 
Junction.  It  is  impossible  not  to  have  a  fight  at  one  or 
all  in  a  week.  Virginia  unanimously  accepted  the  per 
manent  Constitution  yesterday,  and  is  now  in  good. 

Yours, 

R.  TOOMBS. 

The  Stephens  plan  seems  to  have  received  less  attention 
from  the  Confederate  Government  than  was  its  due  by 
reason  of  authorship  and  merit.  The  rush  and  confusion 
of  the  times  may  have  been  partly  responsible.  Latter- 
day  historians  incline  to  treat  it  as  lightly  as  Mrs.  Davis 
does,  yet  Mr.  Davis,  according  to  Dr.  Craven,  believed 
it  practical  and  that  it  would  have  "  insured  victory." 

Mr.  Stephens's  views  on  other  concurrent  matters, 
as  on  this  and  on  a  somewhat  similar  use  of  tobacco 
which  he  suggested,  are  not  those  of  the  mere  theorist 
and  malcontent  which  he  is  often  carelessly  asserted  to 
have  been.  As  an  example  of  the  hard  common  sense 
he  applied  to  business  details  of  war,  the  following  extract 
is  made  from  a  friendly  letter,  written  by  him,  April  29, 
1864,  to  Seddon,  Confederate  Secretary  of  War,  on  the 
conditions  resulting  from  loss  of  public  confidence  in 
Confederate  credit,  and  the  consequent  imperative  neces 
sity  for  honest  and  intelligent  handling  of  the  tithes,  the 
army's  one  source  of  supply: 

The  greatest  danger  ahead  is  ultimate  failure  of  sub- 
sistance.  Our  present  reliance  is  upon  our  agricultural 
productions  and  not  upon  the  credit  of  the  Government. 
The  tax  in  kind  is  the  surest  hope;  that  is  abundant  if 
properly  managed.  But  under  present  management, 
it  is  wasting  the  substance  of  the  country  without  supplying 


INTRODUCTION  69 

the  army.  In  this  country,  small  and  poor  as  it  is, 
thousands  of  bushels  of  tithe  corn  and  a  great  amount 
of  forage  have  been  fed  to  poor  cattle  bought  up  in 
February  and  March  for  beef,  while  the  tithe  pork  and 
bacon  were  uncollected.  Had  this  pork  and  bacon  been 
used  now,  the  grasses  of  summer  would  fatten  beef  to 
be  used  then.  This  is  a  small  matter,  but  what  is  being 
done  here  is  doubtless  being  done  elsewhere.  Five 
thousand  bushels  of  tithe  corn  just  above  me  have  been 
turned  over  to  a  party  to  distil  into  whisky,  right  on  the 
railroad  and  in  two  days'  transportation  of  Johnston's 
army.  For  this  corn,  he  was  to  deliver  five  thousand 
gallons  of  whisky!  One  bushel,  it  is  said,  will  make 
two  gallons  in  winter,  and  the  slops  from  the  stills  will 
fatten  as  much  pork  as  the  corn  would.  This  contract 
is  a  small  affair  compared  with  others  on  the  same  prin 
ciples.  It  is  to  all  such  contracts  I  call  your  attention. 
The  army  can  do  better  without  whiskey  than  bread; 
and  if  we  have  corn  enough  to  put  any  into  whiskey  it 
ought  to  be  in  sections  remote  from  railroads.  So  with 
all  corn  or  forage  fed  to  cattle  and  hogs  for  the  army. 
The  provision  crop  last  year  was  abundant  for  the  army 
and  people  at  home  this  year  if  economically  used.  But 
I  fear  it  will  not  be  next  year.  The  policy  of  impressing 
provisions  without  paying  market  price  will  greatly 
lessen  production.  Production  will  be  greatly  lessened 
by  another  cause  —  the  general  disarrangement  of  labour 
under  the  last  military  act.* 

Under  the  uncertainty  created  by  this  act,  which 
virtually  conscripted  the  whole  white  male  population  and 
necessitated  details  from  the  army  for  agricultural  and 
other  domestic  avocations,  Mr.  Stephens  said,  many 
persons  were  failing  to  plant  usual  crops;  many  planta 
tions  wrere  being  abandoned  to  Negroes  with  no  white 
manager  in  charge;  and  the  bare  journeyings  of  men 

*  For  full  text  ot  letter  from  which  this  condensed  excerpt  is  taken,  see  Cleveland's  "Letters 
and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"  pp.  786-00. 


70  INTRODUCTION 

back  and  forth  between  home  and  camp  to  get  papers 
made  out  or  visaed  would  entail  neglect  of  farm  work. 
At  the  date  of  this  letter,  more  men  were  in  the  army 
than  the  Government  could  arm  or  support.  "The 
tithe/7  Mr.  Stephens  urges,  "should  be  husbanded  and 
guarded  as  gold;  not  a  grain  of  corn  or  blade  of  grass 
should  be  wasted,  lost,  or  misapplied."  These  are  the 
reflections  of  an  economist  troubled  by  evil  conditions 
and  anxious  for  their  remedy.  In  that  awful  time  of 
starvation,  war,  and  death,  graft  took  as  little  heed  as 
now  of  public  peril  and  privation  if  only  it  might  make 
profit  for  itself;  among  appointees  who  collected  and 
distributed  the  tithes,  some  handled  the  precious  grain 
and  meat  dishonestly,  and  some  used  it  wastefully.  In 
his  address  of  March  16,  1864,  before  the  Georgia  Legis 
lature,  Mr.  Stephens  said : 

Upon  a  moderate  estimate,  one  within  reasonable 
bounds,  the  tithes  of  wheat  and  corn  for  last  year  were 
not  less,  in  the  States  east  of  the  Mississippi  (to  say  nothing 
of  the  other  side),  than  eighteen  million  bushels.  Ken 
tucky  and  Tennessee  are  not  included  in  this  estimate. 
This  would  bread  an  army  of  five  hundred  thousand  men 
and  one  hundred  thousand  horses  for  twelve  months, 
and  leave  a  considerable  margin  for  waste  or  loss.  This 
we  have  without  buying  or  impressing  a  bushel  or  pound. 
Nor  need  a  bushel  be  lost  for  want  of  transportation  from 
points  distant  from  railroads;  it  could  be  fed  to  animals, 
put  into  beef  and  pork.  The  tithe  of  meat  for  the  last 
year  will  supply  the  army  for  at  least  six  months.  All 
that  is  wanting  is  men  of  business  capacity,  honesty, 
economy  and  industry  in  the  management  and  control 
of  that  department. 

Mr.  Stephens's  vital  disagreement  with  the  adminis 
tration  was  based  on  a  principle  that  was  the  "lode-star," 


INTRODUCTION  71 

as  he  says,  of  his  political  life.  He  condemned  the  con 
script  laws,  martial  law,  impressments  and  suspension 
of  habeas  corpus  not  only  as  inexpedient  but  as  infringing 
upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people  and  not  to  be 
justified  on  the  plea  of  "  exigency  of  war,"  that  ancient 
cry  to  which  republics  make  their  first  strides  to  monarchy. 
He  was  not  free  from  the  fear,  which  has  haunted  our 
statesmen  from  Washington's  presidency  to  Grant's, 
that  a  republic  here  might  follow  the  fate  of  foreign 
predecessors;  might,  in  time  of  revolution,  become  subject 
to  its  own  military  power  and  pass  by  the  usual  stages 
into  empire  with  a  Caesar  or  Napoleon  at  the  head.  His 
public  protests  were  not,  as  he  declared  at  the  time,  to 
hamper  or  harass  the  administration  or  to  lead  a  party 
opposition  to  it  —  this,  he  repeatedly  refused  to  do — 
but  to  inspire  the  people  to  "guide  and  instruct  their 
rulers  aright."  He  had  condemned  like  measures  in 
Lincoln's  government;  and  in  his  speech  before  the 
Georgia  Legislature,*  we  hear  the  same  voice,  though  in 
milder  tone,  that  arraigned  Polk  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States: 

The  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  is  the  most 
important  question.  The  first  act  on  the  subject  was 
assented  to  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  February,  1862. 
This  attempted  to  confer  on  the  President  the  power 
not  only  to  suspend  the  writ,  but  to  declare  martial  law, 
etc.  This  was  soon  after  amended.  But  no  one  can  say 
that  during  the  progress  of  these  events  I  was  silent. 
Conscription  has  been  extended  to  embrace  all  between 
seventeen  and  fifty  years  of  age.  It  cannot  be  possible 
that  the  object  is  to  keep  in  the  field  all  between  these 

*  Full  text  of  Mr.  Stephens's  speech  from  which  condensed  excerpts  are  here  made,  may  be 
found  in  Cleveland's  "Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"  pp. 761-86.  For  Linton  Stephens's 
Habeas  Corpus  and  Peace  Resolutions,  in  support  of  which  this  speech  was  made,  see  'War 
Between  the  States,"  II,  788-00,532-36. 


72  INTRODUCTION 

ages.  The  ruinous  consequence  is  too  apparent.  Details 
are  to  be  made  [to  perform  the  civil  industries].  The 
effect  is  to  put  much  the  larger  portion  of  the  labour  of  the 
country,  white  and  slave,  under  the  control  of  the  Presi 
dent.  In  this  connection,  take  this  habeas  corpus  sus 
pension  act  by  which  attempt  is  made  to  confer  upon 
him  power  to  order  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  any 
man,  woman,  or  child  on  bare  charge  unsupported  by 
oath,  of  any  of  the  acts  for  which  arrests  are  allowed. 
Could  the  whole  country  be  more  completely  under  the 
control  of  one  man?  Could  dictatorial  powers  be  more 
complete  ?  In  this  connection,  consider  the  strong  appeals 
made  for  some  time  past  by  leading  journals  for  a  dictator. 
In  such  times  the  most  dangerous  words  that  can  be 
uttered  are:  Can  you  not  trust  the  President?  My 
answer  is,  Without  any  reflection  or  imputation  against 
our  Chief  Magistrate,  the  measure  of  my  confidence 
in  him  and  all  other  public  officers  is  the  Constitution. 
My  answer  is  the  same  I  gave  to  one  who  submitted  a 
plan  for  a  dictatorship  to  me  some  months  ago:  "I 
am  utterly  opposed  to  everything  looking  to  a  dictator 
ship  in  this  country.  There  is  no  man  living,  and  not 
one  of  the  illustrious  dead,  whom,  if  now  living,  I  would 
so  trust!" 

You  have  been  asked,  What  can  you  do?  What  did 
Virginia  and  Kentucky  do  in  1798-99?  Though  war 
was  then  threatening  with  France,  though  it  was  said 
then  as  now  that  all  discussion  of  even  obnoxious  meas 
ures  of  Congress  would  be  hurtful  to  the  public  cause, 
they  did  not  hesitate  by  solemn  resolves  to  declare  the 
alien  and  sedition  laws  unconstitutional.  Those  acts  of 
Congress  were  not  more  unconstitutional  or  dangerous 
to  public  liberty  than  this  act.  You  can  invoke  its  repeal. 

In  the  "plan"  submitted  was  this:  "Let  the  Presi 
dent  be  proclaimed  Dictator  for  a  specified  length  of 
time  and  the  Vice-President  his  successor."  Referring 
to  it  in  a  letter  of  Nov.  6,  1863,  Mr.  Stephens  says: 


INTRODUCTION  73 

As  this  man's  mind  is  running,  other  men's  minds  are 
running.  I  have  heard  such  sentiments  in  so  many 
quarters  that  I  feel  deep  concern.  Some  of  the  news 
papers  —  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  for  instance  —  have 
openly  proclaimed  sentiments  of  like  character. 

The  Editor  of  the  Enquirer,  believed  to  be  the  organ 
of  the  administration,  was  John  Mitchel,  the  Irish  exile. 
Nat  Tyler,  Mitchel' s  associate,  remarked  in  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Davis,  Jan.  15,  1885: 

I  remember  Mr.  Stephens  coming  to  the  office  and 
lecturing  the  editors  on  their  support  of  the  measures 
for  the  public  defense.  .  .  .  We  gave  to  his  person 
all  respect  and  to  his  advice  the  least  attention  that  was 
possible.  I  have  always  believed  if  you  had  assumed 
" absolute  power,"  shot  deserters  and  hung  traitors, 
seized  supplies  and  brought  to  the  front  every  man 
capable  of  bearing  arms,  a  different  result  of  the  war 
might  have  been  obtained. 

Thus  contrary  were  the  influences  bearing  upon  the 
Confederate  President.  Tyler's  letter  throws  a  side 
light  upon  Mr.  Stephens's  criticized  absenteeism  from 
Richmond  and  his  stated  reason  that  he  could  do  no 
good  there,  but  rather  feared  that  his  efforts  to  serve 
did  harm  by  increasing  dissension  and  division. 

In  his  speech  of  March  16,  he  was  supporting  the 
Habeas  Corpus  and  Peace  Resolutions  offered  by  Judge 
Stephens.  Referring  to  what  he  believed  to  be  the  South's 
one  hold  on  the  world's  sympathy,  he  said : 

European  governments  have  no  sympathy  with  either 
side  in  this  struggle.  They  are  rejoiced  to  see  professed 
Republicans  cutting  each  other's  throats.  But  we  have 
friends  there.  No  argument  used  by  them  heretofore 
has  been  more  effectual  than  the  contrast  between  the 


74  INTRODUCTION 

Federals  and  Confederates  on  the  subject  of  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus.  Here,  notwithstanding  our  dangers 
and  perils,  the  military  has  always  been  kept  subordinate 
to  the  civil  authorities.  Here,  all  the  landmarks  of 
English  liberty  have  been  preserved  and  maintained, 
while  at  the  North  scarcely  a  vestige  is  left.  There, 
instead  of  courts  of  justice  with  open  doors,  the  country 
is  dotted  over  with  bastiles. 

The  Resolutions  contained  this: 

As  constitutional  liberty  is  the  sole  object  which  our 
people  and  our  noble  army  have  in  our  present  terrible 
struggle  with  the  Government  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  so  also 
is  a  faithful  adherence  to  it  on  the  part  of  our  Govern 
ment  through  good  fortunes  in  arms  and  through  bad, 
one  of  the  great  elements  of  our  final  success :  because  the 
constant  contrast  of  constitutional  government  on  our 
part  with  the  usurpations  and  tyrannies  which  char 
acterize  the  government  of  our  enemy  under  the  ever- 
recurring  and  ever  false  plea  of  the  necessities  of  war, 
will  have  the  double  effect  of  animating  our  people  with 
an  unconquerable  zeal  and  of  inspiring  the  people  of 
the  North  more  and  more  with  a  desire  and  determina 
tion  to  put  an  end  to  a  contest  which  is  waged  by  their 
Government  openly  against  our  liberty,  but  secretly 
and  more  covertly  against  their  own.  .  .  . 

We  earnestly  recommend  that  our  Government,  imme 
diately  after  signal  successes  of  arms,  and  on  other 
occasions  when  none  can  impute  its  action  to  alarm 
instead  of  a  sincere  desire  for  peace,  shall  make  to  the 
Government  of  our  enemy  an  official  offer  of  peace  on 
the  basis  of  the  great  principles  declared  by  our  common 
fathers  in  1776. 

He  wrote  of  Lincoln's  administration: 

1861,  April  i. —  [Day  blockade  of  Southern  ports 
was  declared.]  The  worst  feature  is  the  possibility 
that  he  has  no  real  design,  no  settled  policy;  that  he 


INTRODUCTION  75 

is,  like  the  fool,  scattering  fire  without  any  definite 
purpose.  May  30.  —  [After  suspension  of  habeas 
corpus  in  certain  localities.]  All  Lincoln's  Cabinet, 
except  Blair,  were  opposed  to  the  war  at  first,  I  think. 
The  North,  I  believe,  will  go  into  anarchy.  The  Admin 
istration  cannot  stop  the  war.  1862,  August  7.  - 
The  North  is  already  a  despotism.  Blood  will  soon 
flow  there  as  it  did  in  France  under  the  Directory.  Win 
ter  of  1862. — If  the  South  had  not  seceded,  Lincoln's 
administration  would  have  broken  down  in  sixty  days. 

1863,  March — Lincoln  is  no  more  a  dictator  now  than 
he  has  been  all  the  time.     My  opinion  was,  and  still 
is,  that  it  was  better  for  all  the  States  to  remain  in  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution.     If  the  Northern  Govern 
ment  would  now  acknowledge  the  Sovereignty  of    the 
States,  war  would  instantly  cease,  and  the  great  law  of 
nature    governing    the    proper   union    of    States    would 
work  its  results.     But  you  might  as  well  sing  hymns 
to  a  dead  horse  as  preach  such  doctrines  to  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  those  who  control  his  Government  at  this  time.     If 
we  ever  have  peace  on  this  line,  it  will  be  when  other 
men   are   brought  into  power  there.     There   are   such 
men  there  —  States  Rights  and  State  Sovereignty  men  of 
the  Jefferson  school. 

The  organization  of  the  Peace  party  at  the  North  "may 
justly  be  claimed  as  part  of  the  fruits"  of  the  Georgia 
resolutions,  Mr.  Stephens  says  in  a  letter  of  Sept.  22, 
1864;  the  movement  in  the  Chicago  Convention,  which 
nominated  McClellan,  for  a  peace  convocation  of  all  the 
States,  he  hails  as  "the  first  ray  of  real  light  from  the 
North."  He  listened  eagerly  for  some  expression  of 
sympathy  with  this  movement  from  Mr.  Davis.  Their 
difference  of  opinion  at  this  time  led  to  a  painful  cor 
respondence,  initiated  by  a  note  from  Davis,  December, 

1864,  calling  on  Stephens  to  explain  this  passage  in  his 
published  letter  to  Senator  Semmes: 


76  INTRODUCTION 

I  know  there  are  many  persons  amongst  us  whose 
opinions  are  entitled  to  high  consideration  who  do  not 
agree  with  me  on  the  question  of  McClellan's  election. 
They  prefer  Lincoln  to  McClellan.  Perhaps  the  Presi 
dent  belongs  to  that  class.  Judging  from  his  acts,  I 
should  think  that  he  did. 

Mr.  Stephens,  in  his  explanations,  said: 

The  Peace  party  at  the  North  had  planted  themselves 
at  Chicago  on  a  States  Rights  platform.  McClellan 
was  their  candidate.  They  announced,  as  their  pur 
pose,  if  brought  into  power,  to  propose  a  convention 
of  all  the  States.  This  proposition,  in  your  Columbia 
speech,  you  opposed.  How  could  their  leading  men 
urge  their  people  to  rally  with  any  prospect  of  success, 
in  opposition  to  the  potent  argument  of  their  adver 
saries  that  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Confederate  States 
had  declared  in  advance  that  he  would  not  entertain 
any  such  proposition?  The  rejection  was  accompanied 
by  words  that  must  have  grated  very  harshly,  that  there 
was  no  prospect  of  peace  but  by  the  sword,  that  the 
"only  way  to  make  spaniels  civil  is  to  whip  them." 
The  natural  tendency  was  not  only  to  dampen  the  ardour 
of  the  peace  men  but  to  excite  bitterness.  Who  would 
be  willing  to  subject  himself  to  the  taunts  of  the  war 
champions  that  he  had  been  "whipped"  into  his  con 
ciliatory  mood,  and,  in  the  estimate  of  our  Chief  was 
no  better  than  a  spaniel,  and  a  whipped  spaniel  at  that  ? 

Mr.  Davis  replied  • 

My  speech  was  not  such  as  you  represent  it,  and  I 
now  quote  the  passage  from  which  you  have  torn  a  few 
words.  I  said,  "Does  any  one  believe  that  the  Yankees 
are  to  be  conciliated  by  retreating  before  them,  or  do 
you  not  all  know  that  the  way  to  make  spaniels  civil 
is  to  whip  them?"  I  plainly  intimated  my  desire  for 
the  success  of  the  Peace  party  in  the  words,  "Let  fresh 


INTRODUCTION  77 

victories  crown  our  arms,  and  the  Peace  party,  if  there 
be  such  at  the  North,  can  elect  its  candidate."  The 
speech  is  an  appeal  to  the  people  to  trust  to  their  own 
courage  and  fortitude  for  the  maintenance  of  their  rights. 
It  was  delivered  after  the  publication  of  McClellan's 
letter  avowing  his  purpose  to  force  reunion  by  war  if  we 
declined  reconstruction  when  offered. 

Mr.  Stephens  explains  further  the  Semmes  letter: 

There  was  nothing  in  it  intended  to  be  offensive  to 
you,  or  to  any  one  who  differed  from  me,  no  desire  to 
impeach  their  motives,  integrity,  or  patriotism.  Very 
few  of  our  public  men  or  presses  agreed  with  me.  I 
stood  almost  solitary  and  alone.  I  had  been  grossly 
assailed;  my  objects  were  misunderstood  by  some,  mis 
represented  by  others,  while  my  motives  were  openly 
impugned  by  many.  It  was  in  vindication  of  myself 
that  I  gave  these  views. 

He  had  been  called  a  traitor.  He  said  in  the  Semmes 
letter: 

I  know  that  many  of  our  people  think  that  any  allu 
sion  to  peace  on  our  side  is  injurious  to  our  cause.  Some 
maintain  that  we  cannot  entertain  any  propositions 
unless  they  be  based  upon  our  Independence.  I  concur 
in  none  of  this  reasoning.  Nothing  would  give  us  more 
strength  at  home  or  abroad,  with  our  armies  and  the 
world,  than  to  keep  constantly  before  the  public  what 
we  are  fighting  for,  and  the  terms  upon  which  the  con 
test  forced  upon  us  may  be  ended. 

In  January,  1865,  resolutions  by  Stephens,  encourag 
ing  the  idea  of  a  convention  of  the  States  and  of  peace 
measures  based  on  "the  principles  of  1776,"  had  nearly 
passed  the  Confederate  Congress  when  Francis  P.  Blair's 
visits  to  Richmond  created  a  diversion  that  led  to  the 
Hampton  Roads  Peace  Conference. 


78  INTRODUCTION 

Mr.  Stephens' s  first  connection  with  a  peace  conference 
was  in  1863.  Lee's  victory  at  Chancellorsville  and 
Grant's  repulses  at  Vicksburg  had  discouraged  the 
North,  where  large  peace  meetings  were  held  and  the 
papers  preached  peace.  Indications  that  exchange  of 
prisoners  was  to  be  suspended  gave  Stephens  his  open 
ing.  He  wrote  Davis,  June  12,  offering  to  go  to  Wash 
ington  to  treat  on  exchange ;  if  an  interview  could  be  had 
with  authorities  there,  he  hoped  so  to  conduct  it  as  to 
initiate  peace  measures;  or,  in  any  event,  to  make  it, 
in  publication,  a  moral  argument  for  the  South.  June 
19,  Davis  called  him  by  wire  to  Richmond;  he  responded 
instantly.  Learning  that  Lee  was  now  invading  Penn 
sylvania  and  Grant  pressing  Pemberton  at  Vicksburg, 
he  told  the  President  and  Cabinet  that  he  had  no  hope, 
under  changed  conditions,  of  being  received  by  Lincoln. 
They  were  doubtful,  as  was  he,  of  his  reception  under 
any  circumstances,  but  thought  chances  increased  by 
Lee's  position.  He  was  gotten  to  City  Point,  July  4; 
detained  there  two  days  while  Admiral  Lee,  U.  S.  N., 
waited  to  hear  from  his  telegram  to  Washington  stating 
Stephens's  request  for  conference;  July  1-3,  Gettysburg 
was  fought;  July  4,  Vicksburg  fell;  July  6,  Admiral 
Lee  informed  him  that  his  request  was  refused. 

Sherman  sent  him  a  verbal  invitation,  September,  1864, 
to  conference  at  Atlanta  on  peace,  under  the  impression 
that  he  might  act  without  reference  to  Davis.  Stephens's 
written  reply  assured  Sherman  that  the  object  was  so 
dear  to  him  that  he  would  make  any  sacrifice  short  of 
honour  for  its  sake: 

But  the  entire  absence  of  power  on  my  part  to  enter 
into  any  such  negotiations,  and  the  like  on  his,  as  appears 
from  his  message,  preclude  my  acceptance.  If  he  is 


INTRODUCTION  79 

of  opinion  that  there  is  any  prospect  of  our  agreeing 
upon  terms  of  adjustment  to  be  submitted  to  the  action 
of  our  respective  governments,  and  will  make  this  known 
to  me  in  some  formal  and  authoritative  manner,  I  would 
most  cheerfully  and  willingly,  with  the  consent  of  our 
authorities,  accede  to  his  request. 

After  Blair's  visits  in  1865,  Davis  told  Stephens  that 
Blair  had  proposed,  with  Lincoln's  knowledge  as  was 
understood,  a  "  secret  military  convention  between  bel 
ligerents"  with  a  view  to  their  sustaining  jointly  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  then  threatened  in  Mexico  by  Napoleon ; 
the  armistice  that  would  be  necessary  and  engagement 
in  a  common  cause  would  tend  to  cool  sectional  rancours 
and  pave  the  way  to  peace.  Stephens  advised  a  meeting 
between  Davis  and  Lincoln  near  City  Point  with  only 
Grant  and  Lee  in  the  secret.  Davis  insisted  on  a  com 
mission  of  three,  naming  Stephens,  R.  M.  T.  Hunter, 
and  Judge  J.  A.  Campbell.  Stephens  objected  that 
the  absence  of  both  himself  and  Hunter  —  Chairman 
and  Chairman  pro  tern  —  from  the  Senate  would  imperil 
the  secrecy  which  Blair  had  said  was  essential.  The 
appointments  held.  The  Commissioners'  departure  was 
heralded  in  the  papers,  and  by  the  time  they  reached 
City  Point,  the  North  was  in  a  stir.  There,  Grant 
received  them  on  his  own  authority,  pending  advices 
from  Washington.  Stephens  says  of  his  first  impression 
of  Grant: 

I  was  struck  with  the  great  simplicity  and  naturalness 
of  his  manners.  He  was  plainly  attired,  sitting  in  a  log- 
cabin,  busily  writing  on  a  small  table  by  a  kerosene 
lamp.  There  was  nothing  in  his  appearance  or  sur 
roundings  which  indicated  his  official  rank.  There  were 
neither  guards  nor  aids  about  him.  Upon  Colonel 


8o  INTRODUCTION 

Babcock  [of  Grant's  staff,  their  escort]  rapping  at  his 
door,  the  response,  "Come  in,"  was  given  by  himself. 
We  were  with  General  Grant  two  days.  He  furnished 
us  with  comfortable  quarters  on  one  of  his  despatch 
boats;  met  us  frequently,  and  conversed  freely  upon 
various  subjects,  not  much  upon  our  mission.  I  saw, 
however,  very  plainly  that  he  was  anxious  for  the  pro 
posed  conference  to  take  place.  He  was,  without  doubt, 
anxious  for  a  termination  of  the  war,  and  the  return  of 
peace  and  harmony.  It  was  through  his  instrumentality 
mainly  that  Mr.  Lincoln  finally  consented  to  meet  us  at 
Fortress  Monroe. 

To  contrast  with  this  Mr.  Stephens's  first  impression 
of  the  South's  great  captain,  Lee,  is  a  digression  justi 
fied  by  its  interest.  Mr.  Stephens  first  saw  Lee  in  the 
Capitol  at  Richmond  at  his  installation  as  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Armies  of  Virginia,  a  dignified  and  imposing 
ceremony  through  which  Lee,  handsome  and  polished 
to  the  last  degree,  bore  himself  with  a  simplicity  not 
surpassed  by  Grant's  in  the  log-cabin.  Mr.  Stephens 
was  in  Richmond  to  invite  Virginia's  alliance  with  the 
Confederacy.  He  knew  that  Lee  could  defeat  the  meas 
ure  by  "a  look."  That  night  in  his  rooms  at  the  Ballard 
House,  he  sounded  Lee,  and  found  that  Lee  desired 
that  no  consideration  for  himself  should  enter  into  the 
question  of  alliance,  though  he  knew  it  would  reduce 
his  rank,  subordinating  him  to  the  Confederacy's  chief 
officer.  In  discussing  Lee  at  different  times  in  1862-63, 
Mr.  Stephens  said: 

I  have  always  regarded  him  as  the  ablest  man  in  our 
army;  indeed,  the  first  military  man  on  the  continent. 
The  last  time  Mr.  Davis  consulted  me  on  any  question 
was  about  who  should  be  sent  to  command  at  Charleston. 
I  urged  him  to  send  Lee.  Lee  was  sent.  This  was  in 


INTRODUCTION  81 

November,  1861.  .  .  .  I  was  wonderfully  taken 
with  Lee  in  our  first  interview.  I  saw  him  put  to  the 
test  that  tries  character.  He  came  out  of  the  crucible, 
pure  and  refined  gold. 

The  Commissioners  met  Lincoln  and  Seward  aboard 
the  River  Queen,  in  Hampton  Roads.  Stephens  opened 
the  conference  with  some  pleasant  remarks  to  Lincoln 
on  their  association  in  Congress  and  as  Young  Indians. 
Lincoln  responded  cordially;  inquiries  concerning  old 
comrades  were  exchanged.  Then  political  discussion 
began,  during  which  no  one  entered  the  saloon,  "  except 
a  coloured  servant  to  bring  water,  cigars,  and  other  refresh 
ments."  Seward  promised  that  there  should  be  no  clerk, 
no  records.  The  military  convention,  Monroe  doctrine, 
armistice,  emancipation,  compensation  for  slaves  and 
status  of  seceded  States  if  war  were  abandoned,  were 
reviewed.  Lincoln's  " opinion"  was  that  the  States 
would  be  instantly  "restored  to  their  practical  relations 
to  the  Union";  that  his  Emancipation  Proclamation,  as 
a  war  measure,  would  only  apply  to  such  slaves  as  had 
come  under  its  operation;  he  favoured  voluntary  emanci 
pation  by  the  States,  the  Government  paying  indemnity. 
But  he  promised  nothing,  except  liberal  exercise  of  Execu 
tive  clemency  in  the  enforcement  of  penalties.  "  Restora 
tion  of  the  Union  is  a  sine  qua  non  with  me,"  he  said. 
His  letter  to  Davis  by  Blair  had  referred  to  "our  common 
country";  Davis's  reply,  to  "the  two  countries." 
Stephens  brought  up  the  question  of  exchange.  Lincoln 
said  he  would  refer  that  whole  matter  to  Grant  with  whom 
the  visitors  could  confer.  Stephens  relates: 

I  then  said,  "I  wish,  Mr.  President,  that  you  would 
reconsider  the  subject  of  an  armistice  on  the  basis  which 


82  INTRODUCTION 

has  been  suggested.  If,  upon  so  doing,  you  shall 
change  your  mind,  you  can  make  it  known  through  the 
military."  "Well,"  said  he,  as  he  was  taking  my  hand 
for  a  farewell  leave,  and  with  a  peculiar  manner  very 
characteristic  of  him — "Well,  Stephens,  I  will  reconsider 
it,  but  I  do  not  think  my  mind  will  change;  but  I  will 
reconsider." 

So  ended  the  one  interview  the  Confederate  Govern 
ment  was  able  to  obtain  with  Lincoln,  though  it  had 
sought  many,  and  in  matters  of  form,  Davis  had  made 
every  concession  except  that  embraced  in  the  term,  "the 
two  countries."  A  pleasant  incident  occurred  when 
Lincoln  said:  "Well,  Stephens,  it  seems  we  can  do 
nothing  for  our  country.  Is  there  anything  I  can  do 
for  you?"  Stephens  replied  that  he  would  like  to  secure 
the  exchange  of  his  nephew,  who  had  been  in  prison 
nearly  two  years,  being  sixteen  months  of  this  time  on 
Johnson's  Island.  Lincoln  said  he  would  be  glad  to 
attend  to  the  matter  personally,  and  on  reaching  Wash 
ington,  he  telegraphed  to  Johnson's  Island  for  Lieut. 
John  A.  Stephens  to  be  sent  to  him.  John  Stephens, 
ignorant  of  the  cause  of  his  summons,  was  ushered,  at 
the  White  House,  into  Lincoln's  presence.  Lincoln, 
who  was  sitting  on  a  table  in  a  half-reclining  posture 
and  talking  to  Seward,  arose,  and  greeted  the  young 
man  cordially,  remarking  in  substance:  "I  saw  your 
uncle,  the  Honourable  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  recently, 
at  Hampton  Roads  and  I  promised  to  send  you  to  him, 
Lieutenant."  In  the  conversation  that  ensued,  Lincoln 
gave  John  what  was  virtually  his  first  direct  news  from 
home,  carefully  imparting  all  that  could  be  recalled 
from  what  Mr.  Stephens  had  said  at  Hampton  Roads; 
he  spoke  warmly  of  Mr,  Stephens,  and  closed  the  inter- 


INTRODUCTION  83 

view  by  telling  young  Stephens  that  the  freedom  of  the 
city  was  his  as  long  as  he  chose  to  remain  in  Washington, 
and,  "When  you  want  to  go  home,  let  me  know  and  I 
will  pass  you  through  our  lines."  Weak  and  ill  from 
long  imprisonment,  John  Stephens  was  glad  of  the 
privilege,  and  stayed  in  Washington  for  nearly  a  week. 
On  his  farewell  call  at  the  White  House,  Lincoln,  after 
a  pleasant  chat,  gave  him  a  letter  to  his  uncle,  and  then 
his  own  autographed  photograph,  saying  in  his  droll 
way:  "You  had  better  take  that  along;  it  is  considered 
quite  a  curiosity  down  your  way,  I  believe." 

Another  incident  of  the  interview  is  given  here  because 
of  a  reference  made  to  it  in  the  Journal.  Hunter  called 
attention  to  the  sufferings  which  immediate  emancipa 
tion  would  entail  upon  the  Negroes,  especially  on  the  aged 
and  the  infirm,  the  women  and  children  of  the  race,  who 
would  be  unable  to  support  themselves.  Lincoln  replied 
with  this  anecdote: 

An  Illinois  farmer  was  congratulating  himself  with  a 
neighbour  concerning  a  discovery  he  had  made  which 
would  save  time  and  labour  in  gathering  a  food  crop  for 
his  hogs.  "What  is  it?"  asked  the  neighbour.  "Why, 
plant  plenty  of  potatoes,  and  when  they  mature,  turn 
the  hogs  in  and  let  them  get  their  food  as  they  want  it." 
"But  how  will  they  do  when  the  ground  is  frozen?" 
"Let  'em  root!" 

Stephens  advised  Davis  against  a  public  report  of  the 
conference;  spoke  of  Lincoln's  promise  to  "reconsider"; 
thought  Davis  might  hear  from  it  in  a  quiet  way  after 
the  "hubbub"  over  the  conference  had  subsided;  the 
publicity  which  had  attended  the  mission  was  enough 
to  account  for  its  failure,  if  Blair's  representations  were 
correct.  Davis  insisted  on  the  public  report,  which  was 


84  INTRODUCTION 

made  to  the  Confederate  Congress,  February  6th,  stating 
that  no  terms  were  offered  the  South  except  unconditional 
surrender  and  Lincoln's  pledge  of  Executive  clemency. 
Resolutions  of  indignation  and  purpose  to  fight  on  natu 
rally  followed.  Impassioned  addresses  of  like  tone  were 
made  in  the  Old  African  Church*  and  in  the  Capitol 
Square  by  Davis,  Benjamin,  Hunter,  and  others.  The 
United  States  Congress  called  on  Lincoln  (February  8th) 
for  information  concerning  the  Congress,  and  it  was  given. 

Stephens's  distress  at  the  turn  of  affairs  is  so  pronounced 
in  his  Journal  and  in  his  letter  to  Seward  as  to  suggest 
that  something  more  than  is  published  was  said  about 
secrecy.  There  may  have  been  passes  of  a  purely  per 
sonal  nature  between  himself  and  Lincoln  as  old  friends 
and  as  men,  in  which  each  expressed  desire  to  cooperate 
for  peace,  and  which  each  felt  bound  in  honour  never  to 
reveal.  Seward,  as  a  man,  may  have  spoken  in  some  such 
way.  There  may  have  been  a  tacit  understanding,  on 
Stephens's  initiative,  that  the  conference  should  at  least 
not  be  used  to  foment  public  wrath.  It  is  almost  impos 
sible  to  conceive  of  Stephens  as  having  that  interview 
with  Lincoln  and  not  making  in  his  personal  character 
some  appeal  to  the  merciful  side  of  his  friend  in  behalf 
of  a  suffering  people.  Yet  on  the  basis  of  what  is  known, 
he  might  feel  acutely  that  Northern  resentment  would 
tie  Lincoln's  hands  and  prevent  "  reconsidering." 

Admiral  Porter  relates  of  the  conference  held  by  Lin 
coln,  Grant,  and  Sherman  on  March  27:  " Lincoln 
wanted  peace  on  almost  any  terms.  He  did,  in  fact, 
arrange  the  (so-called  liberal)  terms  offered  General 
Joe  Johnston."  These  terms,  in  Lincoln's  words  to 
the  Peace  Commissioners,  "  restored  the  States  to  their 

Richmond's  largest  auditorium,  built  by  the  whites  as  a  place  of  worship  for  their  slaves. 


INTRODUCTION  85 

practical  relations  to  the  Union.''  Sherman  says  in 
his  "Memoirs":  "Mr.  Lincoln  exclaimed  more  than 
once  that  there  had  been  enough  blood  shed."  In  all 
this,  may  there  not  have  been  some  "reconsidering" 
of  that  talk  at  Hampton  Roads  between  the  two  old 
friends,  neither  of  whom  doubted  the  goodness  and 
patriotism  of  the  other  and  both  of  whom  were  deeply 
humane  ? 

Mr.  Stephens  declined  to  make  a  speech  in  line  with 
the  speeches  of  the  Administration:  "I  could  not  under 
take  to  impress  upon  the  people  the  idea  that  they  could 
do  what  I  believed  impossible,  or  to  inspire  in  them 
hopes  which  could  never  be  realized.  It  was  then  that 
I  withdrew  from  Richmond."  In  their  last  interne w 
he  told  Mr.  Davis  that  he  would  keep  silent  as  to  his 
views  of  the  situation.  They  parted  in  the  "same  friend 
ship  that  had  always  marked  our  intercourse,"  Mr. 
Stephens  says.  It  can  be  understood  how  each  regarded 
the  other  as  having  obstructed  Confederate  success.  In 
his  "War  Between  the  States,"  the  ablest  defence  of  the 
Confederacy  ever  given,  Mr.  Stephens  gives  a  mellowed 
view  of  his  Chief,  but  it  is  not  inconsistent  with  that  of 
the  Journal,  given  when  the  sore  was  raw;  when  the 
South  was  in  ruins,  her  public  men  in  prisons,  and  threat- 
ened  with  hanging;  and  when  he  felt  that  none  of  this 
need  have  come  to  pass.  From  his  last  interview  with 
Mr.  Davis  he  went  to  Liberty  Hall,  where  he  remained 
quietly,  awaiting  arrest  and  probable  execution.  Their 
next  meeting  was  when  they  were  both  prisoners; 
Stephens  tried  to  avoid  it,  as  a  painful  trial  for  himself 
and  as  doubtless  the  same  for  Mr.  Davis. 

It  is  now  in  order  to  give  some  account  of  his  family 
ties  and  surroundings  at  Liberty  Hall,  thus  making 


86  INTRODUCTION 

clear  his  relation  with  various  people  mentioned  in  the 
Journal. 

When  Mr.  Stephens's  half-brother,  John,  died  in  1856, 
he  left  his  wife,  children,  and  estate  to  Mr.  Stephens, 
who  installed  "  Sister  Elizabeth,"  as  he  called  her,  and 
her  family  at  the  old  homestead,  and  cared  for  them 
faithfully.  Her  sons,  John  A.,  Linton  Andrew,  and 
William  Grier,  served  in  the  Confederate  Army,  though 
the  two  last  were  but  youths;  Clarence,  the  youngest, 
attended  day  school  at  Crawfordville.  Her  widowed 
daughter,  Mrs.  Reid,  afterward  Mrs.  Corry,  lived  with 
her.  At  Sparta,  some  twenty  miles  distant,  resided 
Judge  Linton  Stephens  with  his  three  little  daughters, 
Becky,  Em,  and  Claude ;  their  mother,  Emmeline,  daughter 
of  Judge  Thomas,  died  in  1857.  Sparta  also  was  the 
home  of  Richard  Malcolm  Johnston,  a  friend  much 
beloved  by  Mr.  Stephens  and  his  brother  Linton;  he  is 
best  known  to  the  public  as  the  author  of  the  "  Dukes- 
borough  Tales"  and  as  Mr.  Stephens's  biographer. 
Mollie  and  William  A.  Greer  of  the  Journal  were  children 
of  Mr.  Stephens's  half-sister  Catherine,  who  died  in  1857, 
he  was  long  the  mainstay  of  her  and  her  family;  and  he 
was  a  kind  and  thoughtful  brother  to  "Sister  Sarah," 
widow  of  Aaron  Grier,  his  only  full  brother.  Aaron, 
the  patient  yokefellow  of  his  poverty  and  orphanage  and 
for  a  time  the  sharer  of  his  better  fortunes,  died  in  1843, 
just  as  Mr.  Stephens  entered  Congress. 

Mr.  Stephens  had  many  relatives  and  friends  who  were 
his  constant  visitors.  One  room  at  the  Hall,  called  the 
"Parson's  Room,"  was  sacred  to  Mr.  Quinea  O'Neal, 
dubbed  "The  Parson"  because  of  his  amiable  mentor- 
ship  to  the  young  men  of  the  neighbourhood.  He  died 
at  the  Hall,  after  the  war,  at  the  age  of  ninety.  "G.  F. 


INTRODUCTION  87 

Bristow,"  of  the  Journal,  was  probably  the  lawyer  of 
that  name,  who  at  one  time  lived  at  the  Hall  and  read 
law  under  Mr.  Stephens. 

Liberty  Hall  was  so  named,  Mr.  Stephens  said, 
"because  I  do  as  I  please  here  and  expect  my  guests  to 
do  the  same."  During  the  war,  it  was  known,  too,  as 
the  "Wayside  Home"  because  it  sheltered  so  many  sick 
and  crippled  soldiers.  In  that  day  of  scant  food  supplies, 
it  was,  as  at  all  other  times  a  seat  of  free  hospitality. 
In  the  master's  absence,  as  in  his  presence,  open  house 
was  kept,  his  servants,  Harry  and  Eliza,  doing  the  honours. 
Harry  was  Mr.  Stephens's  body-servant,  butler,  and 
man-of -affairs  generally;  Eliza,  Harry's  wife,  was  cook 
and  feminine  superintendent.  Their  children,  Ellen, 
Fanny,  Dora,  Tim,  and  Quin,  engaged  themselves  about 
the  place  in  work  or  amusement  as  convenient.  From 
Washington  Mr.  Stephens,  in  the  toil  and  moil  of  getting 
'the  Compromise  of  1850  through  the  House,  wrote 
Linton : 

I  forgot  to  reply,  in  my  letter  from  the  House  to-day, 
to  the  request  of  Googer's  Harry  to  take  Eliza  for  his 
wife.  Say  to  him  I  have  no  objection.  And  tell  Eliza 
to  go  to  Solomon  &  Henry's  and  get  a  wedding  dress, 
including  a  fine  pair  of  shoes,  etc.,  and  to  have  a  decent 
wedding  of  it.  Let  them  cook  a  supper  and  have  such 
of  their  friends  as  they  wish.  Tell  them  to  get  some 
"parson  man"  and  be  married  like  Christian  folks.  Let 
the  wedding  come  off  when  you  are  at  home  so  that  you 
can  keep  order  among  them.  Buy  a  pig,  and  let  them 
have  a  good  supper.  Let  Eliza  bake  some  pound-cake 
and  set  a  good  wedding  supper. 

He  bought  Harry  for  Eliza's  sake.  At  the  homestead 
and  the  Hall,  he  kept  a  number  of  aged  black  pensioners; 
"Aunt  Mat,"  of  the  Journal,  was  one  of  these;  her  office 


88  INTRODUCTION 

was  to  feed  the  chickens  and  not  to  do  violence  to  Binks, 
the  dog,  when  he  worried  them.  Residents  of  no  small 
importance  were  Mr.  Stephens' s  dogs.  A  deceased 
favourite,  Rio,  mentioned  in  the  Journal,  became  a  pub 
lic  character  through  much  travel  with  his  master;  he 
was  a  beautiful  creature  of  almost  human  intelligence, 
seeming  to  understand  his  master's  speech  and  to  enter 
into  all  his  moods.  In  1859,  Mr.  Stephens  writes  Linton: 
"A  part  of  my  daily  duties  is  to  doctor  Rio.  Poor  fellow, 
he  is  blind!"  He  writes  of  a  dark  and  wintry  afternoon 
in  1 86 1,  which  closed  a  day  spent  in  reading  letters 
advocating  secession: 

I  felt  as  if  I  wanted  to  get  away  from  all  company. 
I  took  my  poor  old  blind  dog,  string  in  hand,  and  sought 
solitude.  I  went  through  the  old  fields,  and  through 
the  pines,  sighing  in  the  chill  wind,  until  I  came  to  the 
place  your  grandmother  settled.  What  a  wreck  was 
before  me!  I  went  to  the  spot  where  I  met  you  on  my 
first  visit  to  your  grandmother's  after  you  went  there  to 
live.  You  were  then  a  very  little  boy.  You  ran  out  to  the 
gate  to  meet  me.  Do  you  remember  the  time  and  the 
spot  ?  .  .  .  Emotions,  deep  and  strong,  swelled  my  breast. 
Rio  whined  in  sympathy  and  raised  a  mournful  howl. 

Mr.  Stephens's  affection  for  his  brother  Linton  was 
of  unusual  depth  and  tenderness,  and  almost  maternal 
in  solicitude.  As  soon  as  his  own  problem  of  poverty 
was  conquered,  he  assumed  the  care  of  this  young  half- 
brother  and  sent  him  by  turns  to  his  own  alma  mater, 
to  Virginia  University,  and  Harvard  College.  When  in 
1859,  Linton  became  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Georgia,  Mr.  Stephens's  gratification  was  less  that  the 
honour  had  been  conferred  on  him  than  that  he  was  so 
equal  to  it.  Judge  Stephens,  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to 


INTRODUCTION  89 

Fort  Warren,  was  a  handsome  man  of  forty- two.  Dur 
ing  Mr.  Stephens's  imprisonment,  the  brothers  received 
few  letters  from  each  other.  What  became  of  the  many 
written  is  a  mystery  explained  in  part  by  uncertain  mail 
facilities  in  the  South  and  official  interference  with  sus 
pected  letters  in  transit,  letters  between  the  brothers 
coming  perhaps  more  readily  under  this  head  than  Mr. 
Stephens's  other  mail.  It  is  true,  too,  that  Judge  Stephens 
did  not  write  so  often  as  was  his  custom,  being  doubtful 
if  his  brother  would  get  his  letters  and  fearful  lest  some 
thing  he  might  say  would  be  so  construed  as  to  increase 
his  brother's  peril  and  attract  undue  attention  to  himself 
and  the  family  property  at  a  time  when  sudden  arrests 
and  confiscations  were  the  order  of  the  day.  In  previous 
separations,  the  brothers  had  exchanged  letters  almost 
daily.  These  letters  usually  discussed  men  and  measures, 
and  the  "  state  of  the  country."  Valuable  as  they  are, 
one  of  another  type  is  preferred  here  to  reflect  the  rela 
tionship  between  these  men,  neither  of  whom  had  known 
a  mother's  care  and  one  of  whom  had  denied  himself 
love  and  marriage.  Linton,  just  before  his  wedding,  in 
1852,  wrote  from  Milled geville,  then  Capital  of  Georgia, 
to  Mr.  Stephens  in  Washington : 

Dear  Brother:  I  wrote  you  no  letter  last  night 
because  it  was  so  late  when  I  returned  from  the  House. 
I  went  into  the  Executive  Office,  and  the  Governor, 
Mr.  Bartow,  and  myself  figured  up  the  State's  finances; 
then  all  went  to  Mercer's  and  took  an  oyster  supper. 

A  favour  I  want  you  to  do  me;  it  is  to  give  me  the 
benefit  of  your  taste  in  a  little  matter.  I  find  that  it  has 
grown  into  a  sort  of  common  law  for  all  brides  about 
Sparta  to  receive  a  bridal  present  from  the  intended; 
and  I  am  inclined  to  suspect  that  my  sweetheart  would 
not  like  to  be  obliged  to  admit  that  she  is  an  exception. 


90  INTRODUCTION 

Women  have  a  pride  to  gratify,  or  at  least,  to  save;  and 
though  I  think  she  cares  as  little  about  such  things  as 
anybody  else,  yet  I  fear  that  even  she  might  feel  a  shade 
of  mortification  if  when  asked  by  her  friends  to  show 
the  accustomed  token,  she  should  be  obliged  to  tell 
them  she  had  none.  Therefore,  I  want  to  make  her  a 
present,  and  I  want  your  judgment  as  to  what  it  shall 
be;  and  as  you  will  readily  know  from  what  I  have 
before  written  you,  I  want  it  very  soon.  Now,  I  have 
an  idea  of  a  breast-pin  with  my  daguerreotype  in  it. 
What  think  you  of  that  ?  Or,  a  bracelet  with  my  likeness  ? 
An  objection  to  either  is  that  she  already  has  my  daguer 
reotype  in  a  fine  locket ;  and  she  has  a  very  fine  bracelet. 
How  would  a  ring  do?  What  think  you  of  a  chain? 
wouldn't  there  be  a  meaning  in  that?  If  the  chain 
should  strike  you,  couldn't  you  find  in  Washington  one 
with  some  fanciful  significance  yet  in  good  taste?  If 
Mrs.  Toombs  is  with  you,  couldn't  you  get  an  idea  from 
her?  Not  that  she  would  certainly  be  right,  but  she 
is  a  woman  and  might  give  a  valuable  suggestion.  It 
is  a  thing  of  much  consideration  and  great  difficulty  with 
me,  and  I  expect  something  strikingly  original  and 
appropriate  from  you.  I  will  bid  you  good  night  with 
the  hope  that  you  will  not  burn  this  letter,  provided  always 
you  will  keep  it  safe.  I  may  like  to  look  over  it  some  of 
these  days  and  to  show  it  to  somebody. 

Yours  affectionately,  LINTON. 

The  original  of  the  Prison  Journal  is  owned  by  Alex. 
W.  Stephens,  Robert  Grier  Stephens,  and  Mrs.  Robert 
Lee  Avary,  all  of  Atlanta,  Ga.  They  are  the  children 
of  John  A.  Stephens,  who  died  in  1887.  He  was  the  ex 
ecutor  of  his  uncle's  will  by  the  terms  of  which  he 
acquired  title  to  the  Journal.  His  daughter,  in  trans 
cribing  it,  had  to  choose  among  several  readings  possible 
for  some  expressions.  My  work  in  editing  has  consisted 
mainly  in  reducing  matter  to  publication  limits.  Mr. 


INTRODUCTION  91 

Stephens,  in  the  effort  to  keep  his  mind  from  feeding 
on  itself,  copied  into  his  diary  copious  extracts  from 
the  Bible,  hymn-book,  and  the  classics.  Grave  impression 
of  his  situation  and  his  endeavour  to  surmount  it  is 
gained  in  turning  page  after  page  of  such  copy  in  his 
painful  writing,  particularly  when  he  notes  in  accom 
panying  entries  that  his  eyesight  is  failing,  his  hand 
cramps,  and  his  hair  has  turned  white.  He  reviews 
books,  gives  his  every  menu,  and  all  weather  and  ther- 
mometric  changes.  The  extracts  and  such  matters  as 
these  are  largely  omitted  from  this  publication.  Other 
reduction  is  made  in  small  points  of  style,  as  in  substitu 
ting  his  briefest  for  his  most  diffuse  form  in  giving  dates, 
mail  arrivals,  and  other  routine  incidents.  Asterisks 
to  denote  omissions  are  dispensed  with  for  the  most 
part  in  abridgement  of  the  diary  as  well  as  in  speeches 
and  letters  in  this  sketch.  It  was  his  habit  to  re 
peat  himself  in  letters,  writing  the  same  thing  in  slightly 
different  form  to  several  persons.  In  selection  from 
original  documents,  the  shorter  forms  are  preferred  here; 
for  fuller  versions  of  several  condensations,  the  reader  is 
referred  to  Johnston  and  Browne's  "Life  of  Stephens." 
For  Mr.  Stephens's  speeches  in  full,  he  is  referred  to 
Cleveland's  " Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens";  and  for 
complete  elucidation  of  Mr.  Stephens's  political  views  to 
his  own  "War  Between  the  States."  For  sympathetic  aid 
and  cooperation  in  her  work,  the  editor  hereby  acknowl 
edges  her  indebtedness  to  Mr.  John  M.  Graham  and  Mr. 
T.  K.  Oglesby,  formerly  secretaries  to  Mr.  Stephens. 

Mr.  Stephens  was  in  close  confinement  from  May  25  to 
July  29;  until  August  20,  was  in  a  cell  where  constant  fire 
was  needed  to  "keep  the  room  dry";  he  was  troubled 
with  evil  odours  from  the  sink,  and  with  vermin. 


92  INTRODUCTION 

transfer  to  better  quarters  was,  as  he  publishes  in  his 
"War  Between  the  States/'  through  the  kind  offices  of 
Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  whom  he  had  known 
in  Congress:  "He  visited  me,  and  seeing  my  situation, 
went  to  Washington  and  interceded  in  my  behalf.  The 
order  came  from  President  Johnson  himself;  it  seemed 
that  Mr.  Stanton  would  not  give  his  consent  to  it  to  the 
last."  By  officers  and  men  at  Fort  Warren,  he  says, 
"I  was  treated  with  the  utmost  respect  and  kindness 
consistent  with  their  orders";  and,  "The  many  acts  of 
kindness  I  received  from  the  good  people  of  Boston  can 
never  be  forgotten  by  me."  Among  his  papers  is  a  peti 
tion  to  President  Johnson  for  his  release,  carrying  the 
original  signatures  of  a  number  of  prominent  Boston 
men;  Mr.  Dawson  sent  it  to  him  after  submitting  it  to 
Seward.  Johnston,  in  his  "Life  of  Stephens,"  says 
Stephens' s  release  was  largely  due  to  John  W.  Garrett 
and  W.  Prescott  Smith,  officers  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad.  Smith,  after  a  visit  to  Stephens,  reported 
to  Garrett  that  Stephens' s  death  was  imminent  unless 
he  were  set  free;  Garrett  hurried  to  Washington  and 
let  Seward  have  no  peace  until  the  order  for  release  was 
signed. 

Mr.  Stephens  resented  his  imprisonment  as  an  act  of 
tyranny,  but  his  tone  is  free  from  querulous  complaint 
of  minor  prison  hardships,  to  which  he  exhibits  remark 
able  powers  of  adaptation  and  a  saving  sense  of  humour, 
with  quick  responsiveness  to  the  least  kindness.  July  19, 
after  eight  weeks  in  prison,  he  writes:  "Lieut.  Newton 
approached  me  and  shook  hands.  This  was  the  first 
civility  of  the  sort  extended  me  since  I  have  been  in 
this  cell."  July  22,  he  says  of  his  escort  during  the 
daily  walk  allowed,  who  is  "a  sort  of  familiar  acquain- 


INTRODUCTION  93 

tance,  the  only  one  I  have  here":  " Lieut.  Woodman 
sat  down  and  talked  with  me  —  the  first  time  he  has  sat 
down  and  talked."  Such  chronicle  betrays  how  utterly 
lonely  has  been  this  man  who  was  so  preeminently  social 
and  sympathetic  in  temperament.  He  breaks  down 
weeping  as  Woodman  talks.  Dr.  Seaverns,  the  fort 
surgeon,  is  brought.  The  ice  melts  quickly  now.  The 
post  people  are  very  human  and  their  prisoner  is  lovable 
and  rare  good  company  too.  The  underground  cell 
soon  becomes  a  point  of  attraction  for  the  officers  of  the 
fort,  and  the  children  find  their  way  to  it. 

As  the  story  of  Mr.  Stephens' s  prison  life,  the  Journal 
has  a  very  appealing  human  interest.  In  its  exquisite 
unfoldment  of  a  rare  fraternal  love,  it  is  a  drama,  a 
classic.  As  a  revelation,  unguarded  and  intimate,  of 
himself  and  of  his  opinion  of  the  great  events  in  which 
he  was  an  actor,  and  of  public  men  who  were  his  associ 
ates,  it  is  a  valuable  political  and  historical  document. 
These  events  were  of  tremendous  import,  the  most  tragic 
in  our  national  existence,  costing  thousands  of  lives  and 
billions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property,  with  anguish  and 
rancours  that  cannot  be  measured;  and  these  are  the 
views  of  the  second  officer  of  the  Confederacy  and  of  a 
man  who,  when  in  the  service  of  the  Union,  was  pro 
nounced  the  "  ablest  Member  of  the  House,"  a  House 
that  has  never  been  surpassed  in  its  weight  of  intellect, 
character,  and  brilliancy.  The  views  of  none  of  the  other 
great  actors  in  these  events  are  preserved  to  us  in  such 
form  as  this  —  a  diary  in  which  the  man  is  talking  as 
if  to  himself.  We  are  sure  that  we  have  here  Mr. 
Stephens' s  ideas,  as  they  actually  were,  of  Mr.  Davis, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  the  Confederacy,  the  war,  and  the  Negro 
question.  His  views  of  Negro  suffrage,  expressed 


94  INTRODUCTION 

before  its  trial  was  decided  upon,  are  peculiarly  inter 
esting  as  coming  from  the  then  leading  statesman  of 
the  South  and  one  who  was  not  allowed  in  1866  to  take 
his  seat  in  the  Senate. 

The  cause  he  had  at  heart,  and  for  which  the  South 
had  gone  to  war,  was  the  preservation  of  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution.  When  he  saw  those  principles  violated 
by  the  Northern  and  Southern  Governments,  he  raised 
his  voice  in  warning  to  both  peoples  against  their  greatest 
peril.  At  the  South,  he  gave  expression  to  the  appre 
hensions  of  many  who  were  not  in  a  position  to  make 
themselves  heard,  even  as  Seymour,  Curtis,  Winthrop, 
Vallandigham,  and  others  did  at  the  North.  He  believed 
that  if  the  Confederate  administration  would  relieve  these 
fears,  its  army  would  be  strengthened,  and  its  people  newly 
inspired,  while  fraternity  of  sentiment  might  be  revived 
or  awakened  at  the  North.  Few  men  of  his  day  or  ours 
have  made  such  study  of  the  American  form  of  Govern 
ment,  and  none  have  been  better  equipped  to  speak  with 
authority  on  public  measures  as  they  were  related  to  it. 
What  he  says  merits  careful  consideration,  for,  in  prin 
ciple,  it  is  not  inapt  to  our  times. 

The  era  in  which  he  lived  was  the  most  important 
the  world  has  seen  in  its  trial  of  republican  form  of  gov 
ernment.  His  participation  in  it  was  effective  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  principles  upon  which  our  republic 
anism  is  founded,  and  hence,  of  the  Republic  as  it  is  to-day. 
For  survival  through  this  trial  of  the  constitutional 
liberties  of  the  American  people,  this  country  owes  her 
Commoner  -  -  not  merely  Georgia's  or  the  South's  —  a 
debt  not  yet  paid  in  that  coin  due  to  one  who  so  loved 
the  people,  so  believed  in  them  —  popular  acknowl 
edgment.  The  man  who  urges  men  forward  is  the 


INTRODUCTION  95 

man  whose  part  is  conspicuous  and  easily  recognized; 
the  man  who  holds  men  back  is  the  man  whose  part  is 
not  quick  to  be  seen  or  valued,  but  it  often  requires  the 
highest  kind  of  courage.  Our  country  has  had  her 
season  of  praise,  almost  of  worship,  for  those  who  led 
men  on.  It  is  time  she  should  at  least  turn  clear  eyes 
</jpf  scrutiny  upon  her  sons  who  in  the  terrible  sixties, 
held  their  brothers  back  from  what  might  else  have 
been  done.  At  the  head  of  these  defenders  of  her 
Constitution,  she  will  see  Alexander  H.  Stephens.  Lincoln 
stood  for  the  Union,  Davis  for  the  Confederacy; 
Stephens  for  the  Constitution,  the  code  of  the  liberties 
of  the  American  people;  to  save  the  Union  or  the  Con 
federacy  at  the  cost  of  the  Constitution  was  to  save  the 
house  by  blasting  the  rock  upon  which  it  was  builded. 
Each  man  suffered  for  his  faith;  Lincoln  was  slain, 
Davis  was  chained;  Stephens  was  stoned  by  public 
opinion  —  and  he  is  still  stoned./ 

If  we  consider  the  present  travail  of  Russia  to  win  a 
constitution;  and  reflect  upon  what  most  peoples  endure 
before  they  secure  such  an  instrument  —  a  constitution 
of  unknown,  untried  qualities  —  we  may  better  appraise 
the  gift  our  fathers  gave  us  in  our  own  code  of  liberty 
and  law,  and  the  anxiety  of  those  statesmen  who  have 
sought  to  preserve  it  to  us.  In  his  Texas  speech,  Jan. 
25,  1845,  Mr-  Stephens  said  of  "this  richest  inheritance 
ever  bequeathed  by  patriot  sires":  "If  idolatry  could 
ever  be  excused,  it  seems  to  me  it  would  be  in  allowing 
an  American  citizen  a  holy  devotion  to  the  Constitution 
of  his  country."  In  1858,  when  striving  to  preserve 
the  "Constitutional  Union,"  he  exclaimed  in  a  letter  to 
Linton:  "My  country  —  what  is  to  become  of  it  - 
it  is  the  idol  of  my  life!"  In  his  Union  Speech  of  1860, 


96  INTRODUCTION 

he  said:  "This  Government  of  our  fathers  comes 
nearer  the  objects  of  all  good  government  than  any  other 
on  earth.  The  influence  of  the  Government  on  us  is 
like  the  atmosphere:  its  benefits  are  so  silent  and  unseen 
that  they  are  seldom  thought  of  or  appreciated."  To 
Linton,  Aug. .31,  1862:  "This  generation  of  men  seems 
to  have  looked  upon  the  Constitution  as  a  matter  of 
course,  without  knowing  anything  of  its  original  cost, 
its  constant  hazards,  and  the  only  securities  for  its  per 
petuation." 

He  was  the  one  public  man  of  his  day  who  remained 
throughout  the  war  neither  Northern  nor  Southern  but 
American.  He  arraigned  both  Governments  for  usurpa 
tions,  but  he  no  more  uttered  a  bitter  word  against  the 
Northern  than  against  the  Southern  people.  He  never 
seemed  able  to  separate  these  peoples  in  his  affection, 
his  care,  and  his  desire  that  the  Constitution  be  pre 
served  as  their  common  heritage.  He  never  ceased  to 
believe  that  if  the  true  issue  of  the  war  —  not  slavery, 
not  the  independence  of  the  Confederacy,  but  the  suprem 
acy  of  the  Constitution  —  were  brought  home  to  them, 
they  would  see  that  the  cause  of  the  Southern  States 
was  the  cause  of  all,  they  would  render  righteous  judg 
ment  and  peace  would  follow. 

During  the  war,  his  work  for  the  hospitals,  the  sick 
and  the  wounded,  and  the  prisoners  of  both  armies,  was 
unremitting.  "Whenever  I  see  a  head  at  an  iron  grate, 
my  heart  is  interested,"  he  wrote  from  Richmond  in 
1864.  We  are  now  to  see  himself  behind  an  iron  grate, 
a  prisoner  of  so  gentle  and  sweet  a  spirit  that  he  makes 
his  dungeon  walls  a  home  of  good  influences  for  our 
thoughts. 

MYRTA  LOCKETT  AVARY. 


PART  II 

PRISON  JOURNAL  OF 
ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 


Prison  Journal  of  Alexander   H. 
Stephens 

CHAPTER  I 

FORT  WARREN,  Near  Boston, Mass.,  May  27, 1865. 
— This  book  was  purchased  this  day  of  A.  J.  Hall, 
Sutler  at  the  Post,  by  Alexander  H.  Stephens, 
a  prisoner  at  the  Fort,  with  a  view  of  preserving  in  it  some 
regular  record  of  the  incidents  of  his  imprisonment  and 
prison  life.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  himself  hereafter, 
should  he  be  permitted  to  refer  to  it;  and  if  his  own  life 
should  not  be  spared,  it  may  be  of  interest  to  some 
of  his  relatives  and  friends.  He  knows  it  will  be 
of  interest  to  his  dear  and  only  brother,  the  Hon. 
Linton  Stephens,  of  Sparta,  Ga.,  should  this  brother 
ever  be  permitted  to  see  it.  He  feels  sure  that  all  his 
relatives  would  be  exceedingly  glad  to  peruse  it,  especially 
in  the  event  that  they  never  see  him  again.  For  these 
reasons  the  book  has  been  purchased.  In  it,  he  will 
first  transcribe  his  notes  made  in  pencil  from  the  time  of 
leaving  home ;  that  done,  he  intends  to  continue  it  as  a  daily 
journal  of  such  things  as  he  may  feel  disposed  to  record. 

Liberty  Hall,  Georgia,  Thursday,  May  n,  1865. — 
This  was  a  most  beautiful  and  charming  morning. 
After  refreshing  sleep,  I  arose  early.  Robert  Hull, 
a  youth,  son  of  Henry  Hull,  of  Athens,  Ga.,  had  spent 

99 


ioo  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

the  night  at  my  house.  I  wrote  some  letters  for  the 
mail,  my  custom  being  to  attend  to  such  business  soon 
as  breakfast  was  over;  and  Robert  and  I  were  amusing 
ourselves  at  casino,  when  Tim  [a  negro  servant]  came 
running  into  the  parlour  saying:  " Master!  more  Yan 
kees  have  come!  a  whole  heap  are  in  town,  galloping 
all  about  with  guns."  Suspecting  what  it  meant,  I 
rose,  told  Robert  I  expected  they  had  come  for  me,  and 
entered  my  bedroom  to  make  arrangements  for  leaving, 
should  my  apprehensions  prove  true.  Soon,  I  saw  an 
officer  with  soldiers  under  arms  approaching  the  house. 
The  doors  were  all  open.  I  met  him  in  the  library. 
He  asked  if  my  name  was  Stephens.  I  replied  that  it 
was.  "Alexander  H.  Stephens?"  said  he.  I  told  him 
that  was  my  name.  He  said  he  had  orders  to  arrest 
me.  I  asked  his  name  and  to  see  his  orders.  He  said 
he  was  Captain  Saint  of  the  4th  Iowa  Cavalry,  or 
mounted  infantry,  attached  to  General  Nelson's  command; 
he  was  then  under  General  Upton:  he  showed  me  the 
order  by  General  Upton,  at  Atlanta,  directing  my  arrest 
and  that  of  Robert  Toombs;  no  charge  was  specified; 
he  was  instructed  to  go  to  Crawfordville,  arrest  me, 
proceed  to  Washington  and  arrest  Mr.  Toombs,  and 
then  carry  both  to  General  Upton's  headquarters. 

I  told  him  I  had  been  looking  for  something  of  this 
kind;  at  least,  for  some  weeks  had  thought  it  not  improb 
able;  and  hence  had  not  left  home;  General  Upton  need 
not  have  sent  any  force  for  me;  had  he  simply  notified 
me  that  he  wished  me  at  his  headquarters,  I  should  have 
gone.  I  asked  how  I  was  to  travel.  He  said:  "On 
the  cars."  I  then  learned  that  his  party  had  come  down 
on  the  train  arriving  just  before  Tim's  announcement. 
I  asked  if  I  would  be  permitted  to  carry  any  clothing. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  101 

He  said,  "Yes."  I  asked  how  long  I  might  have  for 
packing.  He  said:  "A  few  minutes  —  as  long  as 
necessary."  I  set  to  packing.  Harry  came  in,  evinc 
ing  great  surprise  and  regret,  to  pack  for  me.  The 
Captain  then  said:  "You  may  take  a  servant  with 
you  if  you  wish."  I  asked  if  he  knew  my  destination. 
He  said:  "First,  Atlanta;  then,  Washington  City."  I 
called  in  Anthony,  a  black  boy  from  Richmond  who 
had  been  waiting  on  me  several  years,  and  inquired  if 
he  wished  to  go;  I  told  him  I  would  send  him  from 
Washington  to  his  mother  in  Richmond.  He  was  will 
ing,  so  I  bade  him  be  ready  soon  as  possible. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Hidell  [his  secretary]  had  come 
in;  he  was  living  with  me  and  had  gone  out  after  break 
fast.  None  of  my  brother  John's  family  residing  at 
the  old  homestead  happened  to  be  with  me;  however, 
Clarence,  who  was  going  to  school  at  the  Academy,  hearing 
of  what  had  occurred  (I  suppose),  came  over  with  some 
friends  from  town.  It  was  about  10  A.  M.  when  Captain 
Saint  arrived.  In  about  fifteen  minutes  —  not  much 
over — we  started  for  the  depot,  Anthony  and  I  with  the 
Captain  and  squad;  friends,  servants,  and  Clarence  fol 
lowing,  most  of  them  crying.  My  own  heart  was  full 
-too  full  for  tears. 

While  Anthony  was  getting  ready,  I  had  asked  Captain 
Saint  if  I  might  write  a  letter  or  two  to  some  friends, 
to  my  brother  and  to  my  sister-in-law's  family.  He 
said  I  might.  My  brother  and  his  children  had  left  me 
two  days  before,  after  a  visit  of  nearly  a  week.  I  wrote 
him  a  note  in  about  these  words: 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  just  been  arrested  by  Captain 
Saint  of  the  4th  Iowa  Cavalry.  The  order  embraces 
General  Toombs.  We  are  both  to  be  carried  to  Atlanta, 


102  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  thence  to  Washington  City  it  seems.  When  I  shall 
see  you  again,  if  ever,  I  don't  know.  May  God  enable 
you  to  be  as  well  prepared  for  whatever  fate  may  await 
me  as  I  trust  He  will  enable  me  to  bear  it.  May  His 
blessings  ever  attend  you  and  yours.  My  kindest 
regards  to  Cosby,  Dick  Johnston,  and  all  friends.  I 
have  not  time  to  say  more.  My  tenderest  love  to  your 
dear  little  ones.  Yours  most  affectionately, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

This  I  sealed  and  addressed  to  Linton  and  told  Harry 
to  send  it  over  to  Sparta  immediately  after  I  should  leave. 
The  Captain  said  he  preferred  that  I  should  not  send 
the  note  then;  we  should  come  back,  and  then  I  might 
send  it.  I  told  him  it  simply  announced  my  arrest  and 
destination;  he  might  read  it.  I  opened  and  handed 
it  to  him.  He  still  objected,  and  I  tore  it  up.  Suppos 
ing  similar  objection  would  be  made  to  my  sending  any 
other,  I  did  not  write  to  my  sister-in-law's  family.  I 
knew  that  Mr.  Hidell,  Clarence,  servants,  and  all  present 
would  give  them  full  information.  At  the  cars  a  great 
many  people  had  assembled.  All  seemed  deeply  oppressed 
and  grieved.  Many  wept  bitterly.  To  me  the  parting 
was  exceedingly  sorrowful.  Hidell  was  to  leave  for  his 
home  in  Memphis  on  this  day.  He  was  all  packed  up 
and  ready  to  start  on  the  down  train. 

When  we  left  the  depot,  the  train  backed  up  several 
hundred  yards  and  took  on  some  soldiers  who  seemed  to 
have  been  put  out  there  as  scouts.  While  we  were 
standing,  I  saw  Mr.  Singleton  Harris  and,  by  the  Cap 
tain's  permission,  sent  word  to  Hidell  not  to  leave  my 
house  until  he  should  hear  from  me.  When  all  the 
soldiers  were  on  the  cars  the  train  moved  down  the 
road  again,  not  stopping  until  we  reached  Barnett, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  103 

where  we  took  another  engine  and  started  to  Washington, 
Ga.  About  four  miles  from  that  town,  the  train  slowed 
up  at  a  shanty  occupied  by  a  track  supervisor.  Here, 
I  was  put  off  with  about  twenty  soldiers  to  guard  me. 
The  Captain  and  the  others  went  on  to  Washington. 
He  said  he  expected  to  be  back  in  an  hour.  He  did  not 
return  until  after  dark.  During  his  absence  there  was 
a  heavy  fall  of  rain,  which  was  much  needed  as  it  had 
not  rained  for  several  weeks.  The  man  of  the  house 
gave  me  dinner:  fried  meat  and  corn  bread.  He  said 
it  was  the  best  he  had.  I  was  not  hungry,  but  to  show 
my  gratitude  for  his  hospitality,  I  shared  his  homely 
meal.  Night  came.  The  Captain  had  not  returned. 
The  good  man  asked  me  to  partake  of  his  supper;  I 
accepted  as  before;  his  lady  was  kind,  and  apologized 
for  having  no  better  fare  to  offer. 

Soon  after  dark,  the  engine  was  heard.  I  was  anxious 
to  know  the  result  of  Captain  Saint's  trip.  WTiat  we 
supposed  was  the  train  proved  to  be  the  engine  only: 
the  Captain  was  bringing  his  men  commissary  stores. 
He  went  back  immediately,  but  not  before  I  had  asked 
the  cause  of  the  detention.  What  had  occurred?  was 
General  Toombs  at  home?  He  answered  evasively, 
and  left  me  in  doubt  and  perplexity.  About  nine  the 
engine  was  heard  again.  It  brought  the  train.  I  was 
put  aboard,  Anthony  looking  after  the  baggage.  The 
ground  was  wet  and  I  got  my  feet  damp;  this,  with  the 
chill  of  the  night  air  gave  me  a  sore  throat  with  severe 
hoarseness.  When  the  train  was  under  way  for  Barnett, 
I  asked  the  Captain  if  he  had  Mr.  Toombs.  "No,"  he 
replied,  "Mr.  Toombs  flanked  us."  *  This  was  said  in 

*Toombs  was  in  his  front  door  when  Captain  Saint  entered  his  yard;  he  went  out  at  the  back 
and  escaped  to  the  woods. 


104  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

a  rather  disappointed  and  irate  tone,  and  I  made  no 
further  inquires.  Reaching  Barnett  about  eleven,  we  re 
mained  for  some  time  and  then  took  the  train  for  Atlanta. 
Some  panes  of  glass  were  broken  out  of  the  car  win 
dows,  and  I  was  further  chilled. 

Atlanta,  Georgia,  May  12. --This  is  one  of  the 
most  eventful  days  of  my  life.  Never  before  was  I 
deprived  of  my  liberty  or  under  arrest.  Reached 
Atlanta  about  eight-thirty.  Quite  unwell.  Carried 
to  General  Upton's  headquarters.  The  first  person 
I  saw  that  I  knew  was  Felix,  a  coloured  man  who 
was  a  servant  to  Mr.  Toombs  and  myself  when  we 
lived  together  in  Washington  City.  He  was  very  glad 
to  see  me  and  I  gave  him  a  hearty  handshake.  He  was 
our  cook  in  Washington,  and  a  good  cook  he  was. 
General  Upton  had  gone  to  Macon  but  was  expected 
back  that  night.  Captain  Gilpin,  of  his  staff,  received 
me  and  assigned  me  a  room.  Anthony  made  me  a  fire; 
Captain  Gilpin  ordered  breakfast  and  Felix  soon  had 
it  ready:  fried  ham  and  coffee.  Walked  about  the  city 
under  guard.  The  desolation  and  havoc  of  war  here 
are  soul-rending.  Several  persons  called  to  see  me, 
Gip  Grier  [his  cousin  A.  G.  Grier]  the  first;  my  heart 
almost  burst  when  I  saw  him,  but  I  suppressed  all  show 
of  emotion.  General  Ira  R.  Foster*  was  allowed  to 
write  me  a  note  and  I  to  answer  it,  but  no  interview  was 
permitted.  Colonel  G.  W.  Lee  was  permitted  to  speak 
to  me,  but  not  to  hold  conversation.  John  W.  Duncan 
was  permitted  to  visit  my  room  and  remain  as  long  as 
he  pleased;  so,  too,  was  Gip  Grier:  both  made  me  several 


*  Confederate  Quartermaster-General  oi  Georgia  during  the  war.     Other  visitors,  except  those 
specified  as  from  the  North  or  as  belonging  to  General  Upton's  staff,  were  Confederates. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  105 

visits  during  the  day.  Captain  Saint  called  and  said  he 
would  send  the  surgeon  of  his  regiment  to  prescribe  for 
my  hoarseness.  The  surgeon  came,  and  his  remedies 
did  me  good.  Major  Cooper  called  and  gave  me  a  bottle 
of  whisky. 

I  started  from  home  with  about  $590  in  gold  which 
had  been  laid  up  for  a  long  time  for  such  a  contingency. 
I  got  Gip  Grier  to  exchange  $20  of  it  for  greenbacks  and 
small  silver.  I  had  first  asked  Captain  Gilpin  if 
this  would  be  allowed  and  he  made  no  objection.  Gip 
offered  me  $100  additional  in  gold  if  I  wished  it.  I 
declined  it.  Duncan  offered  any  amount  I  might  want. 
I  told  him  I  hoped  I  had  enough.  All  this  was  in  the 
presence  of  the  officers.  General  Foster,  in  his  note, 
offered  any  funds  I  might  need.  I  informed  him  in 
my  answer  that  I  had  plenty  for  present  use  and  hoped 
I  should  need  no  more. 

May  13.  -  General  Upton  called  early.  I  was  so 
hoarse  I  could  hardly  talk.  He  informed  me  that  he 
had  removed  all  guards,  that  I  was  on  my  parole.  I 
told  him  I  should  not  violate  it.  He  was  very  courteous 
and  agreeable;  told  me  my  destination  was  Washington. 
I  learned  from  him  that  Mr.  Davis  had  been  captured, 
that  Clement  C.  Clay  *  had  surrendered  himself,  and  that 
Mr.  Davis  and  party  would  be  in  Atlanta  to-night  on 
their  way  to  Washington.  He  gave  me  choice  of  route: 
by  Dalton  and  the  lines  of  railroads  northwest  and  north, 
or  by  sea  from  Savannah.  I  selected  the  sea  route,  but 
told  him  I  did  not  wish  to  go  with  Mr.  Davis.  He 


*  Confederate  Senator;  member  of  mission  sent,  1864,  by  President  Davis  to  Canada;  charged 
by  President  Johnson  with  complicity  in  Lincoln's  assassination;  a  reward  of  $25,000  was 
offered  for  b%  arrest. 


io6  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

said  he  would  send  me  in  a  special  train  to-night  to 
Augusta,  but  from  there  to  Savannah  I  should  have  to 
travel  on  the  boat  with  Mr.  Davis  and  party;  there  was 
but  one  boat  at  Augusta.  From  Savannah  to  Hilton 
Head  and  on  he  would  try  to  have  me  sent  by  separate 
packet  if  it  could  be  done.  I  had  frequent  talks  with 
General  Upton  during  the  day  and  was  well  pleased  with 
him.  Some  friends  called;  Gip  Grier  and  Duncan  several 
times.  Duncan  gave  me  a  bottle  of  Scotch  ale  which 
I  put  in  my  trunk.  He  told  me  of  a  banking-house  in 
Europe  in  which  he  has  funds,  authorizing  me  to  draw 
on  his  account  for  any  amount  I  might  need.  I  am 
truly  grateful,  but  I  trust  I  shall  never  be  brought  to 
the  necessity  of  availing  myself  of  his  generous  tender. 
He  said  he  would  write  the  house  to  cash  any  draft  by 
me.  Major  Cooper  called,  Dr.  Powell,  Dr.  Simmons 
and  others;  and  some  ladies,  who  wept  in  parting  with 
me.  Mrs.  Powell  sent  refreshments;  and  Mrs.  Thrasher 
the  mattress  and  covers  which  form  my  comfortable 
bed. 

Felix  informs  me  that  after  he  was  cook  for  Mr.  Toombs 
and  myself  in  Washington,  he  was  sold  by  Mr.  Wallack 
to  Senator  Sebastian,  of  Arkansas,  and  was  the  Senator's 
cook  until  the  war  broke  out.  Senator  Sebastian  now 
lives  in  Memphis,  has  freed  all  his  people,  and  Felix 
has  been  for  some  time  the  servant  of  Dr.  Little,  U.  S.  A. 
He  inquired  after  Pierce,  my  servant  boy  who  was  with 
me  in  Washington.  I  told  him  I  had  let  Pierce  go  where 
he  pleased  and  do  as  he  pleased  for  several  years,  and 
when  last  heard  from,  he  was  in  Macon;  if  he  would 
write  Pierce  there  I  thought  the  letter  would  reach  Pierce, 
who  would  be  glad  to  hear  from  him  and  much  gladder 
to  see  him.  They  were  very  intimate  in  Washington. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  107 

Anthony  said  Felix  was  going  to  try  to  go  with  me  to 
Washington.  I  did  not  encourage  this  idea  as  I  know 
Dr.  Little  would  not  like  to  have  Felix  quit  him  so  sud 
denly,  and  then  I  am  not  certain  of  my  ultimate  destina 
tion. 

This  evening  Colonel  Peters,  of  Iowa,  came  to  renew 
acquaintance  with  me.  He  was  introduced  to  me  in 
Washington  City  many  years  ago  by  Senator  G.  W. 
Jones,  of  Iowa.  He  seemed  glad  to  renew  the  acquaint 
ance.  We  talked  agreeably  of  old  events  and  associations. 

From  my  window,  just  before  night,  I  took  a  bird's- 
eye  survey  of  the  ruins  of  this  place.  I  saw  where  the 
Trout  House  stood,  where  Douglas  spoke  in  1860  —  I 
thought  of  the  scenes  of  that  day,  and  my  deep  fore 
bodings  of  all  these  troubles;  and  how  sorely  oppressed 
I  was  at  heart,  not  much  less  so  than  now,  in  their  full 
realization  with  myself  among  the  victims.  How  strange 
it  seems  to  me  that  I  should  thus  suffer,  I  who  did  every 
thing  in  the  power  of  man  to  prevent  them.  I  could  but 
rest  my  eye  for  a  time  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Atlanta  Hotel, 
while  the  mind  was  crowded  with  associations  brought 
to  life  in  gazing  upon  it.  There,  on  the  fourth  Sept., 
1848,  I  was  near  losing  my  life  for  resenting  the  charge 
of  being  a  traitor  to  the  South:  and  now  I  am  here,  a 
prisoner  under  charge,  I  suppose,  of  being  a  traitor  to 
the  Union.  In  all,  I  have  done  nothing  but  what  I 
thought  was  right.  The  result,  be  it  what  it  may,  I 
shall  endeavour  to  meet  with  resignation. 

9  P.  M.  -  -  General  Upton  informed  me  that  my 
train  starts  at  eleven ;  that  I  may  stop  at  home,  take  break 
fast,  and  get  more  clothing:  the  train  carrying  Mr.  Davis 
and  party  leaves  here  two  hours  later  than  mine;  I  may 
remain  home  until  it  overtakes  me.  I  immediately  wrote 


io8  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Hidell.  I  hoped  my  brother  might  be  in  Crawfordville. 
I  was  anxious  to  see  him  and  doubted  not  that  word  had 
been  sent  him  of  my  arrest.  Gip  took  the  letter  to  the 
mail- train  at  ten-thirty,  returned,  and  remained  with  me 
until  near  the  hour  for  my  departure,  as  did  Duncan. 
I  requested  both  to  write  Linton,  giving  him  the  partic 
ulars  of  my  situation  and  destination  as  far  as  known. 
I  told  General  Upton  that  there  was  another  coloured 
boy  at  my  house,  Henry,  Anthony's  brother,  whose 
mother  is  in  Richmond  and  whom  I  should  like,  if  there 
is  no  objection,  to  take  to  Fortress  Monroe  whence  I 
could  send  him  to  her.  He  consented.  Captain  Gilpin 
requested  my  autograph,  which  I  gave.  A  little  past 
eleven,  we  were  off. 

Crawfordville,  May  14.  -  -  This  is  an  ever  memor 
able  day  to  me.  It  is  the  anniversary  of  my  stepmother's 
death,  the  day  on  which  was  severed  the  last  tie  that  kept 
the  family  circle  around  the  hearthstone  at  the  old  home 
stead.  My  father  died  one  week  before,  on  the  yth, 
1826.  The  date,  to  make  this  anniversary  more  impres 
sive,  falls  now,  as  then,  on  Sunday. 

At  eleven-thirty  this  morning,  the  cars  reached  Craw 
fordville.  Hidell  had  gotten  my  letter.  A  large  crowd 
was  at  the  depot  to  see  me.  I  hastened  to  my  house  as  I 
had  much  to  do  and  not  much  time  to  do  it  in.  Church 
was  just  out,  preaching  over,  and  the  congregation  leav 
ing.  I  could  but  give  a  parting  shake  of  the  hand  to 
many  whose  eyes  were  filled  with  tears.  Nearly  all  my 
servants  from  the  homestead  were  at  church,  but  none 
of  my  sister-in-law's  family,  except  my  nephew,  Linton 
Andrew.  Hidell  had  not  had  time  to  send  them  word  I  was 
coming.  My  nephew,  John,  was  gone  to  Washington, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  109 

Ga.  First,  he  had  gone  to  Sparta  and  informed  my 
brother  Linton  of  my  arrest.  Hidell  said  John  had 
reported  Linton  as  ill.  What  a  pang  that  struck  to  my 
heart! 

I  ordered  breakfast  for  myself,  Captain  Kennedy, 
and  two  others  who  had  accompanied  me  on  invitation. 
I  had  a  hurried  repacking  of  clothes  into  a  larger  trunk 
I  borrowed  from  my  true  friend,  Mr.  Joseph  Myers. 
Everything  I  could  think  of  that  I  might  need  — that 
I  had  —  was  put  in ;  besides  clothing,  two  large  bed- 
blankets  and  one  large  afghan.  Henry  and  Anthony 
were  soon  ready.  Such  hurried  directions  as  I  could 
give  were  given  to  the  servants  on  the  lot  and  to  those 
from  the  homestead.  Harry  was  told  what  to  do  in  tak 
ing  care  of  things;  Fountain  and  George  were  told  how 
to  manage  the  farm.  I  did  not  have  as  much  talk  with 
my  nephew,  Linton  Andrew,  as  I  wished,  nor  with  Hidell. 
Leave-takings  were  hurried  and  confused.  The  servants 
all  wept.  My  grief  at  leaving  them  and  home  was  too 
burning,  withering,  scorching  for  tears.  At  the  depot 
was  an  immense  crowd,  old  friends,  black  and  white, 
who  came  in  great  numbers  and  shook  hands.  That 
parting  and  that  scene  I  can  never  forget.  I  could  not 
stand  it  until  the  other  train  arrived,  and  I  requested 
the  Captain  to  move  off.  This  he  did. 

Augusta,  Ga.  —  At  Barnett,  we  waited  for  the  other 
train.  General  Upton  came  in  and  suggested  that  I 
would  be  more  comfortable  in  the  car  he  had  on  that 
train.  I  told  him,  if  he  had  no  objection,  I  should  pre 
fer  to  remain  where  I  was.  He  said  he  had  none,  and  I 
remained.  Mr.  Davis  and  party  were  on  the  other  train. 
In  a  short  time  we  were  under  way  again.  Reached 


no  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Augusta  before  sundown.  General  Upton  had  a  carriage 
to  take  me  to  the  boat,  four  or  five  miles  down  the  river. 
The  other  train  came  up  a  half-hour  behind  us.  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Davis  were  put  in  a  carriage,  and  some  officer 
with  them.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clay  were  in  a  carriage  to 
themselves;  as  our  vehicles  passed,  I,  for  the  first  time, 
saw  them;  they  bowed  to  me  and  I  to  them.  Mr.  Davis 
did  not  see  me  until  we  reached  the  boat.  Anthony  rode 
in  the  carriage  with  me.  Henry  went  with  and  took 
care  of  the  baggage,  consisting  of  Myers's  trunk  with 
my  things  in  it,  my  trunk  with  Anthony's  things,  and 
Henry's  box.  My  carpet-bag,  shawl,  greatcoat,  umbrella, 
cane,  and  small  overcoat  I  kept  with  me;  Anthony  kept 
his  and  Henry's  carpet-bags.  It  was  some  time  before 
all  things  were  ready;  all  was  under  military  arrangement. 
Mr.  Davis's  party,  twelve  in  number,  were  placed  fore 
most  in  vehicles  that  I  could  not  see;  then  Mr.  Davis's 
carriage,  then  Mr.  Clay's;  I  brought  up  the  rear.  A 
major  from  Indiana  was  with  me.  Just  before  we 
started,  Mrs.  Davis's  white  nurse  came  and  asked  to  ride 
in  our  carriage.  The  Major  let  her  in.  She  had  Mrs. 
Davis's  infant*  with  her.  Guards  rode  in  front,  at  the 
sides,  and  in  the  rear,  some  on  horse-back,  some  in 
wagons,  all  well  armed.  When  the  cortege,  which  looked 
much  like  a  funeral  procession,  had  gotten  away  from  the 
depot,  we  found  the  streets  lined  on  both  sides  with 
immense  crowds.  Occasionally  I  heard  some  one  say, 
" There  goes  Stephens";  but  I  recognized  only  one  per 
son,  Morse  of  the  Chronicle  and  Sentinel.  I  bowed  to 
several  who  bowed  to  me,  but  whose  faces  I  did  not 
know.  Everybody  looked  sad  and  depressed. 

We  moved  slowly.     It  was  dark  long  before  we  reached 

*  "  Winnie,"  afterward  known  as  the  "  Daughter  of  the  Confederacy";  born  in  1864. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  in 

the  boat-landing.  Outside  the  city,  the  Major  requested 
Anthony  to  ride  his  horse,  which  some  friend,  who  wished 
to  return,  had  ridden  to  that  point.  Anthony  acted 
the  horseman  better  than  I  feared  he  could.  After  we 
reached  the  landing,  it  was  a  long  time  before  we  got  the 
boat.  The  walk  to  the  river-edge  was  rough;  deep 
ravines  without  bridges  had  to  be  crossed.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty,  even  though  assisted,  that  I  was  able 
to  get  along.  The  Major  helped  me.  He  was  agree 
able  and  cheerful  in  conversation,  but  I  was  suffering 
too  much  from  headache  to  take  interest  in  conversation. 
To  board  the  boat,  we  had  to  walk  a  narrow  plank, 
descending  at  that.  This  I  could  not  do.  Several 
helped  me  across.  Here,  we  waited  until  the  baggage 
was  all  aboard.  I  felt  relieved  when  Anthony  reported 
everything  safe  and  Henry  on  board.  The  boat  was 
a  miserable  affair,  a  river  tug  without  cabin.  There 
were  a  few  berths  which  the  ladies  occupied;  the  rest 
of  us  were  put  on  deck,  except  Mr.  Davis,  who  staid  in 
the  part  of  the  boat  occupied  by  the  ladies.  A  covering 
was  overhead  but  the  sides  of  the  deck  were  open. 
We  found  General  Joe  Wheeler  and  four  of  his  men 
on  board.  They  had  been  captured  near  Athens  some 
days  before  and  had  been  sent  down  in  advance  of  us. 
Our  whole  party  now,  Mr.  Davis  and  those  captured 
with  him,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clay,  myself,  General  Wheeler 
and  his  men,  numbered  over  twenty.  I  don't  know 
exactly  how  many  were  in  Mr.  Davis's  party.  I  recog 
nized  Governor  Lubbock  and  Colonel  Johnston  of  his 
staff,  Mr.  Harrison,  his  private  secretary,  and  Post 
master-General  J.  H.  Reagan.  Mr.  Davis  had  with  him 
one  man-servant,  Bob,  a  woman,  Ellen  Bond,  coloured, 
and  a  white  woman,  also  a  little  mulatto  boy.  His  chil- 


ii2  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

dren,  Jeff,  Maggie,  and  Willie,  I  recognized,  also  Mrs. 
Davis,  her  sister,  Miss  Howell,  and  her  brother,  Jeffer 
son  Davis  Howell.  A  young  Mr.  Monroe,  grandson  of 
Judge  Monroe,  of  Kentucky,  was  also  with  Mr.  Davis, 
but  I  did  not  see  him  after  the  party  got  on  the 
boat. 

Mrs.  Davis  and  Mrs.  Clay  came  on  deck  where  we  were. 
Our  meeting  was  the  first  that  the  Davis  party  knew  of 
my  arrest.  Mr.  Clay  had  seen  me  at  the  depot  and  knew 
it  from  the  fact  of  my  situation,  but  had  not  heard  of  it 
before.  General  Wheeler  had  not  heard  of  the  arrest 
of  any  of  us.  Mr.  Clay  told  me  he  had  been  on  parole 
all  the  way,  and  had  not  come  on  in  the  procession  with 
the  rest  of  us,  but  had  been  permitted  to  drive  with  his 
wife  about  the  city  and  visit  some  of  her  acquaintances. 
He  gave  me  the  particulars  of  his  surrender. 

Before  taking  leave  of  me,  General  Upton  turned  me 
over  to  Colonel  Pritchard  of  the  4th  Michigan  Cavalry, 
who  had  captured  Mr.  Davis  and  who  now  took  charge 
of  all  the  prisoners.  The  General  told  Colonel  Pritchard 
that  Mr.  Clay  and  I  were  on  parole,  and  he  allowed  us 
the  run  of  the  boat.  I  asked  him  to  grant  me  permission 
to  write  to  my  brother.  He  said  he  supposed  this  privi 
lege  would  not  be  denied  whenever  I  got  to  a  place  where 
I  could  write. 

On  the  cars  from  Barnett  to  Augusta  I  had  travelled 
with  General  Elzy  [C.  S.  A.],  who  had  been  paroled, 
and  had  requested  him  to  write  John  A.  Stephens  at 
Crawfordville  that  I  wished  him  to  remain  with  his  mother 
until  he  should  hear  from  me.  I  deeply  regret  that  I 
did  not  meet  John  at  home  as  I  passed  there. 

My  feelings  this  night  on  this  boat  are  past  all  descrip 
tion.  We  were  all  crowded  together  in  a  small  space 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  113 

on  the  deck.  The  night  was  cool,  the  air  on  the  water 
damp,  and  I  was  suffering,  as  I  had  been  for  hours,  from 
a  severe  headache.  No  mention  was  made  of  supper ? 
but  I  thought  not  of  supper.  I  had  taken  breakfast  at 
noon,  and  did  not  feel  now  as  if  I  should  ever  want  to 
eat  again.  Clay  and  I  combined  our  cloaks,  coats,  shawls, 
etc.;  General  Wheeler  sent  us  a  blanket;  Mrs.  Davis 
sent  us  a  mattress,  and  we  made  a  joint  bed  in  the  open 
air  on  deck.  I  put  the  carpet-bags  under  our  heads. 
Strange  to  say,  I  slept  sweetly  and  soundly,  and  rose 
much  refreshed  next  morning.  The  boat  had  raised 
steam  and  left  the  bluff,  not  the  wharf,  about  nine  that 
night.  Reagan,  Wheeler,  and  the  rest,  including  Bob, 
Anthony,  Henry,  and  the  other  servants,  had  stretched 
themselves  on  the  open  space  the  best  way  they  could, 
all  except  one  little  boy,  with  covering  of  some  sort. 
Just  before  I  fell  asleep,  I  witnessed  this  scene:  A 
little  black  boy,  ragged  and  woe-begone,  lay  in  the  pass- 
way.  Whose  he  was  or  where  going,  I  know  not.  An 
officer  came  along,  gave  him  a  shove  and  a  push,  and  in 
harsh  language  ordered  him  to  get  away.  The  boy 
raised  up,  roused  from  his  sleep,  and  replied  plaintively: 
"I  have  no  lodging,  sir."  That  scene  and  that  reply 
were  vividly  on  my  mind  with  all  my  personal  cares  when 
merciful  slumber  drowned  them,  as  I  was  borne  away 
from  home  and  all  dear  to  me,  on  the  broad  smooth 
bosom  of  the  Savannah. 

May  15.--!  awoke  much  refreshed.  Morning 
beautiful.  Got  a  rough  soldier's  breakfast.  Mr.  Davis 
came  out  on  deck  soon  after  I  got  up.  It  was  our  first 
meeting  since  our  parting  the  night  after  my  return  from 
Hampton  Roads  Conference  to  Richmond.  Much  as 


ii4  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

I  had  disagreed  with  him  and  much  as  I  deplored  the 
ruin  which,  I  think,  his  acts  helped  to  bring  upon  the 
whole  country,  as  well  as  on  himself,  I  could  but  deeply 
sympathize  with  him  in  his  present  condition.  His 
salutation  was  not  unfriendly,  but  it  was  far  from  cordial. 
We  passed  but  few  words;  these  were  commonplace. 
Talked  to-day  a  good  deal  with  Clay,  Reagan,  and  Wheeler, 
but  spent  most  of  my  time  in  lonely  meditation  on  the 
side  of  the  boat,  looking  out  upon  the  willows  along  the 
margin  of  the  sluggish,  muddy,  crooked  stream.  My 
thoughts  were  filled  with  home  scenes  and  Sparta  scenes 
and  scenes  of  kindred  association.  Colonel  Pritchard 
introduced  to  me  Captain  Hudson  of  his  regiment,  and  a 
Mr.  Stribling  (I  think  the  name  is),  a  correspondent  of 
the  New  York  Herald.  We  talked  a  good  deal  on  the 
state  of  the  country,  etc. 

Savannah  to  Hilton  Head,  May  16.  —  I  omitted  to 
note  yesterday  that  we  got  dinner  and  tea  at  the  usual 
hours:  potatoes  and  beef  stewed  for  dinner;  at  tea,  a 
good  cup  of  black  tea  that  suited  me  well.  There  was 
hardtack,  which  some  preferred,  but  I  chose  baker's 
bread.  The  table  seated  only  four  at  once.  It  took  some 
time  for  all  to  eat.  We  reached  Savannah  this  morning 
at  four;  were  transferred  from  the  tug  to  a  coast  steamer, 
bound  to  Hilton  Head.  On  it  we  got  a  good  breakfast. 
Witnessed  a  scene  at  the  breakfast  table,  in  which  Mr. 
Davis  was  chief  actor,  that  I  can  never  forget.  About 
eleven  a.m.,  we  anchored  in  the  harbour  off  Hilton 
Head  and  were  transferred  to  the  Clyde,  a  new  steamer, 
bound  for  Fortress  Monroe.  There  were  several  good 
berths  in  the  cabin  below  and  a  number  of  staterooms 
on  deck  above.  The  ladies  and  most  of  the  gentlemen 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  115 

selected  staterooms.  I  preferred  a  berth  below;  which  I 
found  on  the  voyage  an  excellent  choice.  After  we 
boarded,  a  number  of  officers  and  other  persons  came 
on  the  Clyde.  They  brought  New  York  papers,  Harper's 
Weekly  and  Frank  Leslie's  Illustrated  News.  It  had 
been  a  long  time  since  I  had  seen  these  prints.  Here, 
for  the  first  time,  I  heard  of  the  Military  Commission 
trying  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassins. 

On  the  Clyde.  -  -  The  officers  came  down  in  the 
cabin  where  I  was  and  we  talked  for  some  time  on  the 
state  of  the  country.  They  were  all  courteous  and 
agreeable.  Captain  Kelly,  who  formerly  knew  me 
in  Washington  City,  told  me  he  was  now  in  the 
quartermaster's  department  at  Hilton  Head.  He  was 
pleased  to  refer  kindly  to  his  recollection  of  me;  alluded 
to  my  Milledgeville  " Union  speech"  of  November,* 
1860;  spoke  highly  of  it  and  expressed  regret  that  I 
had  not  adhered  to  it.  I  told  him  I  had.  In  that  speech 
I  had,  with  all  my  ability,  urged  our  people  not  to  secede; 
the  present  consequences  I  then  seriously  apprehended; 
I  told  them  that  if,  in  solemn  convention,  the  State  should 
determine  to  resume  her  delegated  powers  and  assert 
her  sovereign  and  independent  rights,  I  should  be  bound 
to  go  with  her:  to  her  I  owed  ultimate  allegiance;  her 
cause  would  be  my  cause,  her  destiny  mine.  I  thought 
the  step  a  wrong  one  —  it  might  be  fatal ;  and  exerted 
my  utmost  power  to  prevent  it;  but  when  it  was  taken, 
even  though  against  my  judgment  and  counsel,  I,  as  a 
good  citizen,  could  but  share  the  common  fate,  whatever 
it  might  be.  I  did,  as  a  patriot,  what  I  thought  best 
before  secession.  I  did  the  same  after.  Captain  Kelly 
had  not  recollected  that  part  of  the  speech  acknowledging 
my  ultimate  allegiance  as  due  to  the  State  of  Georgia. 


n6  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

The  whole  conversation  was  quite  friendly.  He  mani 
fested  a  good  deal  of  personal  regard  for  me. 

About  four,  the  Clyde  put  out  to  sea.  Before  leaving, 
Mrs.  Davis  addressed  a  note  to  General  Saxton,  who 
has  charge  of  colonization  in  South  Carolina,  consigning 
to  him  the  little  mulatto  boy  she  had  with  her.  The 
parting  of  the  boy  with  the  family  was  quite  a  scene. 
He  was  about  seven  years  old,  and  little  Jeff's  play 
fellow;  they  were  always  together;  it  was  "Jeff"  and 
"  Jimmy"  between  them.  When  Jeff  knew  that  Jimmy 
was  to  be  left  behind,  he  wailed,  and  so  did  Jimmy. 
Maggie  cried  and  Billy  cried,  and  the  coloured  woman 
(Ellen)  cried.  Mrs.  Davis  said  the  boy's  mother  had 
been  dead  a  number  of  years  and  Ellen  had  been  a  mother 
to  him.  As  the  boat  taking  Jimmy  moved  off,  he 
screamed.  He  had  to  be  held  to  prevent  his  jumping 
overboard.  He  tried  his  best  to  get  away  from  those 
holding  him.  At  this,  Jeff  and  Maggie  and  Billy  screamed 
almost  as  loudly  as  Jimmy.  Ellen  wept  aloud.  Mrs. 
Davis  shed  tears.  Mrs.  Clay  threw  Jimmy  some  money 
but  this  had  no  effect.  Some  one  on  the  deck  of  his  boat 
picked  it  up  and  handed  it  to  him;  he  paid  no  attention 
to  it  but  kept  on  scuffling  to  get  loose;  he  was  wailing 
as  long  as  he  could  be  heard  or  seen  by  us. 

The  sloop-of-war,  Tuscarora,  a  steam  propeller,  put 
to  sea  soon  after  we  left.  We  understood  from  Colonel 
Pritchard  that  she  is  bound  to  Fortress  Monroe.  The 
Clyde  is  long  and  narrow,  and  rolls  very  much.  The 
purser,  Mr.  Moore,  the  captain's  son,  expressed  some 
kind  personal  regard  for  me  this  evening;  told  me  he 
was  from  Philadelphia;  gave  me  a  copy  of  Harper's 
Weekly:  and  said  if  I  had  any  little  thing  that  I  could 
spare  to  give  him  as  a  memento,  he  would  feel  very  much 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  117 

obliged.  I  was  puzzled  to  think  of  anything  I  had  that 
would  answer  his  purpose.  I  chanced  to  have  in  my 
pocket  a  chess-piece  of  a  set  that  was  very  prettily  made. 
It  was  a  bishop.  I  took  it  out,  and  asked  him  how  that 
would  do.  He  seemed  highly  pleased,  and  I  was  grati 
fied  that  I  was  able  to  comply  with  his  wishes. 

There  was  some  misunderstanding  about  dinner. 
Nothing  was  said  about  it  until  we  had  left  Hilton  Head. 
It  was  getting  late  and  several  of  our  party  expressed 
themselves  as  being  hungry.  I  inquired  about  it  of  the 
steward,  a  coloured  man  from  Washington  City,  who 
knew  me.  He  said  the  captain  had  no  provisions  for 
us;  our  rations  were  on  board  but  no  arrangements  had 
been  made  between  Colonel  Pritchard  and  the  captain 
about  cooking  them.  I  gave  him  twenty-five  cents  in 
silver  and  told  him  to  bring  me  some  bread.  This, 
with  water,  made  my  meal;  I  ate  in  the  cabin  below. 
The  engineer,  who  in  passing  saw  me,  brought  me  some 
whisky.  I  knew  from  his  manner  and  from  what  he 
said  that,  personally,  he  is  a  friend  to  me.  I  told  the 
steward,  Lucas,  to  give  Anthony  and  Henry  their  din 
ners,  and  I  would  pay. 

Near  night,  a  message  came  to  me  that  dinner  was 
ready.  I  went  up  on  deck  where  I  found  a  table  set 
between  two  staterooms  with  several  of  our  party,  as 
many  as  could  get  at  it,  seated.  It  was  a  very  good  din 
ner.  A  remark  by  Mrs.  Davis  caused  me  to  inquire 
about  it  afterward.  She  said  we  were  indebted  to  her 
for  it;  she  had  ordered  it.  This  led  me  to  believe  that 
we  were  each  to  pay  for  his  meal,  or  that  each  ought  to 
pay  a  ratable  part.  She  did  not  say  she  had  ordered  it 
on  private  account.  I  inquired  of  the  purser  how  it  was. 
He  said  the  captain,  at  the  request  of  Mrs.  Davis,  had 


n8  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

prepared  dinner  out  of  ship's  stores  and  that  it  was 
furnished  at  seventy-five  cents  each.  I  paid  him  my 
part,  and  all  the  rest  did  likewise,  I  believe.  Clear, 
beautiful  night,  but  the  vessel  rolls  very  much. 

May  17. --Did  not  sleep  much;  not  seasick,  yet 
with  symptoms  strongly  marked.  This  morning  I  told 
Anthony  to  come  into  the  cabin  with  me.  He  was  sick, 
seemingly  almost  unto  death.  I  directed  him  to  lie 
down,  and  remained  with  him.  It  seemed  to  do  him 
good  to  have  some  one  with  him.  He  said  Henry  was 
forward  and  not  sick  much.  Gave  the  steward  fifty 
cents  for  breakfast,  which  I  took  myself  in  the  cabin. 
Anthony  could  eat  nothing.  Saw  Henry  on  deck.  He 
seemed  to  be  doing  pretty  well.  Found  General  Wheeler 
on  deck  where  he  had  spent  the  night;  he  was  very 
seasick.  Few  of  the  party  were  out.  Reagan  had  taken 
a  berth  in  the  lower  cabin  with  me.  He  kept  it  closely. 
Mr.  Clay  was  on  deck;  the  sea  never  affects  him,  he 
told  me.  Mr.  Davis  was  out.  Did  not  seem  to  be  much 
sick.  He  and  Mr.  Clay  came  into  the  lower  cabin  during 
the  day,  not  together  but  separately.  I  had  a  long  and 
friendly  talk  with  each.  Breakfast  was  served  for  the 
party  at  nine.  I  heard  that  a  few  were  at  table.  The 
purser,  during  the  morning,  stripped  bedclothes  from  all 
berths  but  mine  in  the  cabin  below.  He  indignantly 
said  the  occupants  had  gone  to  bed  with  their  boots  on. 
Reagan  told  me  this  was  not  the  case  with  him.  How 
it  was  with  the  others,  I  do  not  know.  I  had  taken  off 
my  shoes  but  no  other  part  of  my  clothing.  The  purser 
told  me  about  one  o'clock  that  Colonel  Pritchard  had 
arranged  for  our  meals  hereafter,  and  that  they  would 
be  furnished  without  pay.  About  two  dinner  was 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  119 

announced.  Mr.  Davis,  Mrs.  Davis,  Mr.  Reagan,  and 
myself  were  present,  and  some  others.  It  was  a  good 
dinner  for  those  who  had  appetites;  I  had  none.  The 
Tuscarora  all  day  near  us,  sometimes  in  the  rear,  some 
times  on  the  side,  sometimes  ahead.  She  spoke  to  our 
ship  during  the  evening,  giving  the  position  at  noon. 
Anthony  continued  very  sick;  I  felt  truly  sorry  for  him. 

May  1 8.  --  Passed  Cape  Hatteras,  the  pilot  told 
me,  about  one.  Paid  steward  for  cup  of  coffee  and  dry 
toast,  which  I  took  early.  Anthony  still  very  sick.  Gave 
him  some  coffee  and  toast.  He  seemed  to  relish  it  but 
soon  threw  it  up.  Henry  about  on  deck,  not  sick  at  all. 
General  Wheeler  still  on  deck,  quite  seasick.  Lubbock 
keeps  close  in  his  stateroom.  So  does  Mrs.  Clay.  I 
called  to  see  her  with  Mr.  Clay.  She  seems  to  suffer 
severely.  But  no  one  seems  so  sick  as  Anthony.  He 
can  neither  walk  nor  stand.  Still  in  the  cabin  with  me, 
where  I  can  be  with  him. 

Dinner;  present:  Mr.  Davis,  Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Reagan 
and  myself,  with  others.  Mr.  Davis's  children,  Jeff, 
Maggie,  and  Billy,  do  not  appear  to  be  seasick  at  all. 
Both  nurses  are  ill.  Mrs.  Davis  takes  charge  of  the 
infant,  relieved  by  Mr.  Davis,  Mr.  Howell,  her  brother, 
and  others.  Jeff  lost  his  hat  somehow;  it  fell  over 
board  ;  he  wears  General  Wheeler' s,  as  the  General  keeps 
stretched  on  deck  in  the  shade  and  has  no  use  for  it. 
Grows  cloudy  toward  night.  Some  entertain  serious 
apprehensions  that  the  Clyde  could  not  weather  a  storm. 
She  is  too  high  and  has  too  much  exposure  with  her  line 
of  staterooms  on  deck. 

Tea  at  seven.  Present:  same  as  at  dinner.  Mr. 
Davis  sits  at  the  head  of  the  table.  All  wait  until  he  and 


120  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Mrs.  Davis  are  seated.  He  bows  his  head  and  asks  a 
blessing,  but  not  audibly.  All  wait  until  this  is  over; 
then  the  steward  helps  those  seated,  always  beginning 
with  Mr.  Davis.  About  eight  P.  M.  the  Tuscarora  came 
alongside  and  spoke  to  us,  told  the  pilot  our  position  and 
that  we  would  enter  Hampton  Roads  in  the  morning; 
to  go  about  five  knots  an  hour,  no  more. 

Hampton  Roads,  May  19.  -  -  On  rising,  was  told  by 
Lucas,  that  we  were  in  sight  of  land.  Cape  Charles 
Lighthouse  was  quite  visible  when  I  went  on  deck. 
Breakfast  for  the  party  at  nine.  Mr.  Davis  looked  quite 
well.  Mrs.  Davis  well.  Mrs.  Clay  now  up.  Governor 
Lubbock  at  the  table,  General  Wheeler  also.  All  the  sick 
seem  recovering  except  Miss  Howell,  whose  illness  is 
said  to  be  more  than  seasickness.  Anthony  revives, 
walks  out,  gets  his  breakfast  and  seems  all  right  again. 

Pilot  boat  meets  us.  We  are  asked  where  we  wish 
to  pilot  to.  "To  Washington"  is  the  reply.  A  pilot 
comes  aboard.  The  Tuscarora  leads  the  way.  Arrive 
at  Hampton  Roads.  Colonel  Pritchard  goes  to  Fortress 
Monroe.  Returns  and  says  we  must  await  orders  from 
Washington.  I  had  asked  him  to  inquire  if  I  might  be 
permitted  to  telegraph  or  write  home.  He  could  bring 
no  information  on  that  point.  We  anchored  in  the 
harbour.  Tuscarora,  close  by,  anchored  also.  We  see 
near  us  the  iron  steamer,  Atlanta,  captured  at  Savannah. 
Dinner  at  usual  hour.  All  hands  at  table  except  Miss 
Howell,  and  all  with  good  appetites  except  myself.  My 
throat  still  sore,  but  much  better  than  when  I  left  Hilton 
Head;  I  had  no  cough  last  night.  Sent  for  New  York 
papers  by  the  purser,  who  went  ashore.  He  brought 
the  Richmond  Enquirer;  said  he  could  get  no  other  paper. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  121 

All  anxious  to  know  our  destination;  all  desire  to  go  to 
Washington. 

May  20.  —  Still  at  anchor  in  the  Roads.  Colonel 
Pritchard  tells  us  that  a  telegram  last  night  informed 
him  that  General  Halleck  will  be  at  the  Fort  at  noon, 
and  give  him  further  orders.  The  day  is  dull;  nothing 
to  enliven  it  but  the  passing  of  steamboats  and  small 
sails.  A  British  man-of-war  and  a  French  corvette 
lie  near. 

Called  Henry  into  the  cabin.  Told  him  he  would  go 
from  here  to  Richmond;  sent  my  remembrance  to  his 
mother  and  Travis,*  gave  him  $10  and  told  him  to  be  a 
good,  industrious,  honest  and  upright  boy;  not  to  gamble 
and  never  to  bet.  He  promised  to  comply  with  my 
injunctions.  Told  him  to  tell  Travis  to  come  to  see  me 
if  I  should  be  sent  to  Washington.  I  told  him  Anthony 
would  go  with  me  for  the  present,  if  permitted. 

8  P.  M.  --  Colonel  Pritchard  came  to  the  cabin  and 
told  Judge  Reagan  and  myself  that  some  officers  in  the 
captain's  room  wished  to  see  us  there.  We  found  Cap 
tain  Frailey  of  the  Tuscarora  and  Captain  Parker  of 
another  war  steamer.  Captain  Frailey  received  us 
courteously  and  told  us  he  had  orders  to  take  Reagan 
and  myself  aboard  the  Tuscarora  next  day  at  ten;  he  had 
come  to  give  notice  that  we  might  be  prepared.  "What 
place  is  our  destination,  Captain?"  I  asked.  "Boston," 
he  replied.  I  knew  then  that  Fort  Warren  was  to  be 
my  place  of  imprisonment.  I  told  him  I  feared  the 
climate  would  be  too  cool  and  damp  for  me;  I  should 
greatly  have  preferred  Washington  if  the  authorities 
had  so  decided.  I  asked  him  how  about  Anthony's 

*  A  negro  servant,  probably  Henry's  brother. 


122  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

going  with  me.  Told  him  the  facts  relating  to  Anthony. 
He  could  give  no  information  but  said  he  would  inquire 
and  let  me  know  before  ten  in  the  morning.  Before 
we  left  the  captain's  office,  General  Wheeler  entered  with 
his  party.  His  conference  was  with  Captain  Parker. 
Captain  Parker  was  to  take  them  in  his  steamer  to 
Fort  Delaware.  Reagan  and  I  left  Wheeler  in  the  office. 
I  sent  for  Captain  Moody,  now  a  fellow  prisoner  with 
Mr.  Davis,  and  who  had  been  a  prisoner  at  Fort  Warren, 
to  learn  something  of  regulations  there.  He  spoke  in 
favourable  terms  of  them;  said  he  had  been  in  several 
prisons  and  had  been  better  treated  at  Fort  Warren  than 
anywhere  else.  Being  relieved  of  the  suspense  we  had 
been  in  for  several  days,  Reagan  and  I  went  to  our  berths 
at  an  early  hour.  I  slept  little.  Thought  of  home, 
sweet  home.  Saw  plainly  that  I  was  not  to  be  permitted 
to  communicate  with  any  one  there;  this  was  the  most 
crushing  thought.  Death,  I  felt,  I  could  meet  with 
resignation,  if  such  was  to  be  my  fate,  might  I  but  com 
municate  with  Linton  and  other  loved  ones  while  life 
should  last. 

Sunday.  —  Rose  early.  Took  a  towel  bath,  changed 
underclothes.  Anthony  rubbed  me  down  for  the  last 
time.  I  told  him  I  should  leave  him.  Gave  him  five 
dollars  and  the  same  advice  and  instructions  I  had  given 
Henry.  I  added  that  I  was  going- to  Fort  Warren.  Told 
him  to  ask  Mr.  Baskerville  to  write  this  to  Linton  at 
Sparta  and  to  John  A.  Stephens  and  George  F.  Bristow 
at  Crawfordville,  hoping  that  some  one  of  them,  if  not 
all,  might  get  the  letters.  Colonel  Pritchard  told  me 
that  all  the  coloured  servants  who  should  be  left  at  this 
place,  he  would  send  to  Richmond  without  charge. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  123 

This  I  told  Anthony,  and  bade  him  take  care  of  his 
money,  he  might  need  it.  I  gave  him  my  leather  trunk 
that  he  had  brought  his  clothes  in. 

Saw  Mrs.  Clay  and  requested  her  to  write  Linton  and 
Mrs.  Dudley  M.  DuBose*  my  destination  and  present 
condition.  We  do  not  know  what  is  to  be  done  with 
Mr.  Clay,  or  where  he  is  to  be  sent.  After  that  shall 
be  made  known,  it  is  Mrs.  Clay's  intention  to  go  North 
if  allowed;  that  is,  if  her  husband  shall  be  confined  in 
prison.  Yesterday  we  got  New  York  papers.  Saw 
the  progress  of  the  trial  of  the  assassins.  Mr.  Clay 
expressed  to  me  the  fullest  confidence  that  nothing  could 
be  brought  out  against  him  in  such  a  crime;  he  spoke 
of  the  assassination  in  strongest  terms  of  regret;  said 
how  deeply  he  deplored  it;  repeated  his  exclamation 
to  that  effect  when  he  first  heard  the  news.  We  had 
a  long  talk  this  morning. 

General  Wheeler  and  those  who  went  with  him  left 
at  six  A.  M.  I  was  up  and  took  my  leave  of  them.  The 
parting  all  around  was  sad.  At  ten  Captain  Frailey 
came  up  in  a  tug,  and  boarded  the  Clyde.  Reagan  and 
I  were  ready.  We  took  leave  of  all.  Anthony  and 
Henry  looked  very  sad.  Anthony  stood  by  me  to  the 
last.  Mrs.  Davis  asked  Captain  Frailey  if  Anthony 
might  not  go  with  me.  He  said  he  had  inquired  of  the 
officer  commanding  the  fleet  and  had  been  informed  that 
his  orders  related  to  only  two  persons.  This  closed  the 
matter  just  as  I  had  anticipated.  I  bade  Anthony  good 
bye  the  last  one.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Davis,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Clay,  and  Mr.  Harrison,  I  had  taken  leave  of. 

On  my  taking  leave  of  Mr.  Davis,  he  seemed  more 
affected  than  I  had  ever  seen  him.  He  said  nothing  but 

*  General  Toombs's  daughter,  wife  of  General  DuBose,  prisoner  at  Fort  Warren. 


i24  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

good-bye,  and  gave  my  hand  a  cordial  squeeze;  his  tone 
evinced  deep  feeling  and  emotion.  With  assistance,  I 
descended  the  rope-ladder  to  the  tug's  deck.  All  baggage 
being  on,  off  we  steamed  to  the  Tuscarora.  We  stopped 
a  short  distance  from  her  and  took  her  lifeboat,  as  the 
tug  could  not  well  go  alongside  of  her  where  the  steps 
were  let  down  for  us  to  ascend  by.  The  tide  was  running 
in  fast,  so  that  by  the  time  we  were  in  the  oarboat  and 
ready  for  the  oarsmen,  we  had  drifted  farther  from 
the  Tuscarora  than  we  were  when  we  left  the  Clyde. 
The  tide  was  coming  right  ahead  of  us  at  about  six 
miles  an  hour  and  it  was  all  that  the  stout  seamen  with 
their  oars  could  do  to  make  any  head  against  it.  Captain 
Frailey  called  twice,  "Send  the  tug!"  but  he  was  not 
heard  on  the  Tuscarora.  After  a  long  while  we  reached 
the  ship,  but  not  without  some  wetting  from  splashing 
of  waves  over  the  sides  of  the  lifeboat.  Right  glad  was 
I  when  we  reached  the  steps  on  the  ship's  side. 

On  the  Tuscarora.  -  -  On  deck,  we  were  introduced 
to  several  officers,  Lieut.  Blue,  Purser  Painter,  and  others. 
The  captain  showed  us  our  quarters;  we  were  to  be  in 
the  cabin  with  him.  There  was  but  one  berth  or  state 
room  in  it.  This,  he  said,  he  would  assign  to  me,  and  he 
and  Reagan  would  sleep  on  the  circular  sofa  which 
ran  around  the  cabin.  I  declined  depriving  him  of  his 
room  and  bed.  He  said  it  was  no  deprivation,  that 
he  generally  slept  on  the  sofa  or  in  a  chair ;  that  he  resigned 
it  to  me  "in  consideration  of  my  age  and  past  services 
to  the  country."  These  were  his  words.  He  was  very 
polite  and  courteous. 

When  boarding  the  Clyde  that  morning,  he  had  brought 
some  strawberries  to  Mrs.  Davis,  Mrs.  Clay,  and  Mrs. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  125 

Davis's  children.  He  said  he  had  known  Mrs.  Davis 
and  Mrs.  Clay  before.  The  morning  we  entered  Hamp 
ton  Roads,  he  had  come  aboard  to  give  orders  to  Colonel 
Pritchard.  I  did  not  see  him  then,  but  Mrs.  Clay  told 
me  he  had  inquired  for  her;  was  very  courteous  to  her, 
etc.,  and  asked  if  there  was  any  little  delicacy  he  had 
that  she  needed,  such  as  preserved  or  canned  vegetables, 
etc.  If  so,  he  would  take  pleasure  in  sending  her  some. 
She  declined;  so  the  strawberries,  I  suppose,  he  thought 
would  be  acceptable.  He  had  gotten  them  at  Norfolk 
that  morning. 

About  eleven,  anchor  was  weighed,  and  we  were  off. 
Our  fellow  prisoners  on  the  Clyde  stood  on  deck  watch 
ing  us.  When  we  were  fairly  under  way,  we  saw  a  white 
handkerchief  waved  toward  us.  This  I  felt  was  by 
Mrs.  Clay,  though  we  were  too  far  off  to  see  distinctly. 
Reagan  and  I  waved  handkerchiefs  in  return;  thus  bid 
ding  final  adieu  to  them  all,  I  went  into  the  cabin  below. 
Soon  out  of  sight  of  land,  with  a  clear  sky  over  us,  and 
nothing  but  the  deep  blue  sea  around. 

Took  lunch  with  Captain  Frailey:  strawberries,  cheese, 
etc.  He  lives  to  himself;  the  other  officers  mess  to  them 
selves.  Dinner  at  three;  soup,  fish,  roast  beef,  aspara 
gus,  etc.  Tea  at  eight. 

May  22.  --Last  night  I  undressed  and  went  to  bed, 
as  was  my  custom  at  home,  for  the  first  time  since  the 
night  of  the  loth,  when  I  occupied  my  own  bed  for  the 
last  time.  Slept  sweetly  and  soundly.  Breakfasted  at 
eight;  better  appetite  than  for  a  week  or  more.  Took 
a  smoke  in  a  room  on  upper  deck.  Met  Lieut.  Blue, 
Mr.  Griffin,  Mr.  Painter,  Mr.  Mallard,  officers  of  the 
ship  and  others.  Spent  a  pleasant  time  in  conversation 


i26  ALEXANDER   H.  STEPHENS 

with  them.     The  captain  joined  us.     The  day  passed 
off   pleasantly.     Lunch,   dinner   and   tea   as   yesterday. 

May  23. --This  morning  thick  fog.  Captain  made 
for  Block  Island  to  get  a  pilot.  A  signal  gun  was  fired. 
Pilot  came  and  took  us  to  Newport.  Reached  there 
about  twelve,  and  anchored  in  the  harbour.  The  sun 
shone  out.  Lieut.  Blue  went  ashore.  Sent  us  papers. 
Captain's  son,  in  the  naval  school,  came  aboard  and 
spent  some  time  with  his  father.  I  passed  the  day,  as 
yesterday,  in  the  cabin  and  in  the  smoking-room  above 
with  officers.  All  courteous  and  agreeable. 

May  24. — Mr.  Griffin  knew  Judge  Hillyer,  *  of 
Georgia,  and  spoke  kindly  of  him. 

We  left  Newport  early  this  morning  for  Boston,  with 
new  pilot  to  take  us  through  the  sound,  leaving  Martha's 
Vineyard  and  Nantucket  to  the  right.  Lieut.  Blue 
told  me  that  he  met  a  lady,  relative  of  Governor  Law 
rence  of  Rhode  Island,  last  evening,  who  expressed 
sentiments  of  personal  kindness  toward  me.  For  this 
I  felt  profoundly  grateful.  It  is  a  consolation  to  know 
and  feel,  as  I  do,  that  thousands  in  all  sections  of  the 
earth  sympathize  with  me,  personally  at  least.  We 
reached  Boston  Harbour  at  eleven  p.  m.  and  anchored 
just  below  Fort  Warren. 


*  Junius  Hillyer,  former  Congressman  and  Solicitor  U.  S.  Treasury. 


CHAPTER  II 


FORT  WARREN,  May  25.— I  rose  early.  Saw  Bos 
ton  in  the  distance ;  Fort  Warren  just  ahead.  We 
took  our  last  breakfast  with  Captain  Frailey.  He 
informed  us  that  General  Dix  was  at  the  Fort  and  would 
come  aboard  to  receive  us  at  ten.  The  gunners  got  ready 
to  fire  a  salute  in  the  General's  honour.  Ten  came. 
General  Dix  sent  two  officers,  Colonel  McMahon  of  his 
staff,  to  represent  him,  and  Lieut.  Ray,  adjutant  of  the 
Post.  They  said  they  would  take  me  first.  A  tug  was 
brought  alongside.  Our  steward,  a  Frenchman,  and 
Isaac,  the  coloured  cook  who  had  attended  to  me  well,  had 
my  baggage  ready.  I  paid  them  for  their  attentions.  I  bade 
Judge  Reagan  good-bye  in  the  cabin.  Took  my  leave  of  all 
the  boat's  officers  except  the  Captain,  who  accompanied 
the  fort  officers  and  myself.  I  expected  we  would  go  to 
General  Dix,  but  was  disappointed.  Lieutenant  WTood- 
man,  of  the  Fort,  met  us  at  the  landing.  To  him  I  was 
turned  over.  Captain  Frailey  was  with  the  officers  who 
had  brought  me:  before  I  was  aware  of  it,  we  were 
separated,  and  I  did  not  see  him  again;  this  I  deeply 
regretted,  inasmuch  as  I  wished  to  say  farewell  and 
express  again  my  sense  of  obligation  for  his  many  acts 
of  kindness.  Lieutenant  Woodman  brought  me  immedi 
ately  inside  the  Fort;  after  going  through  the  sally  port 
and  descending  some  steps,  he  stopped  at  the  first  room 
to  the  left,  saying,  "This  is  your  room,"  or  "These  are 
your  quarters,"  I  forget  which.  I  asked  if  I  could  not 

127 


128  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

see  Captain  Frailey  again.  I  asked  if  I  could  not  see 
General  Dix ;  I  wished  very  much  to  see  him  about  send 
ing  word  to  Linton  and  about  my  diet  and  conditions 
of  prison  life.  He  said  "No,"  and  left. 

I  surveyed  the  room.  A  coal  fire  was  burning;  a  table 
and  chair  were  in  the  centre ;  a  narrow,  iron,  bunk-like 
bedstead  with  mattress  and  covering  was  in  a  corner. 
The  floor  was  stone  —  large  square  blocks.  The  door 
was  locked.  For  the  first  time  in  my  life  I  had  the  full 
realization  of  being  a  prisoner.  I  was  alone. 

Not  long  after  I  saw  Lieutenant  Woodman  with 
Judge  Reagan  pass  my  windows  (there  are  two  fronting 
southeast).  They  went  farther  front  to  the  left  on  the 
same  level  which  is  one  story  below  ground-level  in 
front.  In  half  an  hour,  Lieut.  Woodman  returned, 
unlocked  the  door,  and  had  my  trunk  and  other  baggage 
brought  in.  He  said  it  was  necessary  to  examine  it.  I 
opened  the  trunk,  showed  all  that  was  in  it;  amongst 
other  things  the  bottle  of  ale  Duncan  gave  me,  and  the 
bottle  of  whisky  Harry  put  up  for  me.  He  said  whisky 
was  prohibited.  I  told  him  I  used  it  only  as  medicine; 
it  was  necessary  sometimes;  he  said  nothing  further 
on  that  point.  He  asked  if  I  had  any  funds.  I  told 
him  I  had.  He  said  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  deposit 
them  with  an  officer  of  the  Fort,  who  would  receipt  and 
account  to  me.  I  counted  out  to  him  $560  in  gold  - 
all  I  had  left.  During  the  evening,  he  brought  me  a 
receipt  from  Lieut.  Wm.  Ray.  He  told  me  I  would  be 
permitted  to  walk  out  with  an  officer  one  hour  every 
day;  when  I  wanted  anything,  I  could  call  to  the  guard 
at  the  window  and  ask  for  the  orderly,  who  would  attend 
to  my  needs;  if  I  wished  to  communicate  with  my  friends 
or  other  persons,  I  would  have  to  do  so  by  letter  through 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  129 

General  Dix  at  New  York.  I  asked  for  water,  which 
was  brought  in  a  pitcher.  I  walked  the  room  until 
three,  when  dinner  came:  ten  ounces  of  fresh  beef, 
cooked  I  don't  know  how,  and  sixteen  ounces  of 
baker's  bread,  in  a  basin  or  pan  of  metal  something 
like  tin  or  pewter;  an  old  knife  and  fork  came  with  it. 
I  ate  little. 

Called  for  orderly.  He  sent  me  a  corporal,  whose 
name  is  Geary.  Asked  Geary  to  request  Lieut.  Wood 
man  to  come  to  see  me.  The  Lieutenant  came.  I 
inquired  if  I  might  have  a  bowl  or  basin  and  a  wash- 
stand;  if  these  could  not  be  furnished,  might  I  supply 
them  out  of  my  funds?  He  said  he  would  send  in  a 
washstand  and  basin;  I  might  buy  any  other  little  things 
I  might  desire  from  the  sutler.  I  made  out  a  bill  of 
articles,  gave  them  to  the  corporal,  and  requested  him 
to  order  for  me  the  Herald,  Times,  and  Tribune,  of  New 
York,  and  Journal,  of  Boston.  The  papers  he  soon 
brought.  In  the  Boston  Herald,  which  he  also  handed 
me,  I  saw  an  account  of  a  conversation  with  me  at  Hilton 
Head  by  some  reporter,  who  states  that  I  said  my  reason 
for  going  for  secession  was  disinclination  to  c 
with  Toombs.  I  gave  no  such  reason.  I  went  with 
my  State  after  she  resumed  the  full  exercise  of  her  sov 
ereign  powers  in  her  Ordinance  of  Secession  (which 
I  had  opposed  with  all  my  power  and  had  voted  against) 
because  I  considered  my  ultimate  allegiance  due  her. 
To  have  further  or  longer  opposed  her,  I  should  have 
been  amenable  to  her  laws  as  a  traitor.  But  I  had  no 
inclination  to  disobey  her  mandate./  Toombs,  for  whom 
I  ever  had  a  warm  regard,  and  I  had  frequently  clashed 
on  many  grave  questions.  We  had  clashed  upon  the 
candidacy  of  Douglas;  and  pointedly  upon  this  very 


i3o  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

question  of  secession.     I  could  afford,  and  had  afforded, 
to  clash  with  him  but  not  with  the  State  of  Georgia. 

May  26.  -  -  Suffered  intensely  last  night  in  feeling. 
I  see  a  statement  in  a  Boston  paper  about  my  saying, 
on  my  way  to  Fortress  Monroe,  that  I  would  have  gone 
to  Washington  to  be  hung  on  notification  from  author 
ities  there,  etc.  This  is  a  mistake;  I  said,  as  I  had  said 
to  General  Upton,  that  there  was  no  necessity  to  send 
an  armed  force  for  my  arrest;  on  notice  or  request,  I 
should  have  gone  to  Washington  without  arrest  or  guard, 
though  I  might  have  been  certain  that  hanging  would 
follow;  I  had  no  inclination  to  avoid  a  full  and  speedy 
investigation  of  my  whole  conduct,  or  to  evade  the  result, 
whatever  it  might  be;  I  had  no  disposition  to  make  or 
attempt  an  escape,  and  should  not,  let  my  fate  be  what 
it  might.  This  is  the  substance  of  what  I  have  said  on 
this  subject  on  all  occasions.  May  the  great  God  above 
enable  m,  to  make  it  good!  Oh,  my  brother!  my  brother! 
and  dear  ones  at  home!  would  to  that  same  great  God 
I  could  know  how  you  are,  and  that  you,  Linton,  are 
well  again!  My  greatest  suffering  and  agony  of  soul, 
which  are  almost  more  than  I  can  bear,  are  mainly  on 
your  account.  Wrote  letters  to  General  Dix,  and  to 
Dick  Johnston,  Sparta,  Ga.,  of  which  the  following 
are  copies: 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  A.  Dix:  I  desired  exceedingly 
to  have  a  personal  interview  with  you  yesterday  while 
you  were  here.  As  that  could  not  be,  I  now  address  you 
this  note.  I  wish  you  to  have  forwarded,  if  you  please, 
the  enclosed  letter.  Its  object  is  simply  to  inform  my 
relatives  and  friends  where  and  how  I  am.  They,  of 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  131 

course,  are  very  anxious  to  know.  General  Upton  was 
of  the  opinion,  when  I  left  him,  that  this  privilege  would 
be  allowed.  They  are  expecting  it.  I  could  make  other 
earnest  requests  as  to  the  nature  of  my  confinement, 
diet,  etc.,  in  consideration  of  my  feeble  health,  etc.,  but 
I  forbear.  I  will,  however,  give  you  the  assurance  of 
a  man  of  honour,  that  I  would  not  escape  if  I  could; 
and  if  proof  were  needed  to  establish  the  sincerity  of  this 
declaration,  I  have  but  to  refer  to  the  facts  attending 
my  capture  and  my  well-known  position  in  regard  to 
it  long  before.  All  I  desire  is  such  comforts  as  are  con 
sistent  with  imprisonment  and  necessary  to  my  health. 
So  much  for  myself.  As  for  my  country,  I  will  add  that 
my  constant  desire  is  for  its  speedy  pacification  and  well- 
be'ing.  My  whole  efforts,  were  I  permitted  to  make 
them,  would  be  devoted  to  that  object. 

Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 


PROF.  R.  M.  JOHNSTON, 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  am  here  in  about  the  same  state  of 
health  as  when  you  last  saw  me.  The  sea  voyage  I  stood 
better  than  I  expected.  Please  let  this  be  made  known 
to  my  dear  relatives  and  friends.  All  communications 
they  have  with  me,  if  any  are  allowed,  must  be  through 
Major-General  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York  City.  I  am 
exceedingly  anxious  to  hear  from  them.  Tell  Mr.  Myers 
to  see  to  it,  for  my  sake,  that  none  of  them  at  home  suffer 
for  food.  My  kindest  regards  attend  you  and  yours. 
My  tenderest  love  to  Linton  and  the  little  ones. 

Yours  truly, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

These  letters  I  handed  Lieutenant  Woodman,  requesting 
that  they  be  forwarded.  I  sincerely  wish  they  may, 
but  I  am  in  doubt.  I  have  been  more  overcome  with 
mental  torture  to-day  than  for  many  years;  more  heavily 


i32  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

weighted  down  than  since  the  death  of  my  father.  That 
blow  left  pangs  that  can  never  be  forgotten;  so  did  the 
death  of  my  dear  brother  in  1843. 

Six  P.  M.  —  My  letter  to  Johnston  returned.  Lieut. 
Woodman  says  Major  H.  A.  Allen,  2nd  U.  S.  Artillery, 
who  commands  this  Post,  has  forwarded  to  General 
Dix  the  letter  addressed  to  him,  but  from  previous  orders 
did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  forward  its  enclosure.  I  do 
still  hope  that  General  Dix  will  allow  it  to  be  sent. 

May  27.  -  -  Took  short  walk  out  this  morning  with 
Lieut.  Woodman.  Rain  drove  me  in.  Greatly  depressed 
about  home  and  the  dear  ones  there,  though  I  have  not 
suffered  such  agony  as  yesterday.  Gave  an  order  on 
Lieut.  Ray  in  payment  for  certain  articles  which  have 
been  brought  me.  These,  with  prices  are  as  follows: 

i  Ib.  coffee,  80  cts;  teaspoon,  37  cts;  condensed  milk, 
75  cts;  i  Ib.  B.  sugar,  25  cts;  i  Ib.  W.  sugar,  30  cts; 
i  Ib.  B.  tea,  $2;  matches,  4  cts;  scissors,  $i ;  pitcher, 
75  cts;  mirror,  50  cts;  candlestick,  37  cts;  blankbook,  $2; 
vial  ink,  15  cts;  steel  pens,  15  cts;  lead  pencil,  20  cts; 
spittoon,  75  cts;  i  pk.  Irish  potatoes,  50  cts;  cup  and 
saucer,  50  cts;  box  for  potatoes,  25  cts;  coffee-pot,  $2; 
washstand,  $2;  i  Ib.  candles,  60  cts;  in  all,  $16.23.  The 
sutler's  name  is  A.  J.  Hall. 

Have  been  looking  over  a  catalogue  of  books  in  the 
Post  library,  which  prisoners  may  use.  Lieut.  Woodman 
was  kind  enough  to  get  it  for  me.  He  left  to-day  for 
Boston,  turning  me  over  to  Lieut.  Croak  in  his  absence; 
will  be  gone  until  Monday.  I  inquired  of  him  this 
morning  if  Mr.  Reagan  was  well.  He  replied  in  the 
affirmative.  I  asked  if  Mr.  Reagan  was  able  to  be  up. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  133 

He  said,  "  Yes."  I  said  nothing  more  about  Mr.  Reagan. 
Before  I  got  the  catalogue,  I  had  ordered  from  the  sutler, 
Greeley's  " American  Conflict,"  Prescott's  " Ferdinand 
and  Isabella"  and  " Conquest  of  Mexico,"  and  Savage's 
" Representative  Men."  After  seeing  that  Prescott's 
histories  are  in  the  library,  I  countermanded  the  order 
for  his  works. 

I  see  in  the  evening  Boston  Journal  that  Mr.  Davis 
has  been  put  in  irons  at  Fortress  Monroe.  This  I  deeply 
grieve  to  learn.  Most  profoundly  do  I  sympathize  with 
him  in  his  present  condition.  Widely  as  I  differed 
from  him  on  public  policy  before  and  after  secession, 
ruinous  to  our  cause  as  I  have  thought  his  aims  and 
objects,  much  as  I  attribute  the  condition  of  our  country 
to  his  errors,  yet  I  do  now  most  deeply  pity  him  and  com 
miserate  his  condition.  Got  from  sutler,  Greeley's 
"  American  Conflict."  Read  it  till  time  to  put  out  lights, 
nine-thirty. 

Sunday  -  -  The  horrors  of  imprisonment,  close  con 
finement,  no  one  to  see  or  to  talk  to,  with  the  reflection 
of  being  cut  off  for  I  know  not  how  long  —  perhaps  for 
ever  —  from  communication  with  dear  ones  at  home, 
are  beyond  description.  Words  utterly  fail  to  express 
the  soul's  anguish.  This  day  I  wept  bitterly.  Nerves 
and  spirit  utterly  forsook  me.  O  God,  if  it  be  possible, 
let  this  cup  pass  from  me !  Yet  Thy  will  be  done. 

Walked  out ;  a  northeaster  blowing,  with  mists  of  rain ; 
felt  weak  and  sick;  returned  in  ten  minutes,  Lieut. 
Croak  with  me.  Sent  for  the  surgeon,  Dr.  Seaverns. 
Was  too  full  to  talk  much  with  him  without  bursting 
into  tears.  He  allowed  me  to  have  a  bottle  of  ale,  which 
I  requested.  My  affliction,  I  know,  is  more  of  mind 


i34  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

than  body.  Thoughts  of  home,  my  brother,  and  all 
the  dear  ones  there,  black  and  white,  almost  kills,  almost 
crazes  me. 

May  29.  --  Cloudy  and  misty.  Walked  out  at  nine 
with  Lieut.  Croak.  Spent  my  time  afterward  the  best 
way  I  could;  mostly  in  transcribing  previous  notes  to 
these  pages.  Got  the  papers.  Lieut.  Woodman  returned. 
Was  quite  glad  to  see  him.  No  reply  yet  from  General 
Dix. 

May  30.  -  -  Took  a  towel  bath  this  morning,  changed 
underclothes.  Washing  put  out  the  day  I  came  was 
returned  Sunday  morning.  Had  an  interview  with  Lieut. 
Woodman.  Asked  if  General  H.  R.  Jackson  and  Gen 
eral  DuBose  were  here  yet.  He  said  they  were.  Asked 
if  they  were  well.  He  said  they  were.  Asked  about 
Judge  Reagan.  He  said  Reagan  was  well. 

P.  M. — Lieut.  W.  read  a  reply  to  me  from  General  Dix. 
It  was  in  substance  that  General  Dix  would  have  seen 
me  on  my  arrival  here  had  he  known  such  was  my  desire ; 
that  I  would  be  permitted  to  purchase  such  articles  of 
diet  as  I  might  wish,  under  some  general  regulations 
previously  made  and  referred  to.  What  these  are  I 
don't  know.  I  wrote  General  Dix  again : 

Dear  Sir:  Will  you  be  pleased  to  make  known  to 
the  President  or  the  Secretary  of  War  my  earnest  desire 
and  request  that  I  be  allowed  to  communicate  by  letter 
with  friends  at  home  ?  It  is  a  matter  of  very  great  import 
ance  to  quite  a  number  of  persons  who  are  dependent 
upon  me,  that  I  should.  This  is  apart  from  their  desire 
and  expectation  barely  to  hear  where  and  how  I  am. 
I  left  a  brother's  widow  with  a  large  family,  all  depend- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  135 

ent  on  me  for  subsistence,  with  supplies  on  hand  for  but 
a  short  time.  I  had  made  arrangements  for  providing 
more,  of  which  they  know  nothing.  I  wish  to  give  them 
this  information.  I  have  but  one  brother  living.  He 
was  quite  ill  when  I  left.  I  wish,  earnestly  wish,  to  hear 
from  him,  and  to  let  him  know  how  I  am.  What  I  request 
of  the  President  is  that  privilege  of  communicating  with 
these  friends,  through  the  War  Department,  upon  these 
matters  exclusively  private,  may  be  extended  to  me. 
Besides  my  deceased  brother's  children,  I  am  guardian 
for  a  number  of  other  minors,  for  whose  private  interest 
it  is  important  that  I  should  be  permitted  to  write  to  some 
one  in  their  behalf.  I  repeat  my  assurance,  as  a  man 
of  honour,  that  under  no  circumstances  should  this  privi 
lege  be  abused;  but,  indeed,  it  could  not  be,  as  all  letters 
from  and  to  me  would  pass  your  inspection  or  that  of 
the  War  Department,  as  may  be  thought  proper.  I 
would  be  greatly  obliged  to  you  if  you  would  submit 
this  letter  to  the  President  or  Secretary  of  War,  and  let 
me  know  as  early  as  possible  through  Major  Allen  whether 
this  request  is  granted  or  not.  So  much  for  myself. 
As  for  my  country,  I  repeat  what  I  said  before:  "My 
earnest  desire  is  for  its  speedy  pacification  and  well- 
being.  My  whole  efforts,  were  I  permitted  to  make 
them,  would  be  directed  to  that  object."  I  have  just 
had  read  to  me  the  reply  made  to  my  former  communi 
cation,  for  which  I  feel  truly  obliged. 

Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

This  morning  I  saw  the  President's  Proclamation  of 
Amnesty,  of  2gth  May.  My  brother  is  justly  entitled 
to  its  benefits,  though  he  was  in  the  war  for  a  short  time 
as  Lieut. -Colonel  of  the  i5th  Ga.  Regt,  and  was  later 
in  the  militia.  He  was  opposed  to  secession,  and 
voted  with  me  against  it.  Like  me,  he  felt  it  his  duty 
after  the  Ordinance  was  passed,  to  go  with  his  State, 


136  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

but  his  leading  object  at  all  times  was  merely  to  vindi 
cate  the  principles  of  State  Sovereignty.  He  was,  as 
his  course  in  the  Legislature  shows,  for  peace  upon  the 
American  principles  of  1776,  leaving  the  future  relations 
of  the  States  to  be  regulated  by  themselves.  The  Peace 
Resolutions  of  the  Georgia  Legislature  were  drawn  up 
by  him.  He  was  utterly  opposed,  as  I  was,  to  the  leading 
ideas  and  policy  of  the  authorities  at  Richmond  in  the 
conduct  and  object  of  the  war.  So  far  as  concerns 
slavery  in  the  proclamation,  I  don't  think  that  individu 
ally,  or  so  far  as  relates  to  his  private  interest,  he  would 
care  a  straw  for  that.  I  know  I  do  not.  I  own,  or  have 
bought,  a  number  of  Negroes;  some  have  been  born  on 
my  premises;  in  all,  those  who  by  our  laws  have  been 
my  slaves,  I  believe,  are  about  thirty-five;  I  have  spent 
for  them  and  their  comfort  at  least  $20,000  of  my  own 
earnings,  perhaps  more.  I  am  perfectly  willing  that 
they  shall  be  free.  I  feel  assured  that  Linton  feels  as 
I  do.  Whether  he  will  apply  for  a  special  amnesty  or 
not,  I  do  not  know,  or  whether  he  need  ask  amnesty 
under  the  present  proclamation.  I  am  greatly  distressed 
on  his  account,  more  than  on  my  own. 

May  31. — Was  threatened  with  nephritic  calculi, 
or  feared,  from  symptoms,  one  of  those  terrible  attacks. 
Informed  Lieut.  W.  and  asked  that  the  orderly  might 
be  in  hearing  should  I  call  out  in  the  night.  What  I 
should  have  done  in  this  cell  with  a  severe  attack  of  this 
most  painful  affliction,  I  do  not  know.  But  I  got  relief 
before  midnight;  Lieut.  W.  came  at  eleven,  very  kindly, 
to  inquire  how  I  was  getting  along.  I  was  then  com 
fortable.  Was  out  this  morning  with  him,  rested  under 
the  shed  for  the  band.  We  passed  the  drill  of  the  Bat- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  137 

talion,  ist  Mass.  Artillery.  He  told  me  that  he  belonged 
to  Company  A  of  the  Battalion.  Saw,  in  the  New  York 
Herald,  Mr.  Toombs's  letter  of  24th  March;  also  Car 
penter's  version  of  President  Lincoln's  pig  anecdote  at 
the  Conference  in  Hampton  Roads.  It  is  incorrect. 
The  mistake  arises,  I  doubt  not,  in  Mr.  Carpenter's  recol 
lection.  The  anecdote  was  not  in  reply  to  anything  I 
had  said,  but  to  Mr.  Hunter's  remarks  concerning  effects 
on  the  coloured  race  of  general  and  immediate  emanci 
pation,  and  the  destitute  condition  that  would  ensue 
to  a  large  number  of  its  women  and  children  who  would 
be  unable  to  provide  subsistence  for  themselves.  In  reply 
to  this  the  President,  in  a  good-humoured,  jocose  style, 
told  the  story,  the  substance  of  which  Mr.  Carpenter 
gives.  Mr.  Lincoln's  conclusion  was  simply,  "Let  'em 
root!"  the  reply  of  the  farmer.  To  this  I  said,  "That, 
Mr.  President,  must  be  the  origin  of  the  adage,  'Root, 
pig,  or  perish.' '  I  did  not  think  then,  nor  do  I  now,  that 
the  moral  of  the  story,  in  its  application  was  very  good 
or  humane.  Still  it  amounted  to  only  this:  that  in 
Mr.  Lincoln's  opinion  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in 
that  class  of  people's  taking  care  of  themselves.  / 

Had  hot  rolls,  cup  of  coffee,  fried  ham  and  an  egg 
from  sutler  for  breakfast.  Geary  told  me  there  were  ro 
rations  in  the  cook's  room  but  bread ;  and  I  ordered  of 
sutler,  who  did  not  send  the  bill.  What  I  am  to  pay,  I 
do  not  know.  I  requested  Geary  to  go  for  the  bill  and 
I  expected  it.  Whether  I  shall  indulge  in  such  luxuries 
will  depend  somewhat  on  the  cost.  I  have  eaten  but 
little  here;  the  camp  ration  does  not  suit  me.  Sutler, 
several  days  ago,  sent  Prescott's  histories,  six  volumes, 
saying  they  were  bought  before  my  order  countermand 
ing  purchase  was  received.  To  my  request  to  return 


138  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

them  he  sent  word  that  he  could  not.  How  much  of  my 
money  will  be  lost  by  this  purchase,  I  do  not  know. 
Greeley's  " American  Conflict,"  which  I  received  with 
the  other  books,  I  find  interesting.  In  the  main,  Greeley 
has  put  the  issues  preceding  the  conflict  as  fairly  as  could 
any  Northern  writer  of  this  generation.  Wherein  I 
differ  from  him,  and  essentially,  it  is  not  now  my  purpose 
to  state.  I  wish,  if  my  life  is  spared  and  my  health  per 
mits,  to  leave  a  memorial  on  the  subject  of  this  war  and 
these  troubles.* 

Five  p.  M.  —  Spent  the  day  reading,  and  in  walking 
my  room  or  cell,  whichever  it  may  be  called.  It  is,  esti 
mated  by  steps,  about  24  by  18  feet.  It  is  a  consolation 
to  realize  that,  hard  as  is  my  confinement,  it  might  be 
a  great  deal  worse.  How  much  better  is  my  condition 
than  was  that  of  Lafayette  at  Olmutz;  yet  he  stood  it 
for  five  years.  My  case  and  his  seem  dissimilar  only 
in  the  less  rigorous  severity  of  my  situation.  He  seemed 
a  creature  of  destiny,  victim  of  the  policy  of  others.  In 
all  he  did,  he  aimed  only  at  the  advancement  and  security 
of  constitutional  liberty  for  his  country.  This  has  been 
my  sole  object.  His  counsels  were  not  heeded.  From 
the  most  patriotic  motives,  he  suffered  himself  to  be 
put  in  a  position  which  swept  him  into  a  vortex,  beyond 
his  powers  of  resistance,  escape,  or  control.  So  with  me. 

How  much  better  is  my  condition  than  was  his!  I 
have  a  large,  airy  room;  plenty  of  Heaven's  precious 
light ;  a  comfortable  bunk  with  shuck  mattress,  on  which, 
with  my  blankets,  I  get  along  with  tolerable  comfort; 
pure  water,  though  not  cool;  and  enough  food,  if  it  were 
only  suited  to  my  habits  and  state  of  health.  I  am  per 
mitted  to  purchase  what  suits  if  I  possess  the  means. 

*  He  left  it  in  his  "  War  Between  the  States." 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  139 

I  have  the  privilege  of  seeing  daily  papers  and  reading 
books.  What  abundant  cause  for  consolation!  How 
much  more  miserable  and  horrible  might  not  my  con 
dition  be!  It  is  true  I  suffer  intensely;  my  anguish  is 
unutterable.  This  arises  from  no  self-accusation,  no 
apprehension  of  the  future,  nor  fear  of  death.  I  feel  as 
if  I  can  meet  death,  if  such  fate  as  a  punishment  awaits 
me,  with  as  much  calmness  as  did  Seneca  or  Socrates. 
My  suffering  springs  from  confinement  and  from  being 
cut  off  from  all  communication  with  home  and  its  dear 
ones.  No  mortal  ever  had  stronger  attachments  for  his 
home  than  I  for  mine.  That  old  homestead  and  that 
quiet  lot,  Liberty  Hall,  in  Crawfordville,  sterile  and 
desolate  as  they  may  seem  to  others,  are  bound  to  me  by 
associations  tender  as  heartstrings  and  strong  as  hooks 
of  steel;  there  I  wish  to  live  and  there  to  die. 

Am  anxious  to  hear  from  General  Dix.  The  papers 
say  General  Howell  Cobb  has  been  arrested.  I  regret 
to  see  Bates' s  testimony  before  the  Military  Court  at 
Washington.  I  can  not  believe  it  true;  but  this  state 
ment  of  what  Mr.  Davis  said  in  Charlotte,  N.  C.,  on 
receipt  of  the  telegram  informing  him  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
assassination  and  of  what  he  said  to  General  Breckin- 
ridge*  on  the  same  subject  will,  I  fear,  whether  true  or 
false,  make  a  very  unfavourable  impression  against  him. 
While  it  in  no  way  connects  him  with  the  affairs,  yet  it 
will  make  the  impression  upon  the  popular  mind  that 
one  who  could  utter  such  sentiments  possesses  a  bad  heart; 
and  this  will  lessen  that  sympathy  which  his  condition 
naturally  inspires.  For  the  honour  of  my  beloved  South, 
I  do  trust  that  no  such  foul  stigma  shall  ever  rest  on  her 

*  See  Mr.  Davis's  own  statement  in  his  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government,"  II, 
683.  For  statement  of  courier  who  handed  him  the  telegram,  see  Avary's  "  Dixie  After  the  War," 
84.  The  false  testimony,  to  which  Stephens  refers,  represents  Davis  as  expressing  gratification. 


140  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

escutcheon  as  even  an  approbation  or  countenance  of 
that  deed  by  one  holding  high  position  in  her  councils 
and  in  the  trust  of  her  people,  would,  by  the  common 
consent  of  civilized  nations,  place  there.  Whatever  be 
our  fate,  whatever  else  we  may  lose,  rights,  property, 
even  life,  I  wish  our  honour  and  that  of  our  rulers  pre 
served  untarnished.  In  the  worst  possible  contingency, 
let  us  be  able  to  say,  as  Louis  did  at  Pa  via,  "We  have 
lost  all  but  honour."  I  see  that  Mr.  Davis  is  about  to 
be  carried  to  Washington  for  trial.  I  am  glad  of  this. 
Hope  he  will  have  a  speedy  and  a  fair  trial.  My  earnest 
wish  in  regard  to  myself  is  a  speedy  settling  of  my  fate, 
whatever  it  may  be. 


CHAPTER  III 

THURSDAY,  June  i.  --  Dreamed  of  home  last 
night.     O  Dreams!    Visions!     Shadows  of  the 
brain !     What  are  you  ?     My  whole  consciousness, 
since  I  heard  of  President  Lincoln's  assassination,  seems 
nothing  but  a  horrid  dream. 

It  is  a  week  since  I  entered  these  walls;  three  weeks 
since  I  was  arrested  at  my  home;  and  just  four,  I  think, 
since  all  of  the  Stephens  blood  and  name  in  Georgia, 
accidently,  or  providentially  rather,  met  at  the  old  home 
stead.  That  was  a  remarkable  meeting.  Linton  and 
his  three  children  were  on  a  visit  to  me.  We  went  down 
to  the  homestead;  there,  the  widow  of  my  brother,  John 
L.,  and  her  family  reside.  Her  three  sons,  John  A., 
Linton  Andrew,  and  William  Grier,  had  just  returned 
from  the  army.  *  John  had  just  got  home  from  Johnson's 
Island  where  he  had  been  a  prisoner  a  long  time;  had 
been  captured  at  Port  Hudson  in  1863.  Mr.  Lincoln, 
at  my  request,  had  granted  him  a  special  parole,  for  which 
I  was  truly  obliged;  this  parole  he  had  promised  me  at 
Hampton  Roads,  and  had  complied  with  his  promise. 
He  had  written  me  a  letter  by  John  which  I  never  saw 
until  after  his  assassination.  I  almost  wept  over  the 
letter  when  I  saw  it.  He  had  sent  to  Johnson's  Island 
for  John.  Had  a  personal  interview  with  him  [in  Wash 
ington],  treated  him  very  kindly,  spoke  in  kindly  terms 
of  his  former  acquaintance  with  me,  all  the  particulars 
of  which  John  gave  me  in  detail.  He  let  John  remain 

141 


142  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

in  Washington  as  long  as  he  chose,  which  was  five  days, 
I  believe. 

Linton  A.  had  just  gotten  home  from  the  army  in 
North  Carolina;  William  G.,  wounded  in  the  leg,  had 
been  home  some  days  from  the  same  army.  James 
Clarence,  15  years  old,  was  at  home;  he  had  never  been 
in  the  army.  Mary  Reid,  their  sister,  with  her  little 
son,  Leidy  Stephens  Reid,  who  lived  with  Sister  Eliza 
beth,  my  brother  John's  widow,  were  at  home.  So  all 
of  our  name  and  blood  in  the  South  were  met  together. 
All  but  William  walked  out  to  the  old  burying-ground ; 
we  stood  by  the  graves  of  my  father  and  grandfather. 
The  occasion  was  a  solemn  one,  and  the  more  so  that  it 
was  near  the  anniversary  of  my  dear  father's  death  and 
the  dispersion  of  his  little  family  circle.  Will  such  a 
meeting  ever  take  place  again?  I  have  often  reflected 
upon  the  fact  that  many  of  the  most  important  events 
of  my  life  have  happened  in  the  early  part  of  May;  so 
much  so  that  I  have  a  sort  of  superstition  on  the  subject. 
On  the  1 2th  of  May,  1812,  my  mother  died;  on  the  yth 
May,  1826,  my  father,  on  the  i4th,  my  stepmother,  and 
in  a  few  days,  the  family  were  dispersed.  Now,  on  the  4th, 
all  who  were  living  and  their  descendants  were  gathered 
together  for  the  first  time  after  the  dispersion,  thirty-nine 
years  before,  on  or  near  the  same  spot.  It  seemed 
ominous. 

Rose  early.  As  it  is  fast  day  and  mourning  in  memory 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  had  requested  Mr.  Geary,  the  cor 
poral,  to  bring  me  from  sutler's  nothing  but  a  cup  of  hot 
coffee  and  rolls.  These  he  brought  at  seven.  I  noticed 
he  brought  the  rolls  on  an  earthen  plate.  This  is  an 
improvement  in  kindness  and  attention. 

On  the  yth  of  May  last,  Sunday,  and  the  anniversary 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  143 

of  my  father's  death,  Harry  came  into  my  room  about 
day  and  told  me  " The  Yankees  are  here."  "Where?" 
I  asked.  "All  about  in  the  yard  and  in  the  lot,"  he 
replied.  "Well,"  said  I,  getting  up,  "Harry,  I  expect 
they  have  come  for  me,  they  will  probably  take  me  away ; 
you  may  never  see  me  after  to-day.  I  want  you  to  take 
care  of  my  things  and  to  do  as  I  have  told  you  in  all 
particulars  as  far  as  you  can.  Have  they  asked  for  me? 
"No,"  he  replied;  "they  only  said  they  wanted  break 
fast  and  corn  for  their  horses."  "Give  them  what  they 
want,"  I  said,  and  dressed  myself  in  readiness  to  leave 
in  case  I  should  be  arrested.  That  dress  was  unchanged 
-  pants,  coat,  and  vest  —  until  this  morning  when  I 
put  on  a  thinner  suit.  But  to  return  to  the  scenes  of  that 
Sunday  morning.  Harry  reappeared  and  told  me  that 
the  officer  in  command  said  he  wished  to  see  me;  that 
I  need  be  under  no  apprehension  of  arrest,  all  he  wanted 
was  breakfast  and  feed  for  his  horses;  he  expressed  high 
regard  for  me  personally.  I  went  out  and  met  him  in 
the  passage.  He  announced  himself  as  Lieutenant 
White  of  the  i3th  Tennessee,  of  General  Stoneman's 
command.  We  talked  in  a  friendly  way  until  break 
fast.  He  and  four  of  his  men  sat  down  with  me  to  my 
table.  My  brother  and  his  family  were  also  present. 

During  the  day  Lieut. -Colonel  Stacy,  in  command  of 
the  1 3th  Tenn.  Cav.  Reg.,  came  into  town  with  a  battal 
ion,  and  sent  his  adjutant  to  say  he  would  be  glad  to  see 
and  take  tea  with  me.  My  response  was  for  him  to 
"come,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  him."  In  the  evening 
he,  his  adjutant,  and  Dr.  Cameron,  surgeon  of  the  regi 
ment,  called,  spent  some  time  and  took  tea.  Conversa 
tion  was  agreeable.  I  invited  them  to  stay  all  night; 
they  declined  but  accepted  my  invitation  for  breakfast. 


144  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

They  gave  me  to  understand  that  they  were  in  pursuit 
of  Mr.  Davis.  Monday,  after  breakfast,  they  all  left  by 
the  Sparta  road.  Monday  night,  Major  Dyer  with  a 
battalion  arrived;  he  left  Tuesday  morning. 

Tuesday  morning  my  brother  and  his  three  children, 
and  little  Emmie  Stevens,  daughter  of  Rev.  Carlos  W. 
Stevens,  of  Sparta,  left  for  home.  That  was  my  last 
sight  of  Linton,  perhaps  forever.  Soon  after  his  depar 
ture,  considering  it  most  probable  that  I  should  be  arrested 
and  at  an  early  day,  about  which  we  had  talked  and  agreed, 
I  went  to  the  homestead  to  see  my  servants  there;  I  gave 
them  all  the  information  I  could  regarding  the  condition 
of  public  affairs  and  my  own  situation.  I  told  them  they 
were  now  free,  at  which  I  was  perfectly  contented  and 
satisfied;  that  I  might  and  probably  should  be  taken 
away  from  them  soon  and  perhaps  hung;  that  I  wished 
them,  if  they  saw  fit,  to  remain  there  and  finish  the  crop. 
I  thought  this  would  be  best  for  them;  they  should  have 
half  of  what  was  made  and  be  subsisted  out  of  supplies 
on  hand;  at  the  end  of  the  year,  if  I  were  in  life  and  per 
mitted,  I  would  furnish  lands  to  such  as  wished  to  remain 
for  the  future,  dividing  the  plantation  into  small  farms 
or  settlements  which  they  could  occupy,  paying  rent. 
I  took  a  parting  and  affectionate  leave  of  them.  That 
is  the  last  time  I  have  seen  them  all  together. 

At  home.  I  called  in  Harry,  my  ever  true  and  faithful 
servant  on  the  lot,  and  made  him  a  bill  of  sale  for  the 
mules  and  buggy  horses  there.  He  had  deposited  with 
me  for  several  years  his  private  earnings;  these  amounted, 
I  think,  with  interest  to  $662.  I  sold  him  the  mules  and 
horses,  to  which  he  was  attached,  for  the  debt;  he  was 
perfectly  willing.  They  were  worth  more,  but  I  gave 
him  the  difference.  I  gave  him  general  instructions  how 


ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS  145 

to  manage,  in  event  of  my  arrest,  until  he  should  hear 
from  me.  Subsistence  for  the  summer  was  the  main 
point.  My  corn  was  scarce,  not  enough  on  hand.  I 
had  some  conversation  with  Mary  Reid  and  John  on  the 
same  subject  but  not  so  full  as  I  wished.  We  were  inter 
rupted  by  company.  The  conversation  with  her,  I 
think,  was  on  Wednesday.  I  staid  at  home,  not  wishing 
by  absence  to  seem  to  be  avoiding  arrest,  which  from  the 
time  I  left  Richmond,  I  considered  my  ultimate  fate. 
I  felt  distressed  and  pained  at  the  use  made  and  turn 
given  by  the  authorities  at  Richmond  to  the  report  of  the 
Commissioners  of  their  conference  with  President  Lin 
coln  and  Mr.  Seward  at  Hampton  Roads.  It  seems 
they  were  controlled  by  the  genii  of  fatality.  "Quos 
Dens  vult  perdere  prius  dementat"  seems  strongly  to 
apply  to  them. 

At  the  close  of  the  last  sentence,  Lieut.  W.  entered  for 
the  usual  morning  walk.  We  went  on  the  parapet; 
looked  at  target  shooting  by  a  company;  rested  under 
music-band  arbour.  He  informed  me  that  my  room 
had  never  been  occupied  by  any  prisoner  except  Captain 
Webb  of  the  Atlanta  and  some  of  his  men;  this  in  reply 
to  my  question  prompted  by  writings  on  the  wall. 

A  favourite  maxim  in  my  life  has  been,  "The  world 
treats  a  man  very  much  as  he  treats  it,"  or,  "  Whoever 
kicks  the  world  will  be  apt  to  be  kicked  in  turn."  This 
was  given  me  soon  after  my  majority,  by  a  man  of  exper 
ience,  while  I  was  chafing  under  some  ill  usage.  I  have 
repeated  it  to  many  young  persons  since.  It  recurs  to 
me  often  since  I  have  been  here,  obtruding  itself  upon 
the  mind  as  Job's  comforters  pressed  their  consolations 
on  him.  The  inquiry  springs  up:  "Do  you  hold  to 
your  maxim?  If  so,  must  you  not  admit  that  you  have 


146  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

acted  a  very  bad  part  toward  the  world?"  With  the 
firmness  of  Job,  I  neither  make  the  admission  nor  repu 
diate  the  maxim. 

I  do  know  that  my  acts  toward  the  whole  human 
family  have  been  marked  by  kindness.  In  all  that  I 
have  done  from  the  beginning  of  the  political  troubles 
which  have  brought  me  here,  I  have  been  governed  solely 
by  a  sense  of  duty  to  do  the  most  good  to  my  fellow 
men  that  I  could  under  the  circumstances.  Personal 
ambition  had  no  part  in  anything  I  have  done;  nor  had 
prejudice  toward  the  people  of  the  North;  I  never  enter 
tained  to  them  any  feeling  of  unkindness.  My  earnest 
desire  from  the  first  has  been  that  the  conflict  might  end 
in  the  speediest  way  possible  for  the  interest  and  well- 
being  of  both  sections  of  the  country;  for  their  advance 
ment  in  prosperity  and  happiness  and  for  the  preservation 
and  perpetuation  of  their  Constitutional  liberty.  This, 
I  thought,  and  still  think,  could  be  better  effected  by 
maintenance  of  the  principles  of  the  ultimate,  absolute 
sovereignty  of  the  States,  than  in  any  other  way,  In  these 
principles  I  was  reared.  They  constitute  the  polestar 
of  my  political  life.  I  am  not  prepared  to  admit  that  I 
erred  in  entertaining  them,  and  to  govern  my  conduct 
accordingly,  because  I  suffer  as  I  do.  Why  I  thus 
suffer  I  do  not  know,  but  I  feel  an  internal  assurance 
that  all  will  ultimately  be  right,  let  the  sequel  be  as  it 
may. 

In  the  Boston  Journal  I  see  that  Gen.  Howell  Cobb  was 
permitted  to  visit  his  family,  while  Mr.  Mallory  [Con 
federate  Secretary  of  Navy]  and  Senator  Hill  (B.  H., 
of  Georgia,  I  suppose)  had  been  sent  the  day  before 
to  this  place  of  confinement.  I  am  truly  glad  Cobb  has 
been  permitted  to  visit  his  family.  Would  to  God  I 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  147 

might  be  permitted  so  much  as  to  write  and  to  hear  from 
my  dear  ones  at  home!  I  should  be  exceedingly  grati 
fied  to  see  Mr.  Mallory  and  Mr.  Hill  when  they  reach 
here,  but  take  it  for  granted  that  this  privilege  and 
pleasure  will  be  denied.  It  is  announced  from  Wash 
ington  that  though  Mr.  Davis  is  about  to  be  removed  to 
the  barracks  there,  his  trial  is  not  expected  to  come  off 
in  a  month.  This  I  regret.  I  earnestly  wish  all  trials 
and  results  quickly  over.  Particularly  do  I  wish  my 
own  fate  determined. 

It  is  a  matter  of  perplexity  with  me  whether  or  not  I 
should  make  special  application  to  President  Johnson 
for  amnesty.  I  am  willing  to  comply  with  the  require 
ments  made  of  others.  But  how  the  application  might 
be  received,  I  do  not  know.  Should  it  be  considered  as 
emanating  from  a  desire  to  evade  the  responsibility  of 
my  acts  and  to  avoid  punishment,  this  would  cause  me 
mortification  and  pain.  On  the  other  hand,  should  I 
fail  to  apply,  might  it  not  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  a 
defiant  spirit  of  protest  against  the  existing  state  of  things 
resulting  from  the  fate  of  war  ?  I  should  regret  to  be  so 
interpreted.  I  think  I  shall  wait  to  hear  the  result  of 
my  request  through  General  Dix  for  permission  to 
communicate  with  my  relatives  and  friends. 

Much  is  said  in  the  papers  about  " loyalty"  and  " dis 
loyalty,"  " Union  men"  and  " traitors."  What  is  meant 
by  "loyalty,"  as  thus  commonly  used,  I  do  not  exactly 
comprehend.  No  one  ever  lived  with  stronger  feelings 
of  devotion  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
the  Union  under  it  than  myself.  I  regarded  it  as  embody 
ing  the  best  system  of  government  on  earth.  My  views 
on  this  subject  have  been  often  expressed.  For  the 
Union  barely,  without  the  rights  and  guarantees  secured 


148  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

by   the   Constitution,   I   never  entertained   or  professed 
any  attachment. 

My  devotion  and  my  loyalty  were  to  the  Union  under  the 
Constitution  with  the  civil  and  religious  rights  it  secured  - 
not  to  the  Union  per  se.  This  devotion  was  felt  and  ex 
pressed  by  me  until  the  powers  that  made  the  Union  un 
made  it ;  or,  at  least,  until  Georgia,  one  of  the  parties  to  the 
compact,  withdrew  from  it.  I  opposed  that  action  of  the 
State,  in  which  I  was  born  and  of  which  I  was  a  citizen, 
to  the  last.  I  conformed  my  conduct  to  hers  not  because 
of  less  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  the  old  Constitution, 
but  because  that  Power  which  had  transferred  the  alle 
giance  of  its  citizens  under  limitations  to  the  United  States 
had  withdrawn  this  allegiance.  It  was  by  Georgia's 
act  as  a  party  to  the  Compact  of  Union  set  forth  in  the 
Constitution,  that  I  had  owed  even  a  qualified  allegiance 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  it  was  by 
her  act  that  I  considered  that  allegiance  withdrawn. 
But  my  " loyalty"  to  trie  principles  of  Constitutional 
liberty  remained  unshaken.  My  effort  was  to  rescue 
and  save  the  Constitution  —  the  great  principles  of  self- 
government  therein  set  forth  —  to  the  people  of  Georgia 
though  the  Union  had  been  abandoned  by  them.  Never 
for  one  instant  has  a  sentiment  of  "disloyalty"  to  these 
great  essential,  cardinal  principles  of  American  consti 
tutional  liberty  entered  my  breast.  So  much  on  the 
point  of  my  "loyalty." 

As  for  the  "atrocious  rebellion  and  conspiracy  against 
the  life  of  the  Nation"  in  which  I  am  charged  by  the 
press  with  having  taken  part,  I  here  state  that  I  always 
considered  the  "life"  and  very  soul  of  the  "Nation" 
to  be  the  Constitution  and  the  principles  of  popular  self- 
government  therein  set  forth  and  thereby  secured.  Never 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  149 

did  and  never  can  rebel  throb  enter  my  breast  against 
these.  The  " Nation"  without  these  principles  never 
had  any  proper  or  legitimate  life.  The  only  oath  of 
allegiance  the  Constitution  requires  or  ever  required 
was  and  is  to  itself  —  to  support  and  defend  itself.  This, 
I  did  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability  in  the  Union  so  long  as 
Georgia  acknowledged  herself  a  party  to  it;  and  never 
since  her  withdrawal  have  I  swerved  from  the  oath, 
often  taken  before  that  event,  to  support  and  defend  the 
same  sacred  principles.  This  I  have  done  with  more 
hazard  and  risk  and  under  heavier  denunciations  than 
most  men  are  willing  to  encounter.  In  doing  it,  I  looked 
to  nothing  but  the  public  good,  to  the  welfare  of  those 
who  without  my  solicitation  had  confided  high  trusts 
to  me. 

P.  M.  —  Corporal  Geary  brought  sutler's  bill:  6  vols. 
Prescott's  Histories,  $21 ;  Greeley's  American  Conflict,  $7; 
tea  canister,  75  cts;  tea  pot,  $i ;  sugar  bowl,  $i ;  2  qts.  ale, 
50  cts;  in  all  now  presented,  $31.25:  making  my  expendi 
tures  this  one  wreek  $47.48.  This  summation  is  frightful! 
I  must  curtail,  even  if  I  suffer  physically.  This  does  not 
include  my  newspapers.  I  had  no  idea  the  books  would 
have  been  at  such  prices,  or  I  should  not  have  thought 
of  buying  them.  My  funds  will  soon  give  out  at  this 
rate;  then  what  shall  I  do? 

5  P.  M.  -  Just  got  a  sight  of  Reagan  as  he  passed 
my  window,  returning  from  his  evening  walk,  I  suppose, 
Lieut.  W.  with  him.  He  looked  well  and  stepped  firmly. 
How  I  should  have  liked  to  speak  to  him! 

A  correspondent  from  Hilton  Head  to  a  New  York 
paper  says  I  did  not  look  when  there  as  if  I  considered 
myself  a  prisoner,  or  as  if  I  had  any  idea  of  the  estima 
tion  in  which  I  was  held  by  the  people  of  the  North.  I 


150  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

felt  myself  a  prisoner,  however  I  may  have  looked;  but 
I  did  not  consider  myself  a  culprit,  or  so  feel,  whatever 
may  be  the  opinion  of  any  one  else  on  that  point. 

June  2. — Another  improvement  in  attention  this 
morning  at  breakfast  —  a  silver  fork  and  an  ivory-handled 
knife.  The  breakfast  was  palatable  but  the  little  I  ate 
tasted  no  better  than  with  the  black  knife  and  fork.  The 
attention  I  duly  appreciated ;  it  may  have  been  accidental, 
but  I  am  inclined  to  think  not.  Lieut.  W.,  at  nine, 
brought  Lieut.  William  Longly  to  walk  with  me;  had 
long  conversation  with  him.  He  told  me  he  was  living 
in  Macon,  Ga.,  when  the  war  broke  out,  was  clerking 
in  a  mercantile  house,  Bond  &  Co.;  knew  many  of  my 
acquaintances;  was  in  Macon  in  1860  when  Douglas  and 
I  spoke  there;  heard  H.  R.  Jackson's  speech  that  night 
before  the  bonfire  in  the  street,  against  us.  We  had  a 
long  talk,  the  whole  hour,  about  the  state  of  the  country. 
On  the  whole,  perhaps  my  most  agreeable  walk  here. 
It  was  a  source  of  some  pleasure  to  see  and  converse 
with  one  who  had  lived  in  Georgia.  Anything  from 
Georgia,  however  remotely,  cheers  my  heart.  What 
delight  it  would  be  to  get  a  paper  from  Augusta,  Macon, 
Atlanta,  or  Columbus!  Wrhat  intense  delight  to  get  a 
letter  from  Linton,  or  home! 

2.30.  -  -  As  I  was  walking  my  room  just  now,  a 
number  of  persons  —  men,  women,  and  children  - 
appeared  on  the  stone  walk  directly  in  front  of  my  win 
dows.  This  walk  is  on  a  solid  wall  about  eight  feet 
from  the  wall  of  my  cell,  allowing  a  passage  for  the 
guards.  The  guards'  beat  is  on  the  same  level  with  my 
floor,  but  the  level  of  the  walk  is  that  of  the  drill-ground 
and  on  the  same  plane  with  the  top  of  my  windows.  By 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  151 

peeping  down,  these  persons  could  see  me  as  in  each  round 
I  approached  and  passed  my  windows.  Some  were  old 
and  some  were  young;  all  were  attired  as  if  on  a  jaunt 
for  amusement,  particularly  the  ladies  and  children. 
I  felt  no  indisposition  to  gratify  their  curiosity  and  con 
tinued  my  walk,  giving  them  such  sight  as  they  could 
get  of  me  when  I  passed  the  windows;  occasionally,  I 
gave  them  a  good  steady  look  in  return.  Who  they  were, 
or  whether  friendly  toward  me  personally  or  otherwise, 
I  do  not  know,  They  are,  I  suppose,  visitors  to  the 
fort,  who,  on  having  my  cell  pointed  out  to  them,  came 
to  get  a  peep  at  me.  This  is  the  first  time  I  have  been 
gazed  at  by  any  persons  with  only  a  view  to  gratify 
curiosity,  since  my  arrest. 

Geary  tells  me  the  sutler  will  charge  $1.40  per  week 
for  coffee,  rolls,  etc.,  such  as  I  have  been  getting  for 
breakfast.  This  causes  me  reflection;  how  to  do  with 
out  them  I  don't  know,  and  yet  if  I  incur  this  expense 
my  funds  will  soon  run  low.  I  may  need  other  essentials 
much  more,  and  I  may  not  be  permitted  to  have  other 
funds  sent  me.  My  condition  would  then  be  bad  indeed. 
I  told  Geary  to  continue  the  breakfast  a  week;  meantime, 
I  will  endeavour  to  ascertain  whether  I  shall  be  per 
mitted  to  receive  further  funds  when  present  supply  is 
out.  If  I  am  not  satisfied  that  I  shall,  I  must  curtail  this 
expense.  Had  I  looked  for  such  a  state  of  things,  I 
should  have  accepted  Gip  Grier's  and  General  Foster's 
offers. 

5  P.  M.  — Kind  and  attentive  Geary  brought  the  Boston 
Journal.  I  see  that  Governor  Brown  [of  Georgia]  has 
been  released  on  parole.  I  am  glad  others  are  permitted 
to  go  at  large,  if  I  cannot  be.  Could  I  but  correspond 
with  home  people,  how  much  better  I  should  feel!  The 


152  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

world's  justice  is  strange.  While  thousands  who  con 
tributed  all  their  influence  to  bring  these  troubles  upon  the 
country  are  at  large,  I,  who  did  my  utmost  to  avert  them, 
am  confined  in  a  cell,  cut  off  from  communication  with 
relatives  and  friends  and  deprived  of  comforts  essential 
to  life  in  my  enfeebled  condition.  May  the  Lord  God 
mercifully  sustain  me  and  enable  me  to  bear  with  resigna 
tion  what  His  Providence  permits !  Have  I  unconsciously 
committed  some  great  wrong  in  His  sight  ? 

9  P.  M. —  Lieut.  W.,  who  calls  every  night  at  this  hour, 
informs  me  that,  in  reply  to  my  letter  to  General  Dix,  I 
may,  through  General  Dix,  write  letters  home  on  private 
business.  This  is  a  great  relief.  Whether  I  shall  be  per 
mitted  to  receive  letters,  I  do  not  know  yet. 

Lights  have  to  be  put  out  at  nine- thirty;  a  tap  of  the 
drum  or  blast  from  a  bugle  is  the  signal.  Took  up  my 
Bible  - 

June  3. —  At  "Bible,"  the  bugle  note  sounded.  My 
pen  was  instantly  dropped  and  the  candle  blown  out. 
What  I  was  about  to  put  down  was  this:  Took  up  my 
Bible  with  a  desire  to  find  in  it  something  on  which  the 
soul  could  rely  for  comfort  and  hope.  The  book  opened 
at  Isaiah  38.  Was  it  accident?  Believing  all  things  are 
under  the  direction  of  the  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  by  whom 
even  the  hairs  of  our  heads  are  numbered,  I  secured 
consolation  from  this  chapter.  As  has  been  my  custom 
for  the  last  twenty  years  or  more,  before  committing 
myself  to  sleep,  I  committed  my  body,  soul,  and  spirit  to 
His  keeping,  praying  devoutly  that  His  will  "be  done  on 
earth  as  in  Heaven."  This  fact  I  here  record  mainly 
because  religion  is  a  subject  on  which  I  seldom  speak  or 
write.  Perhaps  in  this  I  have  done  wrong.  It  has 


ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS  153 

arisen  from  a  very  deep  aversion  to  what  I  consider 
"cant." 

P.  M. — Spent  the  day  reading  the  papers,  particularly 
therein  Simmer's  eulogy  on  Lincoln;  and  in  writing  letters 
home.  This  is  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Linton : 

My  dear  Brother:  This  little  messenger  of  love,  by  the 
permission  of  the  authorities,  is  about  to  be  dispatched 
from  the  quarters  of  my  present  confinement.  It  goes  as 
the  embodiment  of  the  tenderest  and  strongest  affections  of 
my  heart  to  the  dearest  one  to  me  on  earth ;  so  receive  it 
and  cherish  it.  I  am  in  about  the  same  state  of  health 
as  when  you  saw  me  last.  I  stood  the  sea  voyage  better 
than  I  expected.  I  reached  here  on  the  25th  of  May. 
As  I  passed  by  my  home  on  Sunday  the  i4th,  I  heard 
that  you  were  quite  ill  the  day  before  at  your  home. 
This  caused  me  great  pain,  the  more  from  the  sad  reflec 
tion  that  it  was  the  ever  memorable  anniversary  of  the 
death  of  the  only  surviving  parent  of  our  household, 
whose  life  kept  our  little  family  circle  happily  together 
around  the  paternal  hearthstone;  that  never-to-be-for 
gotten  i4th  day  of  May,  1826  —  that,  too,  was  on  Sun 
day.  My  greatest  mental  disquietude,  my  greatest  suf 
ferings,  have  been  on  your  account.  Would  to  God  I 
could  know  this  day  how  you  are,  and  that  you  are  well 
again.  Do  write  immediately,  if  you  get  this,  and  let 
me  know.  Inclose  your  letter  to  Ma j.- General  John  A. 
Dix,  New  York,  with  request  that  it  be  forwarded  to  me, 
and  I  think  it  will  be  promptly  done.  All  communica 
tions  must  be  through  him  and  open  to  his  inspection. 
I  wish  simply  to  know  how  you  and  all  the  dear  ones 
are.  This  is  all  that  is  allowed.  I  have  no  communica 
tions  here  with  any  persons  but  the  guard  and  officers 
in  charge.  I  am  permitted  to  walk  out  on  the  grounds 
inside  the  Fort  accompanied  by  an  officer  one  hour  every 
day.  No  rudeness  has  been  exhibited  toward  me,  but  on 
the  contrary  I  have  received  every  proper  courtesy  and 


i54  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

attention,  considering  my  condition.  I  have  access  to 
books  and  the  daily  papers.  My  room  is  large  and  well 
ventilated,  all  usual  necessaries  are  supplied,  and  I  get 
such  extras  as  I  need  by  purchase.  These  are  great 
privileges  and  comforts  which  are  highly  appreciated 
by  me. 

[I  left  the  court  papers  in  the  case  of  Barksdale  and 
his  sister,  which  we  were  to  settle,  with  Harry,  and  re 
quested  him  to  hand  them  to  Judge  Reese.  See  that 
the  Judge  gets  them.  In  my  table  drawer,  I  left  some 
private  papers  for  Prof.  R.  M.  Johnston,  which  I  wish 
you  to  hand  him.]  May  you  speedily  get  this  letter. 
May  I  soon  hear  from  you  and  know  that  you  are  well. 
That  we  may  once  more  meet,  and  at  no  distant  day, 
is  the  earnest  wish  with  which  I  now  take  my  farewell 
leave.  God  bless  you  and  yours  now  and  forever.  A 
kiss  to  all  the  children.  Kind  remembrance  to  Cosby, 
Carlos'  family,  Simpson,  Lane,  Evans,  Harris,  the 
Alfriends,  and  all  the  rest,  especially  Judge  Thomas  — 
be  sure  in  your  letter  to  let  me  know  how  he  is ;  tell  him  I 
send  my  special  regards  to  him,  Sallie  Baker,  Henry, 
and  their  little  ones.  And  last  though  not  least  to  Dick 
Johnston  and  his  family. 

Yours  most  affectionately, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

I  rewrote  this,  omitting  lines  in  brackets,  fearing  the 
officers  might  think  the  papers  some  I  wished  removed  and 
concealed.  The  other  letters  were  to  George  F.  Bristow, 
John  A.  and  Elizabeth  M.  Stephens. 

Unusually  depressed;  reaction  perhaps  from  elate 
feelings  animating  me  while  writing  letters  home  with  the 
thought  that  they  would  soon  be  received  and  I  should 
soon  have  answers.  Now  that  I  think  on  obstacles, 
perhaps  insuperable,  in  the  way  of  my  letters  ever  reach 
ing  their  destination,  gloom  comes  over  me.  All  will 
depend  on  the  officers,  even  to  get  them  to  Augusta; 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  155 

no  mail  open  through  the  Carolinas  yet,  I  think;  when 
one  will  be  open,  who  can  tell?  If  they  reach  Augusta, 
perhaps  no  mail  on  the  Ga.  R.  R.,  if  on  that,  perhaps 
none  to  Sparta.  All  is  dark  as  to  when  I  shall  ever  hear 
from  home. 

Dinner:  tough  green  beef;  the  cook  seems  to  have  done 
his  best  with  it,  but  it  was  beyond  his  skill.  If  it  had 
not  been  for  my  potatoes,  I  should  have  suffered  for  food ; 
the  cook  boiled  two  for  me,  and  on  these  I  fared. 

5  p.  M.  -  -  More  low-spirited;  feel  as  if  I  had  had  an 
interview  in  reality  with  homefolks  and  they  had  left 
me.  Wrote  to  Dr.  Paterson,  of  Augusta.  My  morning 
walk  was  with  Lieut.  Longly.  We  had  but  little  talk;  I 
was  too  full  of  the  idea  of  holding  converse  by  letter 
with  the  dear  ones  at  home.  Paid  fifty  cents  for  postage 
stamps.  All  expenses  paid  up  to  this  time,  $47.98. 

June  4.  -  -  Sunday  again.  This  day  four  weeks  ago, 
where  was  I?  Oh,  the  scenes  and  faces  then  surround 
ing  me!  Now,  nothing  but  these  white  sepulchral  walls! 
My  letters  did  not  get  off  last  night.  Lieut.  W.  did  not 
call  in  time.  This  I  deeply  regret.  I  wished  not  a 
moment's  unnecessary  delay  to  attend  their  going.  He 
called  this  morning  at  nine-thirty  for  them.  They 
start  by  the  fort  tugboat;  then  go  by  mail  to  New  York 
to-night,  I  hope.  May  Providence  in  mercy  expedite 
them! 

This  is  a  strange  world;  it  presents  striking  incon 
sistencies.  One  of  the  most  notable  is  the  difference 
between  profession  and  practice  in  religion.  New  Eng 
land  and  the  United  States  boast  of  their  religious  prin 
ciples;  yet  in  this  fort  the  fife,  the  drum,  the  bugle,  and 
the  drill  go  on  with  no  difference  between  Saturday, 


156  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Sunday,  or  Monday.  To  the  soldier  there  is  really  no 
Sabbath,  no  sacred  day  of  rest  and  worship,  in  field  or 
garrison.  A  number  of  the  bloodiest  battles  of  the 
late  war  were  fought  on  Sunday.  It  is  claimed  that  this 
most  fiendish,  deadly,  Sunday  work,  this  mutual  slaughter 
of  men  (who  personally  bore  each  other  no  ill  will)  was 
the  work  of  God  to  advance  civilization  and  Christianity. 
There  are  not  wanting  those,  on  either  side,  to  preach 
such  doctrines  to  congregations  every  Lord's  Day. 
^  Again  the  drum-beats,  and  the  soldiers  are  summoned 
to  their  tasks.  Slavery !  Liberty !  What  are  ye  ?  What 
is  the  difference  between  camp,  factory,  arid  cotton  field  ? 
Casuists,  moralists,  statesmen,  philanthropists,  human 
ists,  sage  philosophers,  evangelists,  Christianizers,  and 
world-reformers,  answer  me.  Orders  must  be  obeyed. 
Where  is  room  for  discretion  or  for  exercise  of  conscience 
to  the  poor  soldier  any  more  than  to  the  poor  Negro  or 
the  poor  labourer  in  a  factory?  The  great  problem  of 
human  wrong  has  not  yet  been  solved.  Perhaps  the 
best  thing  that  can  be  done  by  the  wisest  and  the  best 
is  not  to  war  against  nature,  not  to  find  fault,  but  to 
take  things  as  they  are  and  do  all  that  can  be  done,  under 
circumstances  as  they  arise,  for  the  good  of  every  fellow- 
being.  Often  more  mischief  and  misery  attend  well- 
meant  efforts  to  right  apparent  and  gross  wrongs  by 
rashly  uptearing  old  systems  than  would  ensue  from 
letting  them  alone.  Human  society  is  not  unlike  the 
human  organism.  However  badly  it  may  be  constituted, 
however  diseased  from  hereditary  or  other  causes,  yet, 
as  David  said  of  man,  its  great  prototype,  it  is  "  wonder 
fully"  as  well  as  " fearfully  made."  It  has  nervous 
fibres  running  all  through  its  most  diseased  parts.  The 
rude  touch  of  a  probe  in  the  hands  of  a  rash  operator 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  157 

may  cause  deeper  injury  and  more  suffering  to  the  invalid 
than  that  which  he  before  endured. 

I  do  not  mean  that  no  effort  should  be  made  to  eradi 
cate  causes  of  evil  and  wrong,  but  only  that  all  such  efforts 
should  be  wisely  made;  reason  guided  by  justice  and 
general  benevolence  should  govern,  not  passion  incited 
by  prejudice  and  bent  on  making  conditions  square 
with  some  favourite  preconceived  theory.  It  seems  a 
law  of  the  human  mind  to  want  all  things  to  square 
with  its  own  notions.  But  squares  of  all  sorts  are  arti 
ficial.  They  are  not  met  with  in  phases  of  the  natural 
universe.  Throughout  cosmos,  we  see  nothing  in  forms, 
changes,  or  motions  approaching  squares  or  direct  lines. 
Light,  heat,  and  electricity  are  swerved  by  the  media 
through  which  they  pass.  Squaring  is  not  nature's 
process  either  in  the  material  or  mental  world.  No 
human  society  or  government  can  be  wisely  or  safely 
built  upon  any  one  general,  unalterable  principle  fixing 
permanent  status  for  all  its  members. 

As  gravitation  is  the  general  fixed  law  of  the  material 
universe,  so  justice  should  be  the  fundamental  law  of  all 
political  or  social  organizations.  How  society  is  to  be 
constituted  so  that  all  can  attain  justice;  that  is  the  vexed 
question.  While  I  confess  myself  unable  to  see  how 
it  is  to  be  perfectly  done,  I  am  equally  well  satisfied  how, 
in  some  particulars,  it  cannot  be.  It  cannot  be  done, 
for  instance,  by  any  such  dogma  (not  well  understood 
by  its  advocates)  as  that  all  members  of  society  are 
equal,  for  this  settles  nothing. 

Equal  in  what?  In  age?  Facts  answer,  "No."  In 
feature  and  appearance?  Facts  answer,  "No."  In 
bodily  size  or  strength?  Facts  answer,  "No."  In 
mental  strength  or  vigour?  Facts  answer,  "No." 


158  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

In  moral  qualities?  Facts  answer,  "No."  In  acquire 
ments  or  accumulations?  Facts  continue  to  answer, 
"No."  In  not  a  single  one  of  these  particulars  can  any 
two  amongst  millions  be  found  with  the  dogma  of  equality. 
In  what  then  are  all  men  by  nature  equal,  or  in  what 
ought  they  to  be  held  to  be  equal  ?  Is  the  dogma  utterly 
false  and  absurd,  or  is  there  in  it  a  latent  truth  which 
some  superficial  and  rash  spirits,  not  perceiving,  ignore 
in  their  misapplication,  thus  disgusting  sincere  inquirers? 

The  dogmatists  must  admit  that  all  men  are  not  equal  in 
any  of  the  particulars  here  stated.  When  asked  in  what 
way  they  are  equal  or  ought  to  be  recognized  as  equal, 
one  dogmatist  will  reply  one  thing  and  one  another, 
hardly  any  two  agreeing.  This  shows  the  vague  ideas 
entertained  on  the  subject.  One  will  say,  equal  in  the 
eye  of  law;  another,  equal  before  the  law;  another,  equal 
in  all  political  rights;  another,  in  all  political  and  social 
rights.  Now,  that  all  men  are  not  equal  in  the  eye  of 
the  law  is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  the  law  properly 
pronounces  many  persons  morally  disqualified  for  member 
ship  in  society.  That  all  are  not  and  should  not  be  equal 
in  political  rights,  is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  some 
must,  for  the  time  at  least,  govern,  administer,  and  execute 
the  law  while  the  rest  must  obey.  Between  these  there 
is  no  equality  in  political  power  or  rights.  The  right 
to  govern  and  punish  is  entirely  political;  it  is  not  per 
sonal  or  individual.  It  is  impossible,  therefore,  for  all 
men  to  be  recognized  as  having  equal  political  rights. 
What  is  meant  by  social  rights  is  too  vague  and  uncer 
tain  to  define. 

Now,  I  hold  that  as  gravitation  is  the  law  governing 
the  material  universe,  so  justice  should  govern  the  polit 
ical  or  moral ;  and  in  all  human  societies  be  the  controlling 


ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS  159 

principle.  As  every  part  of  matter,  small  or  great,  an 
atom  or  a  world,  is  equally  impressed  and  influenced 
by  gravitation,  according  to  its  size  and  density  (which 
constitutes  its  own  specific  gravity  and  weight),  so  every 
human  being  in  society,  whether  small  or  great,  low  or 
high,  black  or  white,  should  come  under  the  influence 
of  this  universal  law  of  justice.  In  the  organization 
of  society  upon  this  principle  and  in  the  administration 
of  government  after  organization,  every  member  should 
be  perfectly  equal  in  this;  that  justice  should  be  equally 
dispensed  to  all  according  to  position,  merit,  or  demerit. 
There  should  be  perfect  equality  in  right  to  have 
justice  rendered  in  all  cases,  and  perfect  equality  in 
the  securities  for  the  enforcement  of  the  right  to  have 
justice  administered.  All  men  may  truly  be  said  to  be 
created  equal  in  their  rights  to  justice  in  their  relations 
and  conditions  of  life. 

Then  comes  the  question:  What  is  justice?  These 
random  reflections,  penned  in  my  solitude,  suggest  a 
much  wider  range  of  thought  and  a  much  greater  enlarge 
ment  than  I  can  now  enter  upon. 

Society,  in  its  government,  should  be  so  organized  that 
as  a  whole  it  should  govern  itself,  not  that  the  bare 
majority  should  govern  the  rest  at  will  and  pleasure 
for  any  time  or  length  of  time,  but  that  the  consentient 
will  of  the  whole  mass,  as  nearly  as  possible,  should  be 
expressed  in  its  laws.  The  object  of  its  laws  should  not 
be  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number.  Of  all 
dogmas  this,  to  my  mind,  is  one  of  the  most  monstrous. 
The  object  of  all  laws  should  be  the  greatest  good  to  the 
whole  society,  all  its  members,  with  injury  to  none. 
Society  in  its  government  of  itself  should  never  inflict 
an  injury  on  any  one  of  its  members;  that  is,  it  should  not 


160  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

deprive  any  one  of  its  members  of  his  or  her  natural 
acquirements,  or  do  anything  calculated  or  intended  to 
oppose  or  obstruct  any  member  or  component  part 
in  the  pursuit  of  happiness  and  the  development  of  the 
highest  attainable  point  of  culture. 

What  constitutes  happiness?  What  constitutes  vice 
and  immorality?  How  far  shall  subordination  of  cer 
tain  component  elements  of  society,  such  as  minors, 
those  non  compos  mentis,  women,  and  other  classes, 
for  a  term  of  years,  or  other  probationary  trial,  or  abso 
lutely,  be  deemed  proper?  These  questions  should  be 
settled  by  society,  some  of  them  in  its  organization,  by 
fundamental  rules,  founded  on  reason,  looking  solely 
to  the  best  interest  of  all  without  injury  to  any.  The 
entire  structure,  in  organization  and  laws,  should  be 
based  upon  the  principle  that  society  should,  in  the 
government  of  the  whole,  never  injure  an  unoffending 
member  even  for  the  public  good  without  making  fair 
and  adequate  compensation.  This  justice  requires. 
The  natural  rights  of  man  in  society,  or  out  of  it,  consist 
in  this  one  right  of  all  unoffenders  not  to  be  injured  by 
others  whether  in  organized  social  compact  or  out  of 
such  organization.  The  fulfilling  of  the  law  of  justice 
is  that  which  worketh  no  wrong  to  another.  I  do  not 
here  speak  of  the  rights  of  society  over  offenders,  those 
who  by  violating  the  right  of  others  have  forfeited  their 
own.  Injuries  to  them,  by  way  of  punishment  and  re 
form  and  to  deter  others  from  perpetrating  like  acts,  are 
founded  on  principles  of  the  strictest  justice. 

As  society  cannot  meet  en  masse  either  to  form  general 
rules  for  its  government  or  for  particular  acts  of  legisla 
tion,  representation  of  some  sort  must  be  agreed  upon. 
On  what  principles  or  under  what  limitations  this  should 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  161 

be  fixed,  depends  upon  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 
The  right  to  participate  in  the  choice  of  those  who  are 
to  make  or  execute  the  laws,  is  not  a  natural  right;  it 
is  a  conventional  right,  springing  from  the  organization 
of  society.  Enlightened  reason,  looking  to  ultimate 
justice  as  the  great  end,  should  determine  its  investiture 
and  exercise.  Reason  teaches  that  no  one  rule  can  be 
properly  laid  down  for  all  times,  persons,  and  places. 
Nor  has  a  bare  majority  any  natural  right  to  govern 
the  rest.  Society  has  no  moral  or  natural  right  to  gov 
ern  itself  except  upon  the  principles  of  justice  as  stated. 
With  society  so  established  and  its  government  so  admin 
istered,  every  member,  whether  man,  woman,  or  child, 
of  whatever  race  or  colour,  is  equal  in  this :  that  he  or  she 
has  an  equal  right,  with  equal  security  for  the  right,  to 
have  justice  rendered.  Perfect  justice  in  all  cases  need 
not  be  expected.  In  administration  all  that  the  best 
of  mortals  can  do  is  to  attain  the  nearest  approximation 
possible  to  this  Divine  attribute;  reason  and  a  sense  of 
justice  based  upon  the  Golden  Rule  laid  down  by  Him 
who  spake  as  never  man  spake  —  of  doing  to  others  as 
you  would  have  others  do  to  you  —  must  be  the  guide. 
This  rule,  in  my  judgment,  means  that  man  in  all  cir 
cumstances  should  do  to  others  as  he  would  have  others 
do  to  him,  positions  being  reversed. 

The  Corporal  with  dinner  stops  these  reflections. 
Dinner  over.  Had  a  mess  of  green  peas  from  sutler's; 
what  he  will  charge  I  do  not  know.  Thought  of  home, 
Harry,  the  garden,  the  beautiful  plot  of  ground  we  had 
in  peas,  so  promising  when  I  left. 

Lieut.  W.  walked  out  with  me  this  morning.  He 
pointed  out  General  Jackson,  dressed  in  gray,  walking 
on  N.  E.  parapet.  We  were  on  S.  E.,  several  hundred 


i62  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

yards  away.  He  told  me  that  Dr.  Willis,  of  Savannah, 
supplies  Jackson  and  other  officers,  prisoners  here,  with 
funds;  he  supposed  I  would  be  allowed  to  receive  funds 
from  friends.  This  gave  me  relief.  He  informed  me 
that  General  DuBose  is  in  excellent  health  and  spirits, 
always  pleasant  and  jovial.  Reagan,  he  said,  was  well. 
General  DuBose  writes  to  Mrs.  DuBose  through  Gen 
eral  Wilson  at  Macon.  I  inquired  if  he  knew  if  General 
DuBose  had  received  any  letters  lately  from  Mrs.  Du 
Bose.  He  said  he  did  not  know.  Jackson  walked 
with  quickness,  great  elasticity,  and  firmness  of  step. 

Corporal  brought  my  wash  bill.  I  paid  it,  Sunday  as 
it  is;  the  rate  is  $1.25  per  dozen;  for  16  pieces,  $1.56. 
Whole  expenses  thus  far  paid,  $49.56. 

For  the  first  time  in  four  weeks  I  became  conscious 
of  smiling.  It  was  on  reading  Artemus  Ward  in  Rich 
mond  Enquirer.  For  the  humorous  I  ever  had  a  relish, 
even  when  at  my  own  expense  or  that  of  my  friends. 
The  impulse  to  laugh  was  succeeded  instantly  by  a  sense 
of  my  situation,  thoughts  of  friends  and  of  the  condition 
of  the  country.  All  risible  inclinations  were  banished; 
sadness  ensued. 


CHAPTER  IV 

JUNE    5.  —  Thunder    and   lightning    after    candles 
were  out.     First  thunder   since   I   left   Hampton 
Roads.     The  warmest  night  since  I  have  been  here. 
Rose  after  a  refreshing  sleep.     As  has  been  my  custom 
for  many  years  on  arising  at  home,  I  commenced  singing; 
in  my  way,  whatever  happened  to  occur  to  me.     This 
morning  I  began  Moore's  hymn: 

This  world  is  all  a  fleeting  show 

For  man's  illusion  given; 
The  smiles  of  joy,  the  tears  of  woe, 
Deceitful  shine,  deceitful  flow  — 

There's  nothing  true  but  Heaven! 

The  very  unmusical  noise  I  made,  or  something  else, 
seemed  to  excite  much  astonishment  in  the  guard  passing 
my  window,  just  as  the  same  discordant  notes  used  to 
4  excite  the  mirth  of  Mr.  O'Neal  when  he  lived  with  me 
at  Liberty  Hall.  He  was  a  very  grave  man  usually,  and 
seldom  I  saw  him  seem  to  laugh  internally  at  anything 
more  than  at  my  attempts  to  sing. 

Breakfast:    No  meat;  coffee  and  rolls  from  sutler's  - 
that's  all  he  sent.     I  ordered  a  half -pint  of  syrup:    this 
Geary  brought. 

With  all  my  intense  distress  on  Linton's  account,  I 
have  not  once  dreamed  about  him.  Last  night,  I  dreamed 
of  little  Becky  [Linton's  daughter];  thought  I  was  at 
home  in  a  room  writing,  and  she  ran  in  and  told  me 
" The  Yankees  have  come!"  I  saw  them  with  guns  at 

163 


i64  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

the  window.  I  was  not  discomforted,  nor  was  the  dream 
unpleasant.  Becky  did  not  seem  frightened.  I  awoke. 
The  vision  was  gone  and  I  was  lying  on  my  bunk  — 
far  away  from  the  scenes  where  my  sleeping  thoughts 
had  roamed. 

Paid  newspaper  bill,  $2.03;  all  expenses  paid  to  date, 
$51.59.  Lieut.  W.  walked  out  with  me.  Spent  the  full 
hour  walking  and  talking.  Wrote  two  letters:  one  to 
Mr.  Henry  C.  Baskerville,  Richmond,  Va.,  and  one 
to  Dr.  Francis  T.  Willis  or  Dr.  Richard  Arnold,  Savan 
nah,  Ga.  That  to  Mr.  B.  was  about  Hid  ell's  business 
-  to  know  if  he  had  heard  from  Hidell — and  if  Henry 
and  Anthony  had  got  safely  home  and  how  they  are. 
The  letter  to  Willis  or  Arnold  was  to  get  from  either 
information,  if  possible,  about  Linton  and  home  in  case 
my  letters  to  Linton  and  others  at  home  should  fail 
for  any  cause  to  reach  them.  Lieut.  W.  is  to  call  at 
one-thirty  for  letters.  Hear  a  piano  overhead.  This 
may  be  an  offset  to  my  music  of  this  morning. 

10.30  —  Got  New  York  papers  of  Saturday.  They 
are  not  brought  down  on  Sunday.  The  name  of  the 
Herald's  correspondent  who  travelled  with  me  from 
Augusta  to  Fortress  Monroe,  is  Theodore  T.  Scribner; 
it  appears  in  the  Herald's  announcement  of  his  having 
sent  the  Secretary  of  War  the  original  draft  on  parch 
ment  of  Alabama's  Ordinance  of  Secession.  He  took 
it  from  the  walls  of  the  Capitol  in  Montgomery  when 
General  Wilson's  forces  were  in  that  city.  Mr.  Stanton 
acknowledges  its  receipt  and  says  it  has  been  deposited 
in  his  office  at  Washington.  The  Boston  Post  publishes 
testimony,  heretofore  suppressed,  in  the  Court  Martial 
in  Washington.  If  this  testimony  be  true  or  half  true, 
there  was  a  most  diabolical  plot,  deeply  involving  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  165 

honour  and  good  name  of  my  country.  I  cannot  believe 
it  is  true.  The  statements  are  vague;  the  witnesses  do 
not  seem  to  have  been  cross-examined.  Clay,  from  what 
they  say,  was  in  Canada  in  February  last.  He  left 
before  that  time.  From  his  solemn  declarations  to  me, 
I  cannot  believe  that  he  was  engaged  in  or  had  knowl 
edge  even  of  such  a  hellish  plot. 

Wonder  and  surprise  have  been  expressed  in  a  number 
of  papers  at  the  suddenness  and  completeness  of  the 
collapse  of  the  Confederate  Cause,  etc.  This  wonder 
and  surprise  proceed  from  lack  of  accurate  knowledge 
of  public  sentiment  in  the  South.  Resistance  to  the 
last  extremity,  it  is  said,  was  expected,  and  yet,  more 
than  100,000  men-in-arms  yielded  the  contest,  abandoned 
the  conflict,  quit  the  field,  surrendered  on  parole  and 
went  home. 

The  facts  are  these  as  I  understand  them:  No  people 
on  earth  were  ever  more  united,  earnest,  resolved  to  resist 
to  the  last  extremity,  than  the  Southern  people  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war  and  during  its  first  two  years.  They 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  property,  life,  everything,  for  the 
Cause,  which  was  then  simply  the  right  of  self-govern 
ment.  They  conscientiously  believed  that  the  old  Union 
was  a  compact  between  Sovereign  Independent  States; 
only  certain  powers  named  in  the  Constitution  had  been 
delegated  by  the  States  separately  to  the  Central  Gov 
ernment;  among  these  was  not  ultimate  absolute  Sov 
ereignty,  this  being  retained  by  the  States  separately 
in  the  reserved  powers;  each  State  had  the  right  to 
withdraw  from  the  Central  Government  the  powers 
delegated  by  repealing  the  ordinance  that  conferred 
them  and  herself  resuming  their  full  exercise  as  a  free 
Independent  Sovereign  State,  such  as  she  was  when  the 


1 66  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

compact  01  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  was  formed. 
These  principles  and  doctrines  the  great  majority  cher 
ished  as  sacred  and  as  underlying  the  whole  framework 
of  American  constitutional  liberty.  Thousands  who 
disapproved  Secession  as  a  measure  of  policy  did  not 
question  it  as  a  matter  of  right.  The  war  waged  by  the 
Central  Government  against  these  States,  striking  at 
their  Sovereignty  and  causing  as  it  would,  if  successful, 
their  complete  subjugation,  these  people  considered 
unconstitutional,  monstrously  aggressive,  and  utterly 
destructive  to  everything  dear  to  them  as  freemen. 

The  slavery  question  had  but  little  influence  with  the 
masses.  Many  even  of  the  large  slave-holders,  to  my  per 
sonal  knowledge,  were  willing  from  the  first  years  of  the  war 
to  give  up  that  institution  for  peace  on  recognition  of  the 
doctrine  of  ultimate  Sovereignty  of  the  separate  States, 
allowing  upon  this  basis  the  formation  of  any  new  Union 
that  the  several  Independent  Parties  in  convention, 
or  otherwise,  might  determine  upon.  Few  sensible 
men  of  the  South  ever  expected  or  desired  a  distinct 
Independent  Nation  embracing  none  but  the  slave  States. 
The  view  of  the  great  mass  was  that  with  the  recogni 
tion  of  the  principle  of  State  Sovereignty  as  a  basis  of 
adjustment,  the  future  might  well  be  left  to  take  care 
of  itself;  the  States  would  soon  assume  relations  to  each 
other  in  such  political  bonds  as  would  be  most  conducive 
to  the  interest,  peace,  happiness,  and  prosperity  of  all. 
These  views  and  principles  were  what  mainly  animated 
the  breasts  of  an  overwhelming  majority  at  the  South. 
In  their  views  not  only  their  own  domestic  institution 
of  the  subordination  of  the  African  race  amongst  them 
was  involved  in  the  issue,  but  the  very  essence  of  con 
stitutional  liberty.  So  long  as  these  principles  were 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  167 

the  watchword  in  the  camp  and  at  home,  the  people 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  everything  in  maintenance  of 
the  cause. 

When  the  Government  at  Richmond  itself  com 
menced  to  violate  some  of  these  great  cardinal  principles 
for  which  hundreds  of  thousands  had  volunteered  their 
lives,  the  ardour  of  many  at  home  and  in  the  army  was 
dampened.  The  first  great  blow  was  conscription! 
With  this  came  impressments,  suspension  of  habeas 
corpus,  military  arrests  and  imprisonments,  martial 
law.  The  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  Southern  people 
was  fatal  to  the  Confederate  Cause.  Besides  in  the  man 
agement  of  the  finances,  the  line  of  policy  pursued  by 
the  Executive  and  Congress  in  almost  every  department 
of  government  soon  led  the  most  sensible  men  of  the 
country  to  believe  that  there  was  not  enough  wisdom  or 
statesmanship  in  control  to  afford  reasonable  hope  for 
ultimate  success.  The  course  of  the  Administration 
during  the  last  year  toward  the  peace  sentiment  in  the 
Northern  States  and  toward  the  States  Rights  men  influ 
enced  many  to  believe  that  Mr.  Davis  did  not  desire  and 
was  not  looking  for  success  upon  the  principle  of  State 
Sovereignty  —  the  only  real  issue  in  the  war  —  but  was 
aiming  at  the  establishment  of  a  dynasty  of  his  own. 

Apprehensions  were  increased  by  the  tone  of  the 
press  known  to  be  most  in  the  confidence  of  the  Admin 
istration;  and  by  the  avowed  sentiments  of  some  near 
the  President  and  standing  highest  in  his  favour;  by 
these,  State  Rights  and  State  Sovereignty  was  ridiculed, 
sneered  at,  scoffed  at.  Many,  with  misgivings  and  fore 
bodings,  continued  to  support  the  Cause  as  the  best  they 
could  do,  hoping  that  the  election  in  the  Northern  States 
might  bring  about  a  change  of  administration  there, 


1 68  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  with  it  some  offer  of  negotiation  or  settlement  leading 
to  peace  on  the  principle  of  State  Sovereignty.  The 
spirit  of  the  army,  though  greatly  dampened,  was  still 
resolute  to  maintain  the  Cause  during  that  campaign, 
hoping  for  some  change  of  policy  at  both  Richmond 
and  Washington  by  the  coming  fall.  Such  were  the 
conditions  during  the  summer  and  up  to  the  meeting 
of  the  Confederate  Congress  in  Richmond  in  November, 
1863. 

Mr.  Davis' s  message  *  at  the  opening  of  the  session 
produced  a  sensation  throughout  the  country,  even  in 
the  circle  of  his  hitherto  most  zealous  defenders.  With 
many  reflective  people,  the  feeling  was  little  short  of 
consternation.  This  feeling  extended  to  the  masses. 
The  policy  foreshadowed  in  that  message,  if  carried  out, 
would  lead  to  a  centralized,  consolidated,  military  des 
potism,  as  absolute  and  execrable  as  that  of  Russia  or 
Turkey.  This,  men  in  the  army  and  men  elsewhere 
saw.  The  question  was  asked  by  many,  What  will  be 
the  fruits  of  success  on  this  line?  No  answer  satis 
factory  to  a  friend  of  constitutional  liberty  could  be  given. 
The  only  reply  pretended  to  be  given  was,  Independence. 
Sensible  men  knew,  in  the  first  place,  that  independence 
could  never  be  achieved  on  that  line;  they  knew  too 
much  of  the  men  who  constituted  the  armies,  and  of  the 
objects  and  purposes  for  which  they  entered  the  fight. 
But  secondly  and  mainly,  they  loathed,  detested,  and 
abhorred  any  such  independence  as  that  policy  would 
secure. 

These  feelings  spread  and  increased;  the  tone  of  the 
press  only  gave  them  new  impulse.  Thousands  enter- 


*  See  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Confederacy  Richardson,  I,  345-472;   and  Mr.  Stephens's 
speech,  March  16,  1864,  in  Cleveland's   "Letters  and  Speeches  of  Stephens,"   761-86. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  169 

tained  them  who  would  not  venture  to  express  them 
except  in  a  private  and  most  confidential  way.  Amongst 
friends  it  became  common  to  say:  Is  it  of  any  use  to 
prolong  the  conflict?  Why  sacrifice  more  lives?  Will 
ultimate  success  be  any  better  in  any  view  of  the  subject, 
even  so  far  as  the  institution  of  slavery  is  concerned, 
than  subjugation?  Mr.  Davis  in  his  message  virtually 
yields  that  institution  forever.  His  principles  announced 
in  relation  to  it  are  as  unconstitutional  as  those  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  his  Emancipation  Proclamation.  No  dif 
ference  in  principle  between  the  utterances  of  these 
men;  both  make  necessity  of  war  override  constitutional 
limitations  of  power.  What  interest,  therefore,  have 
we,  looking  to  the  guarantee  of  rights  either  of  person 
or  property,  in  prosecution  of  the  war  ?  Will  not  inde 
pendence,  if  achieved  by  Davis  under  his  line  of  policy, 
bring  with  it  almost  necessarily  a  far  worse  despotism 
than  any  yet  foreshadowed  by  Lincoln?  Lincoln,  it  is 
true,  utterly  ignores  the  doctrine  of  the  Sovereignty  of 
the  States;  Davis  in  his  message,  though  not  avowedly, 
yet  in  effect  does  the  same.  His  recommendation  for 
general  and  universal  conscription,  not  exempting  gov 
ernors,  judges,  and  legislators  of  States  except  by  his 
special  grant  of  favour,  strikes  for  all  practical  purposes 
as  deadly  a  blow  at  independent  State  organization, 
States  Rights,  or  State  Sovereignty,  as  anything  Lincoln 
has  done  or  can  do.  Thus  men  argued  within  themselves; 
thus  talked  among  themselves,  many  even  of  those  who 
had  been  ardent,  zealous  advocates  of  secession.  Thus  the 
masses  and  the  army  felt.*  Thus  the  cause  was  given 


*  Mr.  Davis,  in  his  Macon  speech  of  September,  1864,  said:  "  If  one-half  the  men  now  absent 
from  the  field  would  return  to  duty,  we  can  defeat  the  enemy."  James  Seddon,  Confederate 
Secretary  of  War,  said  in  1863  that  "  the  effective  force  of  the  army  was  not  more  than  one-half, 
never  two-thirds,  of  the  soldiers  in  the  ranks." 


170  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

up:  it  was  not  lost  because  the  great  body  of  soldiers 
were  not  as  ready  to  resist  to  the  last  extremity  and  as 
willing  to  die  in  the  maintenance  of  their  principles 
as  when  they  put  their  armour  on,  but  because  they 
saw  and  felt  that  the  cause  in  which  they  had  enlisted 
was  not  that  in  which  they  were  now  called  to  risk  their 
lives  and  shed  their  blood.  This  is  the  real  and  true 
reason  why  the  great  masses  of  the  Southern  people  have 
so  generally  and  quietly  accepted  the  present  state  of 
things.  This  is  the  explanation  of  what  strikes  so  many 
at  the  North  with  wonder  and  surprise. 

A  more  intelligent,  patriotic,  or  braver  body  of  men 
than  those  who  filled  the  Southern  armies  never  went 
to  battle  for  their  country's  cause  in  any  age  or  clime; 
and  never  were  any  men  animated  by  loftier,  purer  prin 
ciples  and  sentiments ;  it  was  with  no  view  of  aggression 
upon  others  but  simply  to  defend  their  own  rights;  not 
to  make  war  on  the  Union  but  to  maintain  the  Sovereignty 
of  their  own  States,  which  had  quit  the  Union  but  had 
rescued  the  Constitution.  This  ark  of  the  covenant  of 
their  fathers  was  in  their  hands;  and  it  was  to  preserve 
this  (containing  the  life-giving  principles  of  self-govern 
ment)  from  destruction  and  pollution  that  they  rushed 
to  the  ranks  as  soldiers  never  did  before  —  not  even  in 
the  days  of  Peter  the  Hermit  and  the  Crusades.  It  was 
for  their  ancient  rights,  customs  and  institutions,  their 
liberties  achieved  and  bequeathed  to  them  by  their 
ancestors,  that  they  fought. 

The  idea  set  forth  by  Mr.  Greeley  in  his  "  American 
Conflict"  and  by  Senator  Sumner  in  his  late  eulogy  on 
Lincoln,  that  this  noble  band  of  warriors  was  nothing 
but  a  set  of  reckless-spirited  rebels,  disloyal  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  and  conspiring  to  overthrow 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  171 

it  and  to  establish  on  its  ruins  a  Slave  Oligarchy,  is  utterly 
unfounded.  The  ruling  motive  of  these  armed  hosts 
was  to  maintain  and  perpetuate  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  even  out  of  the  Union  when  they  could 
no  longer  maintain  them  in  it.  I  speak  of  the  ideas 
and  sentiments  prevailing  among  our  people  at  the  time, 
and  not  of  the  correctness  of  their  judgment  as  to  whether 
their  constitutional  rights  could  or  would  have  been 
maintained  in  the  Union.  What  I  affirm  is,  that  the 
Southern  people  were  actuated  by  no  disloyalty  to  the  Con 
stitution,  to  the  principles  it  contained,  or  to  the  form 
of  government  thereby  established. 

Nor  were  the  men  who  met  at  Montgomery  and  framed 
the  Confederate  States  Constitution  governed  by  any 
such  motives  as  have  been  ascribed;  the  work  of  their 
hands  show  this.  "By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them." 
The  new  Constitution  was  but  an  embodiment  of  all 
the  essential  principles  of  liberty  contained  in  the  old. 
Some  changes  were  made  on  minor  points;  all  were  of 
conservative  character;  most  only  settling  clearly  points 
in  the  old  that  gave  rise  to  doubt,  cavil,  and  conflicting 
construction.  The  great  essential  principles  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  liberty,  dating  back  to  the  Magna  Charta,  were 
reaffirmed  and  guaranteed.  Nothing  savouring  of  the 
slightest  spirit  of  disloyalty  to  these  principles  is  to  be 
found  in  it. 

When  Georgia  had  seceded  against  my  wish,  judg 
ment,  and  vote,  my  greatest  apprehension  was  lest  liberty 
be  lost  in  the  confusion  that  might  follow.  To  guard 
against  such  an  event,  I  myself,  looking  to  the  future, 
introduced  a  resolution,  which  was  passed  by  the  seceding 
convention,  instructing  Georgia  delegates  to  a  proposed 
Convention  in  Montgomery  of  seceding  States,  to  adopt 


172  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

the  old  Constitution  as  basis  for  any  new  one  that  might 
be  formed.  Such  was  my  admiration  of  the  wisdom  of 
the  fathers,  such  my  loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  principles 
they  had  established.  At  Montgomery,  no  delegate 
from  any  State  evinced  in  any  debate  the  slightest  dis 
inclination  to  conform  strictly  to  this  policy.  Even  on 
African  slavery  in  the  South,  no  change  from  the  old 
was  made  in  the  new  Constitution  save  in  clearly  defin 
ing  those  points  on  which  disputes  had  arisen  —  all  of 
which  points  had  been  decided  by  the  highest  judicial 
tribunals  of  the  old  Government  as  they  were  now  set 
forth  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  new.  The  only 
striking  difference  between  the  old  Constitution  and  the 
new  was  the  immediate  and  perpetual  prohibition  of  the 
African  slave-trade  in  the  latter,  whereas  continuance 
of  this  traffic  for  twenty  years  had  been  provided  for 
in  the  former.  I  speak  from  memory,  but  I  think  I  am 
correct. 

As  for  my  Savannah  speech,  about  which  so  much  has 
been  said  and  in  regard  to  which  I  am  represented  as 
setting  forth  " slavery"  as  the  " corner-stone "  of  the 
Confederacy,  it  is  proper  for  me  to  state  that  that  speech 
was  extemporaneous.  The  reporter's  notes,  which  were 
very  imperfect,  were  hastily  corrected  by  me;  and 
were  published  without  further  revision  and  with  several 
glaring  errors.  The  substance  of  what  I  said  on  slavery 
was,  that  on  the  points  under  the  old  Constitution  out 
of  which  so  much  discussion,  agitation,  and  strife  between 
the  States  had  arisen,  no  future  contention  could  arise, 
as  these  had  been  put  to  rest  by  clear  language.  I  did 
not  say,  nor  do  I  think  the  reporter  represented  me  as 
saying,  that  there  was  the  slightest  change  in  the  new 
Constitution  from  the  old  regarding  the  status  of  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  173 

African  race  amongst  us.  (Slavery  was  without  doubt 
the  occasion  of  secession;  out  of  it  rose  the  breach  of 
compact,  for  instance,  on  the  part  of  several  Northern 
States  in  refusing  to  comply  with  Constitutional  obliga 
tions  as  to  rendition  of  fugitives  from  service,  a  course 
betraying  total  disregard  for  all  constitutional  barriers 
and  guarantees.) 

I  admitted  that  the  fathers,  both  of  the  North  and 
the  South,  who  framed  the  old  Constitution,  while  recog 
nizing  existing  slavery  and  guaranteeing  its  continuance 
under   the   Constitution   so   long  as   the   States   should 
severally  see  fit  to  tolerate  it  in  their  respective  limits, 
were  perhaps  all  opposed  to  the  principle.     Jefferson, 
Madison,  Washington,  all  looked  for  its  early  extinction 
throughout  the  United  States.     But  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  —  so  called  —  (which  was  with  us,  or  should 
nothing  but   the   proper   subordination   of   the   inferior     j 
African  race  to  the  superior  white)  great  and  radical  J 
changes  had  taken  place  in  the  realm  of  thought;  many 
eminent  latter-day  statesmen,  philosophers,  and  philan 
thropists  held  different  views  from  the  fathers. 

The  patriotism  of  the  fathers  was  not  questioned, 
nor  their  ability  and  wisdom,  but  it  devolved  on  the 
public  men  and  statesmen  of  each  generation  to  grapple 
with  and  solve  the  problems  of  their  own  times. 

The  relation  of  the  black  to  the  white  race,  or  the 
proper  status  of  the  coloured  population  amongst  us, 
was  a  question  now  of  vastly  more  importance  than 
when  the  old  Constitution  was  formed.  The  order  of 
subordination  was  nature's  great  law;  philosophy  taught 
that  order  as  the  normal  condition  of  the  African  amongst 
European  races.  Upon  this  recognized  principle  of  a 
proper  subordination,  let  it  be  called  slavery  or  what  not, 


174  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

our  State  institutions  were  formed  and  rested.  The  new 
Confederation  was  entered  into  with  this  distinct  under 
standing.  This  principle  of  the  subordination  of  the 
inferior  to  the  superior  was  the  "  corner-stone "  on 
which  it  was  formed.  I  used  this  metaphor  merely  to 
illustrate  the  firm  convictions  of  the  framers  of  the  new 
Constitution  that  this  relation  of  the  black  to  the  white 
race,  which  existed  in  1787,  was  not  wrong  in  itself, 
either  morally  or  politically;  that  it  was  in  conformity 
to  nature  and  best  for  both  races.  I  alluded  not  to  the 
principles  of  the  new  Government  on  this  subject,  but 
to  public  sentiment  in  regard  to  these  principles.  The 
status  of  the  African  race  in  the  new  Constitution  was 
left  just  where  it  was  in  the  old;  I  affirmed  and  meant 
to  affirm  nothing  else  in  this  Savannah  speech. 

My  own  opinion  on  slavery,  as  often  expressed,  was 
that  if  the  institution  was  not  the  best,  or  could  not  be 
made  the  best,  for  both  races,  looking  to  the  advance 
ment  and  progress  of  both,  physically  and  morally,  it 
ought  to  be  abolished.  It  was  far  from  being  what  it 
might  and  ought  to  have  been.  Education  was  denied. 
This  was  wrong.  I  ever  condemned  the  wrong.  Mar 
riage  was  not  recognized.  This  was  a  wrong  that  I 
condemned.  Many  things  connected  with  it  did  not 
meet  my  approval  but  excited  my  disgust,  abhorrence, 
and  detestation.  The  same  I  may  say  of  things  connected 
with  the  best  institutions  in  the  best  communities  in 
which  my  lot  has  been  cast.  Great  improvements  were, 
however,  going  on  in  the  condition  of  blacks  in  the  South. 
Their  general  physical  condition  not  only  as  to  neces 
saries  but  as  to  comforts  was  better  in  my  own  neighbour 
hood  in  1860,  than  was  that  of  the  whites  when  I  can 
first  recollect,  say  1820.  Much  greater  would  have  been 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  175 

made,  I  verily  believe,  but  for  outside  agitation.  I 
have  but  small  doubt  that  education  would  have  been 
allowed  long  ago  in  Georgia,  except  for  outside  pressure 
which  stopped  internal  reform. 

P.  M.  — The  hours  for  my  meals  are  seven  for  break 
fast  and  three  for  dinner.  This  morning  I  had  no  meat. 
At  dinner,  the  cold  corned  beef  being  very  uninviting, 
I  ordered  something  from  the  sutler's.  Geary  brought 
asparagus  and  warm  roast.  The  tendency  seems  to  throw 
the  cost  of  my  living  upon  me.  My  ration  of  beef  could 
as  easily  have  been  sent  warm  as  cold;  besides,  it  was 
sent  in  in  such  plight  as  seemed  designed  to  force  me 
to  ask  for  something  better.  I  have  not  usually  taken 
any  supper;  sometimes  have  eaten  some  remnants  of  bread 
left  from  dinner,  washing  it  down  with  water. 

To-night  I  thought  I  would  try  my  hand  at  making 
tea.  Tea  and  tea-pot,  sugar,  etc.,  I  have  had  on  the  win 
dow-sill  since  soon  after  my  arrival.  So  I  set  to  work. 
How  to  effect  my  object  I  hardly  knew.  I  had  a  fire  — 
have  had  a  fire  all  the  time  day  and  night  since  I  have 
been  here  —  but  it  is  of  anthracite  coal  and  not  suitable 
for  cooking.  I  had  no  kettle  for  boiling  water.  Neces 
sity  is  the  suggester  of  expedients  as  well  as  the  mother 
of  inventions.  I  resolved  to  fill  my  tin  cup  with  water, 
put  it  on  the  fire  until  the  water  should  boil,  then  pour 
the  water  boiling  hot  into  the  pot  with  as  much  of  the 
dried  tea-leaves  as  I  thought  would  do.  Here  was  another 
knotty  problem,  for  I  had  never  noticed  how  much  leaf 
was  used  in  making  any  given  quantity  of  beverage.  I 
wanted  only  one  cup.  Concluding  it  better  to  be  on 
the  safe  side,  to  put  in  too  much  than  too  little,  to  have 
it  too  strong  than  too  weak,  I  took  up  between  thumb 
and  forefinger  as  much  as  I  guessed  would  make  a  cup 


176  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  put  it  in.  The  water  in  the  cup  boiled  in  due  time; 
I  poured  it  on  the  tea  in  the  tea-pot,  set  the  pot  at  the  foot 
of  the  grate  and  let  it  remain  some  time  for  the  tea  to 
draw.  On  pouring  it  out,  I  found  I  had  a  most  excel 
lent  cup  of  tea,  which  I  relished  well.  I  may  try  it  again. 
While  at  the  operation  I  was  closely  watched  by  a  guard, 
who,  peeping  between  the  iron  bars  of  the  window  every 
once  in  a  while,  evinced  strong  curiosity  to  see  what  I 
was  at.  When  he  saw  how  the  land  lay,  his  countenance 
assumed  a  vacant  expression  of  "Is  that  all?" 

June  6.  —  Since  I  have  been  permitted  to  write  home 
and  thus  to  have  hope  of  hearing  from  home,  a  great 
burden  has  been  lifted  from  my  spirits.  I  am  more 
comfortable  in  mind  as  well  as  body.  Could  I  have  had 
communication  with  my  dear  ones  and  have  known 
that  they  were  well  and  doing  well,  I  should  have  borne 
all  that  has  fallen  to  my  lot  with  perfect  composure; 
nay  more,  with  such  communication  I  feel  internal  assur 
ance,  that  through  Divine  mercy,  I  could  meet  any  fate 
that  might  or  may  await  me  with  fortitude,  even  hanging 
unto  death.  There  has  not  been  the  slightest  shrinking 
of  the  nerves  from  contemplations  on  that  score.  My 
whole  public  as  well  as  private  life  has  been  inspired 
by  a  consciousness  of  rectitude  of  motive  and  sense  of 
duty  that  would  bear  and  sustain  me  by  the  mercy  of  God 
triumphantly  through  the  dark  valley  and  shadow  of 
death  though  the  gallows  be  the  way.  I  do  not  pretend 
that  I  have  done  right  in  all  things,  still  I  feel  that  from 
my  youth  up  my  earnest  desire  and  prayer  has  been  to 
be  guided  by  Divine  Wisdom,  to  see  the  right  and  to 
pursue  it.  My  errors,  whatever  they  have  been,  have 
sprung  from  infirmities  of  human  nature  in  not  perceiv- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  177 

ing  the  right  rather  than  from  inclination  to  do  wrong 
knowing  it  to  be  wrong. 

In  looking  back  upon  my  public  conduct,  closely 
and  critically  as  I  have  done  since  I  have  been  in  this 
cell,  I  do  not  see  that  I  could  have  acted  more  rightly 
or  more  in  accord  with  duty,  or  that  I  should  act  dif 
ferently  under  like  circumstances  if  my  life  was  to  go 
over  again,  even  in  full  view  of  my  present  situation  and 
prospect.  Therefore  I  can  meet  my  fate,  so  far  as  it 
involves  me  personally,  with  as  much  meekness,  philos 
ophy,  and  firmness  as  Socrates  met  his. 

Lieut.  Croak  walked  with  me.  Lieut.  W.  gone  to 
Boston.  I  asked  him  some  days  ago  to  let  me  know 
in  advance  of  his  next  trip;  I  wished  to  send  for  some 
things;  also,  to  get  him  to  inquire  at  the  post-office  there 
for  letters  for  me;  I  think  Mr.  Baskerville  or  Travis 
must  have  written  as  I  directed  Anthony  to  request  them 
to  do.  Lieut.  W.  promised  to  let  me  know.  He  did 
not.  I  have  requested  him  repeatedly  to  get  from  Adju 
tant  Ray  a  statement  of  my  account;  I  wish  to  see  at 
what  rate  he  is  disposing  of  my  gold.  This  he  always 
promises  to  do,  but  he  has  not  done  it.  Thus,  I  am 
somewhat  annoyed  by  little  matters  as  well  as  great. 
The  current  of  life  no  more  than  the  "  course  of  true 
love"  runs  smooth.  Governor  Brown,  I  see  by  the 
papers,  has  been  allowed  to  go  home  on  parole.  I  hear 
nothing  further  of  Cobb,  Mallory,  or  Hill.  What  has 
become  of  them?  I  have  been  thinking  about  making 
special  application  for  amnesty  for  myself.  The  ques 
tion  presents  embarrassing  complications.  How  would 
I  feel  to  make  it  and  have  it  rejected?  In  what  esti 
mation  would  the  President  hold  me  were  I  seemingly 
to  neglect  or  spurn  what  he  would  willingly  grant? 


178  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

For  dinner,  beef  utterly  unfit  to  eat,  almost  as  tough 
as  whitleather.  It  cannot  be  that  the  Government 
feeds  the  soldiers  here  on  such  meat.  If  so,  the  poor 
men  fare  worse  than  nine-tenths  of  the  slaves  in  my 
country  have  fared  since  I  can  remember.  My  opinion 
is  that  the  sending  of  such  food  is  the  cook's  trick  to  drive 
me  to  the  sutler's.  A  profit  somewhere  is  probably  the 
object:  " Money  makes  the  mare  go,"  the  world  over. 
The  sutler  sent  a  cup  of  English  peas,  some  strawberries 
and  milk;  on  these  and  bread  I  made  my  dinner,  and 
to  settle  it  took  a  drink  of  whisky  from  Harry's  bottle. 
This  reminds  me  of  what  Clay  told  me  when  he  took 
a  drink  with  me  on  the  Clyde  out  of  Major  Corbin's 
bottle;  which  was  that  he  had  been  told  by  somebody, 
during  his  recent  sojourn  in  Georgia,  that  I  was  killing 
myself  with  liquor.  The  only  impression  this  news 
made  on  me  was  to  excite  my  wonder  as  to  how  such 
rumours  ever  start. 

I  was  never  drunk  in  my  life,  and  I  question  if  all 
the  spirits  I  ever  drank  would  amount  to  three  gallons. 
Before  1842,  I  had  not  drank  altogether  as  much  as  a 
pint.  Brandy  was  then  recommended  as  a  medicine, 
a  tablespoonful  daily  after  dinner.  This,  I  continued 
for  some  time  regularly,  and  then  occasionally.  Since 
the  war,  when  I  could  not  get  brandy  I  have  used  whisky 
in  the  same  way  —  never  except  a  small  portion  after 
dinner  or  when  I  had  got  wet  or  been  exposed,  or  was 
exhausted  in  speaking.  When  I  canvassed  the  State 
or  made  long  speeches,  I  always,  after  1843,  took  brandy, 
a  spoonful  or  so,  during  the  speech  or  after.  I  have 
not  been  without  brandy  or  whisky  to  use  in  this  way 
since  1842.  A  drink  with  me  is  about  a  tablespoonful, 
rarely  more,  often  less;  but  frequently  whole  months 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  179 

have  passed  without  my  having  tasted  liquor.  My  habits 
in  this  particular  can  be  better  judged  from  this  detailed 
statement,  than  from  the  assertion  that  I  have  never  been 
drunk.  Have  just  written  a  letter  of  which  this  is  a  copy: 

MAJOR  H.  A.  ALLEN,  COM'D'G.  MAJ: 

Can  I  be  allowed  to  commute  the  ration  daily  furnished 
and  have  the  amount  of  commutation  in  money  turned 
over  to  the  sutler  on  my  account?  Please  let  me  know 
and  oblige  Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS,  Prisoner. 

I  have  had  on  my  table  ever  since  I  have  been  here  a 
novel,  which  was  handed  me  "to  read  on  the  way,"  by 
Mrs.  Alfred  Gumming  at  Barnett  on  the  Sunday  I  came 
from  Atlanta  to  Augusta.  Governor*  and  Mrs.  Gumming 
got  on  the  train  at  Union  Point  on  their  way  from  Athens 
to  Washington,  Ga.  We  were  together  from  Union 
Point  to  Barnett.  She  was  much  affected  at  seeing  me 
under  arrest;  she  wept.  I  let  Colonel  Johnston  read 
the  book  as  we  came  on  to  Fortress  Monroe;  he  told  me 
it  was  interesting  but  had  a  sad  ending.  I  do  not  wish 
to  read  anything  sad  now.  My  object  is  to  divert  the 
mind.  But  I  treasure  the  book  as  a  memento. 

8  P.  M.  —  Lieut.  W.  informs  me,  in  reply  to  my  note 
to  Major  Allen,  that  no  commutation  can  be  allowed; 
but  he  will  arrange  with  the  sutler  to  take  my  rations 
by  the  month  in  bulk  and  account  to  me  for  their  value. 
He  also  informs  me  that  he  had  received  a  letter  for  me 
which  he  had  sent  to  General  Dix  at  New  York.  It 
was,  he  said,  from  a  Mr.  Myers,  but  contained  nothing 
important.  How  anxious  I  am  to  see  it!  It  is  from  Joe 
Myers,  Crawfordville,  I  have  no  doubt. 

*  A  Georgian;  Governor  of  Utah,  1857-61. 


i8o  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

June  7.  —  Rose  with  my  usual  discordant  notes  of 
song.  Spirits  oppressed  but  a  vast  burden  removed 
by  assurance  that  I  shall  soon  hear  from  home.  Took 
a  pretty  good  bath  by  standing  tiptoe  in  the  wash-bucket 
and  pouring  water  from  the  tin  pan  over  the  body;  rubbed 
down  with  a  towel,  thinking  all  the  time  of  my  room  at 
home,  of  Anthony,  Tim,  and  Binks.* 

Got  a  good  cup  of  coffee  from  the  sutler's,  with  hot 
rolls  and  a  slice  of  ham  from  the  cook.  Feel  refreshed, 
and  am  now  ready  for  my  morning's  work.  How  much 
better  I  should  feel  if  I  did  but  know  that  Lin  ton  is  well; 
that  all  are  well  at  home  and  that  all  is  going  smoothly. 
My  sufferings  I  can  bear  with  unflinching  fortitude,  but 
the  thought  of  the  suffering  of  others,  particularly  my 
brother,  on  my  account  unmans  me,  touches  the  quick, 
the  very  nerve-strings  of  the  soul.  Wounds  in  the  mind, 
as  in  the  body,  must  have  vent  or  they  diffuse  poison 
throughout  the  system.  The  troubled  mind  must  have 
vent  or  the  heart  breaks  and  the  spirit  dies,  withered 
and  blasted.  The  natural  vent  is  in  the  soul's  outpour 
ings  to  some  sympathizing  friend.  When  this  is  denied, 
as  it  is  to  me,  other  expedients  must  be  sought.  One 
of  these  with  me  is  indulgence  of  a  cherished  hope  that 
some  day  hereafter  this  outpouring  may  take  place; 
that  I  can  yet  talk  over  all  my  present  trials,  incidents 
of  prison  life,  as  well  as  the  general  troubles  of  the  times 
and  the  oppression  and  deep  afflictions  of  our  country, 
with  him  who  is  the  light  of  my  life,  with  my  dear  brother; 
and  if  that  should  never  be,  that  he  may  at  least  some 
day  with  sympathizing  eye  peruse  the  jottings  on  these 
pages. 

*  At  home,  his  Negro  servant,  Anthony,  rubbed  him  down;  Tim,  a  little  Negro  (Harry's  son), 
assisted  at  his  toilet  and  sported  with  Binks,  the  dog. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  181 

Lieut.  W.  walked  with  me;  he  left  me,  part  of  the 
time,  to  walk  on  at  my  pleasure.  Have  been  thinking 
more  of  the  amnesty  matter;  penned  some  ideas  for 
application  if  I  should  make  one. 

Dinner:  the  bacon  ration  was  about  half  as  much 
meat  as  I  usually  eat  when  I  eat  meat  at  all;  and  I  am 
but  a  moderate  eater.  This  bacon  and  beans  does  not 
suit  me.  The  fault  is  perhaps  with  the  cook.  I  have 
not  yet  been  able  to  see  him.  I  asked  them  that  he  be 
allowed  to  see  me,  but  the  petition  was  denied.  I  wanted 
to  give  directions  about  the  proportions  of  my  meals, 
and  tell  him  how  I  liked  them.  Sometimes  I  think  he 
may  be  a  fellow-citizen  of  African  descent  with  prej 
udices  against  me;  if  so,  I  feel  sure  these  would  be  over 
come  on  acquaintance.  I  never  yet  knew  one  of  the 
coloured  race  who  did  not  like  me.  Toward  coloured 
people  I  have  always  felt  cordial  sympathy  and  it  has 
never  failed  to  be  reciprocated.  Geary  got  me  a  can 
of  tomatoes  to-day,  but  too  late  for  dinner;  the  price 
was$i.% 

My  eyesight  is  growing  dimmer.  I  had  to  use  my 
eye-glasses  to-day  in  separating  the  sound  beans  from 
the  unsound.  The  looking-glass  shows  that  my  hair 
grows  white  very  fast. 

5  p.  M.  —  Just  finished  reading  in  the  New  York  Times 
the  official  publication  of  the  suppressed  testimony 
before  the  Military  Commission;  that  of  Montgomery, 
Dr.  Merritt,  and  Conover.*  Merritt  is  certainly  mis 
taken  about  seeing  Clay  in  Canada  in  February  last; 
his  is  the  strongest  testimony  against  Clay;  he  is  mistaken 


*  See  Turner's  report  on  "  the  matter  of  witnesses  who  had  sworn  falsely  in  relation  to  the 
complicity  of  Jeff.  Davis  and  others  i*  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,"  O.  R.  War  of  the 
Rebellion,  S.  N  ,121,  pp.  921-23. 


182  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

or  he  swore  falsely.  I  am  confident  that  nothing  as 
regards  assassination  can  be  proven  against  Clay.  The 
whole  testimony  tends  to  leave  the  impression  on  almost 
any  mind  that  the  capture  and  removal  by  strategy  and 
violence  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  other  heads  of  the  Govern 
ment  at  Washington  was  discussed  by  confidential  Con 
federate  agents  in  Canada,*  and  connived  at  by  them 
with  assurance  of  approval  at  Richmond.  But  the 
testimony  is  not  conclusive  on  this  point;  far  from  it. 
I  cannot  yet  give  my  assent  to  a  supposition  even  that 
Clay  was  privy  to  any  such  scheme  or  policy;  and  the 
whole  testimony  may  be  utterly  false. 

When  this  Canada  mission  was  established,  I  supposed 
its  object  was  to  bring  about  some  friendly  understanding 
with  leading  men  of  the  States  Rights  School  of  poli 
tics  at  the  North,  in  order  —  if  peace  could  not  be  other 
wise  and  sooner  obtained  —  to  organize  a  party  there  for 
carrying  the  fall  elections  on  the  basis  of  peace;  leaving 
all  questions  of  old  Union  and  new  Union  to  be  settled 
amicably  in  convention  on  the  principle  of  "mutual 
convenience  and  reciprocal  advantage,"  this  being  the 
only  secure  basis  of  permanent  peace  between  the  States, 
and  one  which  soon  would  have  brought  harmonious 
adjustment  upon  the  recognized  principle  of  the  Sov 
ereignty  of  each  State.  Last  winter  I  stated  to  Governor 
Graham  [Confederate  Senator  from  North  Carolina] 
my  desire  to  know  more  about  this  mission.  From 
what  I  saw  in  the  papers,  I  was  apprehensive  that  our 
agents  were  doing  no  good  but  rather  injury  to  our  cause, 
and  I  advised  him  to  call  for  all  correspondence,  to  move 

*  In  July,  1864,  the  mission,  consisting  of  Clay,  Thompson,  and  Holcombe,  in  Niagara,  Canada, 
sought  through  Horace  Greeley  a  peace  conference  with  Lincoln,  which  Lincoln  declined.  The  other 
part  of  their  purpose  was  somewhat  as  stated  by  Stephens,  according  to  Davis  in  "Rise  and  Fall 
of  the  Confederate  Government,"  II,  611;  also  to  liberate  Confederates  in  prison  near  the  border 
and  to  aid  escaped  Confederates  to  return  South.  See  So.  Hist,  papers;  VII,  99,  132-39,  293- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  183 

an  inquiry  in  the  Senate  as  to  who  these  agents  were 
and  what  they  were  about;  I  asked  General  Wigfall 
[Senator  from  Texas]  to  do  the  same,  or  gave  him  the 
same  views  I  had  given  Graham;  but  neither  moved  in 
the  matter.  When,  on  return  of  the  Commissioners  from 
Hampton  Roads,  Mr.  Davis  said,  in  the  public  meeting 
in  the  African  Church,  that  before  the  summer  solstice 
we  should  have  the  North  suing  us,  as  their  masters, 
for  terms  of  peace,  perhaps  the  misguided  man  was  look 
ing  to  the  success  of  some  of  these  Canadian  schemes, 
either  the  uprising  of  the  people  of  the  North  or  the 
abduction  of  the  heads  of  their  Government.  At  the 
time  he  uttered  the  sentiment,  it  seemed  to  me  the  ema 
nation  of  a  demented  brain,  but  he  may  have  been  rely 
ing  on  something  I  and  the  world  generally  knew  nothing 
about ;  the  declaration  produced  astonishment  in  the  minds 
of  all  sensible  men  who  spoke  to  me  of  it.  But  I  have 
no  idea  Mr.  Davis  ever  countenanced  assassination.  >i§ ! 
I  see  by  the  Boston  paper  that  the  Hon.  Joshua  Hill 
has  reached  Washington.  As  a  Provisional  Governor  is 
to  be  appointed  for  Georgia,  I  do  hope  he  will  be  the 
man.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  high  tone  and  honour,  a 
man  of  inflexible  principle  and  integrity. 

June  8.  —  Breakfast:  from  the  cook's  room,  a  piece 
of  bread  and  the  worst  piece  of  meat  yet  sent  me.  Could 
not  think  of  attempting  to  eat  it.  From  sutler's  could 
get  nothing  but  a  cup  of  cold  coffee.  Took  my  Bible, 
stretched  myself  on  bunk  to  rest  while  reading.  With 
a  fervent  prayer  to  Almighty  God  to  be  directed  to  some 
chapter  of  His  Word  from  which  I  could  derive  comfort, 
opened  at  Lamentations  V.  Was  it  accident?  Every 
word  was  a  fit  channel  for  my  soul's  outpouring. 


184  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

I  have  been  in  this  cell  two  weeks;  for  four  I  have 
been  a  prisoner.  How  long  those  weeks  seem  in  some 
views,  in  others  how  short!  Sometimes  it  seems  an  age 
since  I  left  home;  at  other  times  the  brief  moment  of  a  hor 
rid  dream.  Sometimes  it  seems  impossible  that  my  sur 
roundings  are  reality;  I  feel  as  if  I  must  be  waking  from 
the  frightful  delusion  of  disturbed  slumber  on  my  own 
bed  in  my  own  room  at  my  beloved  home.  The  human 
mind  is  a  complicated  piece  of  mechanism,  the  least 
aberration  of  its  workings  disturbs  its  proper  balance. 
Is  it  marvellous  that  so  many  are  pronounced  insane? 
Insanity  is  only  a  question  of  degree.  The  operation 
of  no  human  mind  is  morally  and  intellectually  perfect; 
the  orbit  of  none  is  in  perfect  circle.  The  orbits  of  all 
are  more  or  less  elliptical,  as  are  those  of  the  greater 
and  lesser  worlds  in  space.  Truth  and  Right  consti 
tute  the  gravitating  centre  of  the  mind's  orbit.  In 
astronomy  those  bodies  whose  motions  discard  not  only 
the  circle  but  the  ellipse,  assuming  the  parabolic  curve 
and  never  returning  in  the  same  path,  or  sphere,  are 
known  as  comets.  Minds  which  become  so  eccentric  in 
their  motions  as  to  wheel  out  of  all  regular  orbits  are 
considered  lunatic.  Lunatics  are  only  mental  comets. 
But  none,  no  not  one,  moves  around  the  true  great 
centre  in  a  perfect  circle;  all  aberrate  more  or  less. 
What  constitutes  insanity  is  only  a  question  of  degree. 

Lieut.  W.  walked  out  with  me.  Has  not  arranged 
with  sutler  about  taking  my  rations  and  furnishing  me 
meals  from  the  mess  with  charge  for  difference.  Every 
thing  I  wish  done  here  seems  slowly  done,  when  done 
at  all.  Began  letter  to  President  Johnson,  making  special 
application  for  amnesty.  Wrote  to  Linton;  Lieut.  W. 
was  to  call  for  letter  for  evening's  mail,  but  did  not. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  185 

Large  concourse  of  strangers  visited  the  fort  to-day; 
the  convention  of  physicians  now  assembled  in  Boston, 
I  believe,  with  ladies,  friends,  etc.  Several  visitors  took 
a  peep  into  my  cell,  but  not  many  satisfied  their  curiosity 
if  a  good  sight  of  me  was  what  they  wanted.  I  was 
eating  my  dinner  —  the  worst  yet  sent  —  and  was,  for 
the  first  time  lately,  really  hungry.  I  had  tried  the  beef 
but  could  make  little  impression  on  it  by  gnawing;  cut 
it,  I  could  not.  This  beef  and  some  of  my  potatoes  was 
set  before  me.  I  had  expected  something  from  sutler's. 
Geary  presently  brought  in  a  tin  cup  some  of  my  toma 
toes.  I  was  fishing  these  up  as  well  as  I  could  with  a 
knife  —  the  old  rusty  cookroom  knife  before  mentioned. 
Such  was  the  situation  when  the  crowd  darkened  my 
windows.  Not  wishing  to  be,  under  these  conditions, 
the  observed  of  all  observers,  I  withdrew  to  the  far  end 
of  my  cell,  where  eyes  could  not  reach  me.  The  toma 
toes  were  not  good.  Ordered  a  small  wooden  tub  to-day 
for  bathing:  Price  $2,  Geary  said. 

8  p.  M.  —  Lieut.  W.  called  for  my  letter  to  Linton, 
but  too  late  to  mail  it.  Apologized,  said  the  crowd  of 
visitors  detained  him. 


CHAPTER  V 

JUNE  9.  —  Lieutenant  Longly  walked  out  with 
me.  Day  clear  and  hot;  raised  my  umbrella, 
the  one  I  bought  last  year  for  $20,  Confederate 
money.  Saw  the  mowers  cutting  grass  on  the  grounds. 
Thought  of  George  and  Vincent  in  our  experiments  in 
the  same  line  last  year  and  the  year  before  on  the  bottoms 
at  the  Nunn  and  River  places.  Sniffed  the  pleasant 
odour  of  new-mown  hay,  and  returned  to  my  cell. 

ii  A.  M.  -  -  Got  a  letter  from  Joe  Myers  of  Craw- 
fordville,  the  same  Lieut.  W.  told  me  of  some  days  ago. 
Dated  Augusta,  24th  May;  it  gave  me  great  relief  and 
comfort.  A  thousand  thanks  to  Myers  for  that  letter! 
All  well  at  home.  Harry  gone  with  Lin  ton  to  the  Jeffer 
son  place.  I  do  not  understand  this.  Who  will  take 
care  of  my  affairs  on  the  lot  in  Harry's  absence?  Good 
rains,  and  corn  growing  nicely.  This  is  good  news. 
Again,  a  thousand  thanks  to  Myers  for  that  letter! 
Answered  it  immediately.  Hope  he  may  get  the  answer. 
See  in  N.  Y.  Tribune  that  it  was  currently  reported  in 
Augusta  that  Mr.  Toombs  had  committed  suicide  to 
prevent  arrest  by  Federal  forces.  Can't  give  my  assent 
to  the  truth  of  that !  Breckinridge  [Confederate  Secretary 
of  War]  had  escaped  by  ship  from  some  point  in  Florida. 

Another  crowd  of  visitors,  and  music.  A  salute,  of 
I  don't  know  how  many  guns,  was  fired.  I  did  not  think 
to  count  when  the  firing  began.  A  jar  was  felt  in  my 
cell.  Heard  broken  glass  falling  in  some  place  not 

186 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  187 

far  off,  and  cry  of  children  as  if  alarmed.  My  cell  is 
under  officers'  quarters;  some  of  these  officers  have 
families. 

Great  shouts  and  huzzas  are  heard  from  Confederate 
soldiers;  those  under  the  rank  of  major  are  about  to  be 
released  and  paroled  under  late  order  to  that  effect. 
Would  that  I  were  going  with  them! 

Crowds  of  strangers,  visiting  men  and  women,  peep 
into  my  windows,  trying  to  get  a  look  at  me.  I  write 
at  my  table,  and  let  them  make  the  best  observation 
they  can.  My  only  objection  is  that  they  stand  so  thick 
as  to  obscure  my  light  in  some  degree. 

Finished  letter  to  the  President.  Wish  Linton  were 
here;  should  like  to  know  what  he  would  think  of  it. 
This  is  a  copy. 

His  EXCELLENCY,  ANDREW  JOHNSON, 
President  of  the  United  States; 

Mr.  President:  You  will,  I  trust,  excuse  if  not  pardon, 
this  communication  if  it  should  be  deemed  obtrusive. 
It  is  under  great  embarrassment  I  make  it,  but  I  feel 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  myself,  to  my  country,  as  well  as  to 
Your  Excellency. 

Several  days  have  elapsed  since  your  Proclamation 
of  Amnesty  and  Pardon,  dated  Washington  the  2gth  of 
May,  reached  me  in  my  present  confinement,  through 
the  medium  of  the  newspaper  publications.  Having 
been  connected  with  the  Confederate  States  Cause  in 
the  late  armed  conflict  between  the  States,  by  accepting 
and  holding  a  high  though  inactive  civil  position  in  their 
organization,  and  being  now  in  prison  on  account  (I 
suppose)  of  that  connection,  I  come  clearly  within  the 
ist  and  1 2th  of  the  enumerated  classes  excepted  from 
the  benefit  of  that  Proclamation,  and,  but  for  the  terms 
of  the  Proviso,  "that  special  application  may  be  made 


i88  RECOLLECTIONS   OF  ' 

to  the  President  for  pardon  by  any  person  belonging  to 
the  excepted  classes,  and  such  clemency  will  be  liberally 
extended  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  facts  of  the  case 
and  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  United  States,"  I  should 
have  felt  no  inclination  to  do  anything  but  silently  and 
patiently  as  possible  await  results  and  meet  my  fate, 
whatever  it  might  be,  under  the  regular  Judicial  Tribunals, 
with  that  resignation,  firmness,  and  fortitude  which 
seldom  fails  to  sustain,  under  all  circumstances,  those 
who  have  within  them  the  consciousness  of  rectitude  of 
motive  and  integrity  of  purpose. 

The  embarrassment  under  which  I  now  address  you 
arises  from  considerations  of  a  twofold  character,  which, 
upon  statement,  you  will  doubtless  readily  perceive 
and,  I  trust,  duly  appreciate.  First,  it  is  due  in  candour 
to  make  known  to  you,  as  I  now  do,  that  I  am  perfectly 
willing  to  comply,  and  in  good  faith  too,  with  the  con 
ditions  and  requirements  of  the  Amnesty  set  forth  as  to 
all  outside  the  excepted  classes.  But  how  a  special 
application  in  my  case  for  the  benefits  of  the  Amnesty 
liberally  tendered  in  the  Proviso,  might  be  received  or 
considered  by  you,  even  with  the  assurance  expressed, 
is  altogether  uncertain  to  me.  I  am  without  grounds 
to  form  any  satisfactory  conjecture.  If  you  should  look 
upon  such  application  as  presumptuous  in  itself,  or  as 
implying  any  confession  of  a  sense  of  guilt  on  my  part 
for  anything  that  I  have  done  in  the  late  most  lamentable 
conflict  through  which  our  country  has  passed,  this 
would  be  a  source  of  deep  regret  and  personal  chagrin 
to  me.  Were  I  to  remain  silent  and  say  nothing,  might 
you  not  be  led  to  construe  this  as  an  evidence  of  per 
sistent  defiance  and  a  persistent  disinclination  to  accept 
and  abide  by  the  issues  of  war  as  now  settled  and  deter 
mined  ?  Might  you  not  look  upon  it  as  evidence  at  least 
of  a  disregard  on  my  part  for  that  liberal  tender  of  Execu 
tive  clemency  without  inquiry  as  to  past,  which  you  have 
been  pleased  so  graciously  to  make?  To  be  considered 
presumptuous  in  seeking  to  avail  myself  of  what  was 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  189 

never  intended  for  me  on  the  one  side;  or  on  the  other 
to  subject  myself,  by  silence,  to  the  inference  that  I  am 
indifferent  and  insensible  to  the  clemency  thus  liberally 
tendered,  would  be  equally  hurtful  to  me.  Hoping  I 
am  fully  understood,  I  proceed  briefly  to  make  to  you, 
however  it  may  be  received,  a  special  application  for 
amnesty  in  my  case  under  the  terms  prescribed  for  others 
not  embraced  in  the  excepted  classes,  and  to  submit 
for  your  consideration  some  reasons  why  the  promised 
clemency  should  be  extended. 

No  man  living,  I  think,  exerted  his  powers  to  a  greater 
extent  according  to  his  ability  to  prevent  these  troubles 
and  the  late  deplorable  war  than  I  did;  and  no  man 
in  the  United  States  is  less  responsible  by  any  intentional 
act  for  the  consequences  than  I  feel  myself  to  be.  In 
Georgia,  I  opposed  secession  to  the  utmost  of  my  ability, 
in  private  and  public,  in  conversations,  and  votes.  My 
appeal  to  the  Legislature  in  November,  1860,  may  not 
be  unknown  to  you.  After  that,  I  was  in  the  State 
Convention  that  passed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession.  I 
opposed  and  voted  against  that  Ordinance.  This  I  did, 
however,  viewing  the  question  solely  as  one  of  policy 
involving  the  peace,  happiness,  prosperity,  and  best  inter 
ests  of  the  entire  country,  and  not  one  of  Right  on  the 
part  of  the  State.  After  Georgia  had  passed  that  Ordi 
nance  in  the  most  solemn  form  by  a  Convention  of  her 
people,  regularly  and  legally  chosen  and  assembled, 
thereby  rescinding  her  Ordinance,  similarly  adopted 
in  1788,  by  which  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  adopted  and  her  membership  of  the 
Union  was  enacted,  my  connection  with  the  new 
Confederation  of  States  that  was  formed,  and  my 
subsequent  course  and  conduct  has  this  explanation, 
if  not  excuse  and  justification:  I  was  brought  up  in 
the  straightest  sect  of  the  Crawford,  Troup,  and 
Jefferson  States  Rights  School  of  Politics.  The  first 
lessons  of  my  political  creed  from  earliest  youth 
were  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of  1778  and 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

1799,  the  former  drawn  up  by  Mr.   Jefferson  himself. 
In  these  Resolutions  it  is  declared: 

Resolved,  That  the  several  States  composing  the  United  States 
of  America  are  not  united  on  the  principle  of  unlimited  submis 
sion  to  their  General  Government,  but  that  by  compact  under 
the  style  and  title  of  a  Constitution  for  the  United  States,  and 
of  amendments  thereto,  they  constituted  a  General  Government 
for  special  purposes,  delegated  to  that  Government  certain  defi 
nite  powers,  reserving,  each  State  to  itself,  the  residuary  mass 
of  rights  to  their  own  self-government;  and  that  whensoever  the 
General  Government  assumes  undelegated  powers,  its  acts  are 
unauthoritative,  void,  and  of  no  force:  that  to  the  Compact  each 
State  acceded  as  a  State,  and  as  an  integral  party,  its  co-States 
forming  as  to  itself  the  other  party :  that  the  Government  enacted 
by  this  compact  was  not  made  the  exclusive  or  final  judge  of 
the  extent  of  the  powers  delegated  to  itself,  since  that  would 
have  made  its  discretion  and  not  the  Constitution  the  measure 
of  its  powers:  but  that,  as  in  all  other  cases  of  Compact,  amongst 
Powers  having  no  common  judge,  each  party  has  an  equal  right 
to  judge  for  itself,  as  well  of  infractions  as  of  the  mode  and 
measure  of  redress. 

These  principles  were  taught  me  in  my  youth;  in  them 
I  was  reared.  In  whatever  party  associations  I  have 
acted  throughout  life  upon  other  questions  or  measures, 
these  principles  and  their  associates  in  these  time-honoured 
resolves  have  stood  forth  as  the  polestar  of  my  guidance 
on  all  questions  referring  to  the  true  relations  existing 
between  the  several  States  and  the  Federal  Government 
under  the  Compact  of  Union  set  forth  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  My  convictions  were  strong  that 
under  the  Compact  of  Union  of  1787,  reserved  sover 
eignty  resided  with  the  people  of  each  State,  not  only 
to  judge  of  infractions  or  breaches  of  the  Compact  by  the 
other  party  to  it,  but  to  adopt  such  "mode  and  measure 
of  redress"  for  any  real  or  supposed  infractions  or  breaches 
as  they,  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  might  determine  for 
themselves,  subject  to  no  authority  for  their  actions  in  the 
premises  but  to  that  great  moral  law  governing  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  191 

intercourse   between   Independent   States,    peoples,   and 
nations. 

The  reservation  of  Sovereignty  to  the  several  States 
was  clearly  set  forth  in  their  first  articles  of  Union  under 
the  old  Confederation.  In  the  succeeding  Compact 
for  a  "more  perfect  union"  of  1787,  all  powers  not 
expressly  delegated,  or  such  as  are  incident  to,  or  proper 
and  necessary  for,  the  execution  of  those  expressly 
delegated,  are  expressly  reserved  to  the  States.  That 
Sovereignty  expressly  set  forth  as  retained  in  the  several 
States  in  the  articles  of  Confederation  is  not,  most  cer 
tainly,  parted  with  by  any  expressed  terms  in  any  part 
of  the  Compact  or  Constitution  of  1787.  Nor  could 
I  ever  see  how  its  transfer  or  delegation  could  ever  be 
justly  implied  from  anything  in  that  instrument.  If 
carried  by  implication,  it  must  be  upon  the  assumption 
that  it  is  an  incident  only  of  some  one  or  all  of  these 
specific  and  specially  enumerated  powers  expressly  granted. 
This  cannot  be,  as  that  would  be  making  the  incident 
greater  than  the  object,  for  Sovereignty  is  the  highest 
and  greatest  of  all  political  powers;  the  embodiment 
of  all,  great  as  well  as  small:  all  emanate  and  proceed 
from  it.  All  the  great  powers  specifically  and  expressly 
delegated  in  the  Constitution,  such  as  the  power  to  declare 
and  make  war,  to  raise  and  support  armies,  to  tax  and 
lay  excise  and  import  duties,  etc.,  are  but  the  incidents 
to  Sovereignty.  If  this  great  embodiment  of  all  powers 
was  parted  with,  why  were  any  minor  specifications 
made  ?  Was  it  not  as  useless  as  absurd  ? 

If  then,  this  ultimate,  absolute,  Sovereignty  did  reside 
with  the  several  States,  as  without  doubt  it  did  up  to  the 
formation  of  the  "more  perfect  Union"  of  1787;  and  if, 
in  the  Constitution  then  made,  setting  forth  specifically 
the  new  and  additional  powers  therein  delegated  for  the 
purpose  of  forming  that  "more  perfect  Union"  aimed 
at  and  established  thereby,  this  Sovereignty  is  not  dele 
gated,  surrendered,  or  parted  with  in  expressed  terms; 
and  if,  further,  the  greatest  of  all  political  powers  cannot 


i92  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

be  justly  claimed  as  incidents  to  lesser  ones  and  thereby 
carried  by  implication:  then,  of  course,  was  it  not  most 
clearly  still  reserved  to  the  people  of  the  several  States 
in  that  "mass  of  residuary  Rights "  (in  the  language  of 
Mr.  Jefferson)  which  was  reserved  in  express  terms  in 
the  very  Compact  itself  for  the  "more  perfect  Union" 
of  1787?  —  the  language  of  the  Constitution  being  to  the 
effect  (I  cite  from  memory,  not  having  it  before  me) 
that  "all  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States 
by  the  Constitution  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States, 
are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 
To  my  mind  it  seemed  to  be  clearly  so.  And  if  so, 
was  not  this  reserved  Sovereignty  still  existing  and 
residing  with  the  people  of  the  several  States  in  1861  - 
the  new  States  as  well  as  the  old  —  since  the  new  came 
in  and  were  admitted  upon  an  equal  footing  with  the 
original  Parties  to  the  Compact?  To  me,  this  seemed  to 
be  equally  clear.  Such  were  my  firm  and  most  con 
scientious  convictions. 

When  Georgia,  in  her  sovereign  capacity  in  1861, 
seceded  from  that  Compact  of  Union  of  1787  to  which 
she  had,  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  "acceded" 
in  1788,  I  considered  my  allegiance  due  her.  In  that 
State  I  was  born;  of  that  State  I  was  a  citizen.  In  no 
sense  was  I  ever  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  except 
as  a  citizen  of  Georgia  —  one  of  the  "States  united" 
under  the  Compact  of  Union  of  1787.  So  long  as  Georgia 
was  one  of  the  United  States,  by  being  one  of  her  citizens, 
I  thereby  became  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  of  which 
title,  name,  or  distinction,  I  had  ever  been  proud.  But 
when  Georgia  resumed  her  Sovereign  power  as  an  Inde 
pendent  State  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth,  as  I 
considered  she  had  a  clear  and  perfect  right  both  morally 
and  legally  to  do,  however  unwisely  (in  my  judgment) 
it  was  for  her  to  do  it,  I  felt  bound  to  obey  her  behests  - 
to  bow  my  will  to  hers,  as  the  only  power  to  which  I 
owed  ultimate  allegiance.  By  her  act  she  had  seceded 
from  the  Compact  of  the  Union ;  she  was  no  longer  one  of 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  193 

the  United  States.  I  was,  by  being  a  citizen  of  Georgia, 
no  longer  thereby  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  I 
thought  it  the  duty  of  all  citizens  of  the  State  to  do  as  I 
did.  All  who  might  have  been  inclined  to  do  other 
wise  would,  by  so  doing,  have  rendered  themselves 
amenable  to  her  laws  against  treason  to  the  State.  I 
felt  no  such  inclination  myself  but  bowed  submissively, 
as  I  had  at  all  times  said  I  would,  to  the  will  of  her  people 
expressed  in  their  most  august  sovereign  capacity.  This 
I  did  from  no  change  of  views,  or  approval  of  what 
had  been  done,  but  solely  from  a  sense  of  duty. 

My  subsequent  connection  with  the  movement  thus 
inaugurated  was  not  of  my  seeking.  It  was  not  to 
gratify  any  personal  ambition  or  aspiration  that  I  yielded 
to  the  unanimous  wish  of  her  Convention,  as  expressed 
in  their  appointment  of  me  to  be  one  of  the  delegates 
to  represent  her  people  in  the  Montgomery  Convention. 
It  was  from  a  sense  of  duty.  On  this  point  I  deliberated 
two  days:  the  times  were  ominous  and  perilous,  society 
was  wavering  and  rocking  to  its  foundations,  general 
wreck  and  ruin  seemed  imminent.  Georgia,  my  native 
State,  whose  people  I  had  served  so  long  and  loved  so 
well,  had  by  her  authoritative  voice  (spoken  through 
those  with  whom  I  had  acted  in  the  great  issue  just  settled 
as  well  as  by  most  of  those  with  whom  I  had  so  widely 
and  radically  differed)  called  on  me  not  to  withhold  the 
aid  of  my  counsels  in  providing  for  her  welfare  in  the 
future  on  the  line  of  policy  she  had  adopted.  Was  it, 
or  was  it  not,  my  duty  to  obey  this  call?  that  was  the 
question.  I  concluded  that  it  was. 

If  further  considerations  than  the  above  stated  be 
necessary  for  excusing,  if  not  justifying,  that  conclusion, 
let  these  be  added:  The  President  of  the  United  States 
[Buchanan]  had,  in  his  annual  message  of  December, 
1860,  declared  and  proclaimed  to  the  world,  in  substance, 
that  there  was  no  rightful  or  Constitutional  power  in 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  any  branch 
thereof,  to  coerce  or  to  attempt  to  coerce  a  seceding 


i94  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

State.  The  Attorney  General,  the  law  officer  of  the 
Government,  had  given  an  elaborate  opinion  to  the 
same  effect.  Moreover,  such  a  leading  organ  of  the 
popular  sentiment  of  the  incoming  administration  (the 
election  of  which  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  Secession) 
as  the  New  York  Tribune  (a  journal  considered  to  be 
of  great  candour,  integrity,  and  unsurpassed  ability)  had, 
after  the  results  of  that  election  were  known,  and  in  view 
of  the  expected  course  which  certain  States,  Georgia 
of  the  number,  would  take  in  consequence,  put  forth 
in  an  elaborate  article  this  declaration: 


Nay:  we  hold  with  Jefferson  to  the  unalienable  right  of 
Communities  to  alter  or  abolish  forms  of  Government  that 
have  become  oppressive  and  injurious;  and,  if  the  Cotton 
States  shall  decide  that  they  can  do  better  out  of  the  Union 
than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting  them  depart  in  peace.  The 
right  to  secede  may  be  a  Revolutionary  one,  but  it  exists 
nevertheless;  and  we  do  not  see  how  one  party  can  have  a 
right  to  do  what  another  party  has  a  right  to  prevent.  And 
whenever  a  considerable  section  of  our  Union  shall  deliber 
ately  resolve  to  go  out,  we  shall  resist  all  coercive  measures 
designed  to  keep  it  in. 

The  Tribune  was  not  alone  amongst  influential  journals 
of  the  same  party  in  putting  forth  such  sentiments  as 
indices  of  the  policy  of  the  incoming  administration 
on  the  questions  then  pressing  for  solution.  Others 
had  similar  courage.  It  is  true  the  President-elect  had 
given  no  public  declaration  of  his  own  views,  or  the  policy 
he  should  feel  it  his  duty  to  pursue  in  case  of  Secession 
by  any  State.  Nothing  from  him  either  approving  or 
disapproving  the  sentiments  of  the  incumbent  in  the 
message  referred  to,  reached  the  public.  Under  these 
circumstances,  might  not  a  good  and  true  man  be  excused, 
even  in  an  error,  on  the  grounds  of  misguided  patriotism, 
in  going  with  his  people,  espousing  their  cause  as  his 
cause,  and  linking  his  destiny  with  their  destiny,  although 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  195 

he  might  not  have  as  strong  convictions  as  I  had  that 
his  people  had  not  erred  as  a  matter  of  right,  however 
much  they  had  erred  as  a  matter  of  policy?  If  so, 
how  much  more  should  he  be  who  had  such  convictions  ? 

I  affirm  that  no  sentiment  of  disloyalty  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  to  the  principles  it  contained, 
or  the  form  of  Government  thereby  established,  ever 
entered  my  breast.  The  controlling  motive  with  me  in 
accepting  the  new  trust  assigned  me  was  an  earnest 
desire  to  rescue,  secure,  and  perpetuate  these  in  the 
convulsions  about  to  ensue.  My  greatest  apprehensions 
from  secession,  as  appears  from  a  published  letter  from 
me  about  this  time  to  a  secessionist  living  in  New  York, 
was  that  the  result  would  be  the  loss,  both  North  and 
South,  of  these  great  essential  principles  of  American 
Constitutional  Liberty.  Hence,  in  the  State  Convention, 
I  drew  up  a  resolution  which  passed  that  body,  instruct 
ing  the  delegates  from  Georgia  to  the  Montgomery 
Convention,  to  form  a  new  Confederation  on  the  basis 
as  nearly  as  practicable  of  the  United  States  Consti 
tution. 

It  was  with  these  views  and  feelings,  I  finally  consented 
to  go  to  Montgomery.  There  my  object  was  achieved 
almost  to  the  letter.  Such  changes  as  were  made  looked 
mainly  to  the  more  clearly  settling  of  disputed  points 
in  the  old  Constitution,  so  as  to  more  surely  close  and 
bar  the  door  against  those  constructions  and  discussions 
which  had  so  unfortunately  agitated  and  distracted  the 
public  mind  and  so  seriously  disturbed  the  public  tran 
quillity  throughout  the  land  under  the  old  Government. 
All  changes  were  of  a  conservative  character  and  ten 
dency.  If  the  old  Confederation  was  to  be  abandoned, 
as  seemed  to  be  resolved  upon  by  the  Southern  people 
and  not  seriously  or  forcibly  to  be  objected  to  by  the 
Northern,  I  wished,  in  that  event,  the  same  principles 
of  liberty  to  be  preserved  and  perpetuated  in  the  new 
one  about  to  be  formed.  Against  these  sacred  princi 
ples,  I  repeat,  no  disloyal  or  traitorous  throb  ever  beat 


196  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

in  heart  or  breast  of  mine.  "To  maintain  the  Union 
upon  these  principles,  to  promote  its  advancement, 
development,  power,  glory,  and  renown,"  I  had  declared 
on  a  memorable  occasion  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  [Jan.  6,  1857]  was  my  earnest  desire,  my  highest 
aspiration. 

"  All  thoughts,  all  passions,  all  delights, 

Whatever  stirs  this  mortal  frame, 
All  are  but  ministers  of  love 
To  feed  this  sacred  flame." 

"But,"  I  had  added,  "the  Constitutional  Rights  and 
Equality  of  the  States  must  be  preserved."  In  my 
judgment,  this  was  the  only  way  in  which  the  Union 
could  be  maintained  and  these  principles  preserved. 
Such  was  my  loyalty  to  these  principles  expressed  in  the 
Capitol  of  the  Union;  it  was  not  questioned  then.  Such 
it  was  at  Montgomery. 

After  the  formation  of  the  new  Constitution  there 
adopted,  the  position  assigned  me  in  the  new  Govern 
ment  instituted  under  it  was  likewise  conferred  upon  me 
unanimously  and  without  any  solicitation  on  my  part. 
But  for  the  unanimity  with  which  it  was  conferred,  I 
should  not  have  accepted  it.  Conferred  as  it  was, 
it  was  accepted  partly  as  a  high  compliment  to  my  integ 
rity  of  purpose  in  the  maintenance  of  those  principles, 
as  it  evidently  was,  coming  as  it  did  from  those  with 
a  large  majority  of  whom  I  had  differed  so  widely  and 
radically  and  so  recently  upon  vital  questions  of  public 
policy;  but  chiefly  from  a  sense  of  duty  I  accepted  this 
evidence  of  confidence  reposed  in  me,  in  the  hope  that 
I  might  be  able  to  contribute  some  aid  and  exert  some 
influence  that  I  could  not  otherwise,  in  controlling  events 
the  best  way  possible  to  secure  the  best  results  possible, 
not  only  for  the  peace  and  welfare  of  Georgia  and  her 
new  Confederates,  but  for  the  peace,  welfare,  and  pros 
perity  of  the  people  of  all  the  States.  My  object  was 
in  all  things  so  patriotically  to  act  as  to  secure  the  surest 
settlement  of  difficulties  between  the  States  upon  such 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  197 

terms  and  on  such  basis  as  reason  and  justice,  not  arms, 
should  discover  for  the  best  interest,  quiet,  happiness, 
peace,  tranquillity,  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  country. 
This  has  been  my  object,  the  controlling  motive  of 
my  course  and  conduct  throughout.  I  have  been  wedded 
to  no  ideas  as  a  basis  of  such  settlement  save  one  alone: 
the  recognition  of  the  ultimate  absolute  Sovereignty 
of  each  of  the  several  States  as  the  surest  foundation  of 
permanent  peace  in  such  a  Republic  as  ours  —  such  a 
Confederation  of  States  with  such  diversity  of  interests, 
stretching  over  a  vast  extent  of  territory,  and,  with  peace 
and  prosperity,  likely  to  stretch  so  much  farther. 

My  opinion  was,  that  if  this  principle  should  be  acknow 
ledged,  all  other  matters  of  difference  and  difficulty  would 
soon  adjust  themselves.  It  would  prove  to  be  the  self- 
adjusting  principle  of  our  system.  It  would  become  the 
Continental  Regulator  of  all  the  North  American  States 
to  whatever  limits  their  boundaries  might  go,  or  to  what 
ever  extent  their  numbers  might  swell.  I  know  the 
objection  to  this  doctrine  is  that  a  Union  or  Govern 
ment  formed  upon  such  a  principle  would  have  no 
adhesion  between  its  parts  or  members;  government, 
to  be  anything,  must  be  strong;  its  parts  must  be  held 
together  by  force;  a  Union  formed  upon  the  principle  of 
permitting  any  member  to  quit  it  at  pleasure  would  be 
held  together  by  nothing  better  than  a  rope  of  sand. 
The  reply  to  this  with  me  has  ever  been,  that  the  strong 
est  force  that  can  hold  the  parts  or  members  of  a  Govern 
ment  together  is  the  affection  of  the  people.  Government, 
to  be  strong  and  powerful,  must  indeed  be  held  together 
by  force.  The  force  in  the  material  world,  which  binds 
and  holds  in  indissoluble  union  all  the  parts  in  their 
respective  and  distant  spheres  throughout  the  limitable 
regions  of  space,  is  the  simple  law  of  attraction.  So 
should  it  be  with  Government,  especially  with  a  republic 
formed  by  States  united  or  confederated  in  any  sort  of 
compact,  agreement,  or  constitution  with  a  view  to 
"  mutual  convenience  and  reciprocal  advantage."  The 


198  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

only  force  that  should  keep  them  in  bonds,  should  be 
that  which  brought  them  together  in  the  beginning:  the 
law  of  attraction,  affinity,  affection,  and  devotion.  This 
is  the  true  principle  of  the  strongest  adhesion  between 
States  thus  united.  It  springs  from  considerations  of 
interests,  safety,  security,  and  welfare.  When  these  are 
left  untrammelled,  in  the  light  and  under  the  guidance 
of  dispassionate  reason,  no  union  would  remain  long 
dissevered  that  was  really  beneficial  to  its  members. 
None,  it  is  true,  would  stand  that  was  inherently  and 
permanently  injurious  to  any;  nor  ought  such  to  stand. 

These  are  some  of  the  views  by  which  I  was  actuated 
in  being  thus  wedded  to  the  maintenance  of  this  doctrine 
of  the  Sovereignty  of  the  States  as  the  basis  of  a  general 
adjustment  and  settlement  of  the  questions  involved 
in  our  late  troubles.  Whether  under  an  adjustment 
thus  made,  the  old  Union  should  be  immediately  or 
ultimately  restored,  or  whether  new  confederations 
should  be  formed  as  might  be  deemed  most  conducive 
to  the  best  interest  of  the  parties  concerned,  was  a  matter 
of  much  less  importance  and  consideration  with  me  than 
the  maintenance  of  the  principle  which  lies,  as  I  conceived, 
at  the  foundation  of  all  American  Institutions  of  Self- 
Go  vernment.  You  will  please  excuse  this  rather  length 
ened  exposition.  It  was,  and  is,  necessary  for  a  correct 
understanding  of  my  conduct  and  the  motives  by  which 
I  have  been  governed  throughout. 

As  for  slavery,  or  the  relation  of  the  Black  race  to  the 
White,  so  far  as  concerns  the  pecuniary  view  of  the 
subject,  I  would  personally  have  been  willing  any  day 
to  give  that  up  for  recognition  of  the  other  great  principle. 
Slavery,  in  the  abstract,  I  ever  abhorred  and  detested. 
Slavery  in  the  concrete,  being,  as  it  existed  with  us,  the 
subordination  of  an  inferior  to  a  superior  race,  was  ever 
considered  by  me  more  in  reference  to  its  features  as  a 
social  problem  than  one  barely  of  capital  and  labour. 
In  this  view,  it  always  presented  itself  to  my  mind  as  one 
of  the  greatest  and  most  difficult  questions  to  adjust 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  199 

upon  the  principles  of  reason  and  justice,  to  which  the 
attention  of  statesmen,  philosophers,  philanthropists,  and 
Christians  was  ever  directed. 

My  judgment  and  convictions,  after  much  thought 
and  reflection,  were  that  a  proper  subordination  of  the 
inferior  to  the  superior  race  was  the  natural  and  normal 
condition  of  the  former  in  relation  to  the  latter.  I 
thought  the  assignment  of  that  position  in  the  structure 
of  society  to  the  African  race  amongst  us  was  the  best 
for  both  races  and  in  accordance  with  the  ordinance  of 
the  Creator  as  manifested  in  His  works.  In  His  Word, 
given  through  his  Inspired  Oracles,  there  is  nothing 
against  this  view,  but  much  which  clearly  sanctions  it. 
Our  system  was  not  perfect,  as  what  human  systems 
are,  ever  were,  or  ever  will  be?  Many  things  connected 
with  it  not  only  did  not  meet  my  approval  but  excited 
my  strongest  aversion  and  deepest  sympathy  and  com 
miseration.  The  same  I  may  say  of  many  things  con 
nected  with  the  best  institutions  in  the  best  regulated 
communities  in  which  I  have  ever  had  the  good  or  bad 
fortune  to  cast  my  lot.  Whenever  I  have  been  up  North 
or  out  in  the  far  WTest,  as  well  as  down  in  the  far  South, 
I  have  met  with  many  things  in  the  workings  of  the  best 
systems  which  caused  me  to  feel  if  not  to  exclaim: 

Alas!  what  crowds  in  every  land 

Are  wretched  and  forlorn. 
Man's  inhumanity  to  man 

Makes  countless  thousands  mourn. 

If  our  system  on  the  subject  of  the  proper  relation 
between  the  two  races  was  not  the  best  for  both,  or 
could  not  be  made  the  best  for  both,  looking  to  the 
progress  and  advancement  of  both  in  civilization,  physi 
cally,  morally,  and  intellectually;  then  I  ever  held  it  to 
be  radically  wrong,  and  freely  admitted  that  it  ought 
to  be  abolished,  and  some  other  system  adopted  that 
would  allow  the  accomplishment  of  these  ends.  All 
government,  I  ever  maintained,  should  be  so  constructed 


200  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  administered  as  to  promote  the  interests  and  welfare 
of  all  its  constituent  elements  without  injury  to  any. 
The  principle  that  might  gives  right  never  received 
approval  by  me  on  this  or  any  other  subject.  The  dogma 
of  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number,  I,  on  many 
public  occasions,  openly  repudiated  in  reference  to  this 
very  subject  of  slavery  as  it  existed  amongst  us.  Instead, 
I  maintained  the  true  principle  to  be  the  greatest  good 
to  all  without  detriment  or  injury  to  any.  The  pecuniary 
view  of  the  subject  was  ever  with  me  but  the  dust  in  the 
balance  compared  with  others  connected  with  it.  After 
this  struggle  commenced,  I  was  willing  to  give  up  the 
whole  system  (its  difficulties  to  be  left  for  adjustment, 
upon  the  best  basis  attainable  for  the  best  interest  and 
welfare  of  both  races,  to  those  on  whom  the  high  trust 
of  solving  these  questions  might  devolve)  for  the  rec 
ognition,  as  I  have  stated,  of  the  other  great  principle  - 
the  Sovereignty  of  the  several  States. 

If  my  position  in  the  Confederate  Government  was 
still  retained  after  I  clearly  saw  that  the  great  objects 
I  had  in  view  when  accepting  it  were  not  likely  to  be 
obtained  even  by  the  success  of  Confederate  arms, 
and  after  I  saw  that  the  Administration  was  pursuing  a 
line  of  policy  leading  to  decidedly  opposite  results  to 
those  I  was  aiming  at,  and  to  which  I  was  not  only  strongly 
opposed  but  exceedingly  hostile  —  it  was  mainly  with 
the  view  and  in  the  hope  that  some  occasion  might  arise 
when  my  counsels  might  be  of  more  avail  than  they  had 
been.  Owing  to  my  hostility  to  the  measures  of  that 
Government,  my  loyalty  to  its  cause  was  more  than 
suspected;  I  was  by  many  denounced  as  a  traitor;  my 
loyalty,  however,  my  whole  soul  and  heart,  was  ever 
true  to  that  cause  with  the  aims  and  objects  therein  set 
forth,  as  it  had  been  to  the  old  cause  of  the  old  Union 
with  the  same.  If  I  was  a  traitor  to  either,  then  in  heart 
I  was  equally  traitor  to  both. 

Throughout  the  struggle,  my  heart  bled  over  the 
sufferings  of  the  people,  both  North  and  South,  from  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

atrocities  of  war.  The  condition  of  suffering  prisoners 
on  both  sides  was  one  that  awakened  in  me  deepest 
interest  and  most  active  sympathies.  My  efforts  to 
mitigate  them  need  not  be  stated.  Many  are  already 
known  to  the  world;  others  not  known,  of  not  much  less 
importance,  would  have  been  attended  with  great  good 
had  they  been  successful.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  all  that 
I  could  do  on  that  line  was  done. 

The  conclusion  of  this  whole  statement  then,  is  this: 
The  war  was  inaugurated  against  my  judgment.  It 
was  conducted  on  our  side  against  my  judgment.  I 
do  not  feel  myself  morally  responsible  or  accountable 
in  any  way  for  any  of  the  appalling  evils  attending  it. 
Its  results  are  not  what  I  desired,  the  Sovereignty  of 
the  several  States  has  not  been  maintained.  Thus, 
regularly  constituted  Governments  have  been  displaced, 
as  part  of  its  results.  Slavery  has  been  completely 
abolished.  If  any  other  system  or  measure  can  be  devised 
for  the  better  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  coloured 
portion  of  our  population,  consistent  with  the  best  inter 
est  of  both  races,  then  I  shall  be  content.  The  conflict 
is  over;  all  further  contest  has  been  abandoned  —  aban 
doned  not  so  soon  as  I  wished  it  to  be,  but  abandoned 
when  it  was,  with  my  entire  approbation  for  reasons  I 
need  not  state;  and  in  full  view  of  the  consequences, 
I  accept  the  issues  and  results  as  they  exist,  and  declare 
my  entire  willingness  in  the  most  perfect  good  faith  to 
abide  by  them  accordingly. 

If,  upon  this  statement  of  my  case  and  of  these  reasons 
or  of  any  others,  you  shall  be  pleased  to  extend  to  me  the 
benefits  of  that  amnesty  awarded  to  others,  it  shall  be  as 
cordially  accepted  as  it  has  been  liberally  tendered. 
Not  from  any  weakness  of  nature  prompting  a  desire 
to  shun  the  full  legal  responsibilities  of  my  acts  under  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  country,  nor  any  dread  of 
meeting  and  bearing  the  consequences  even  though 
the  end  should  be  the  scaffold  or  the  gallows;  but  because, 
feeling  as  I  do,  I  think  I  should  do  you,  as  well  as  myself, 


202  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

a  wrong  in  not  thus  accepting  it  if  the  case  stated  is 
embraced  in  the  tender.  If,  upon  a  review  of  the  case 
thus  presented,  you  should  be  of  opinion  that  it  is  not 
so  embraced,  that  it  would  not  be  "  consistent  with  the 
peace  and  dignity  of  the  United  States"  to  embrace  me 
in  this  liberal  offer  set  forth  in  the  proviso  in  the  proc 
lamation;  or  if  you  should  think  best  not  to  decide  the 
question  hastily,  or  without  mature  deliberation;  then 
I  have  this  request  to  make  of  you:  that  in  the  interim 
I  be  released  from  my  present  confinement  on  my  parole 
of  honour  to  report  myself  at  any  stated  place  and  time 
upon  due  notice  to  meet  any  charge  that  may  be  legally 
established  against  me. 

I  have  been  now  four  weeks  in  custody;  two  in  this 
place  in  close  confinement,  permitted  to  speak  to  no  one 
except  the  guard  and  officers  in  charge,  with  liberty  to 
walk  out  one  hour  every  day  on  the  grounds  accom 
panied  by  an  officer.  My  physical  condition  is  feeble. 
The  diet  furnished  is  not  such  as  the  state  of  my  health, 
and  previous  habits,  require  for  its  preservation.  I  am 
permitted,  it  is  true,  to  supply  necessary  extras  at  my 
own  cost.  This  is  consuming  the  small  stock  of  means 
I  possess. 

The  whole  of  my  personal  effects  will  not  more  than 
pay  my  debts  and  provide  education  for  orphan  nephews 
under  my  charge  and  dependent  on  me.  I  have  much 
to  do  at  home  in  arranging  for  supplies  for  a  number 
of  other  persons  also  dependent  on  me  for  subsistence, 
and  in  settling  estates  of  which  I  have  direction  and 
management.  I  wish,  moreover,  in  the  new  order  of 
things  to  make  suitable  provision  for  those  who  have 
heretofore  stood  in  the  relation  of  slaves  to  me  under 
our  laws.  I  have  lands  on  which  I  wish  to  make  them 
as  comfortable  as  possible.  I  had  told  them,  upon  the 
surrender  of  the  Army  of  Virginia,  what  I  supposed  would 
be  the  result  of  the  war  as  to  their  condition,  and  the 
terms  on  which  they  could  remain  at  the  old  homestead, 
if  they  wished.  To  these  terms  they  all  most  cheer- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  203 

fully  assented.  I  was  arrested  and  brought  away  before 
arrangements,  which  involved  surveys,  allotments,  etc., 
were  perfected;  my  presence  is  necessary  for  their  con 
summation. 

I  have  but  one  brother  living.  His  position  toward 
the  war,  in  opinion  and  sentiment,  has  been  almost  identi 
cal  with  my  own.  The  most  marked  difference  between 
our  cases  is,  he  held  no  office  that  excludes  him  from 
the  general  amnesty  of  the  Proclamation.  He  was 
reported  to  be  quite  ill  at  his  home  a  day  or  two  after 
my  arrest  and  before  I  left  the  State.  I  have  heard 
nothing  directly  from  him  since.  I  am  exceedingly  anxious 
not  only  to  hear  from,  but  to  see  and  be  with,  him.  These, 
to  say  nothing  of  divers  other  considerations  under  the 
privations  and  sufferings  of  prison  life,  urge  me  to  request 
of  you  this  enlargement,  at  least,  until  charges  shall  be 
legally  instituted. 

My  pledge  of  honour  was  never  broken  and  never  will 
be.  Others  have  been  similarly  released;  why  should 
not  I?  Whatever  conditions  may  be  required,  touching 
my  intercourse  with  others  during  my  enlargement, 
will  be  most  strictly  conformed  to.  On  this  subject, 
it  may  be  proper  to  state  that  if  I  were  permitted  to  exert 
them,  all  my  influence  and  power  would  be  directed 
to  a  restoration  of  quiet,  order,  and  government  in 
Georgia  upon  the  basis  of  accepting  and  abiding  by 
the  issues  of  war  as  proclaimed  by  the  Executive.  I 
should  certainly  say  or  do  nothing  intended  to  check 
or  thwart  the  policy  indicated  by  the  administration  in 
bringing  the  seceded  States  back  into  practical  relations 
with  the  General  Government.  But  I  have  no  desire 
to  take  any  active  part  in  these  matters;  not  even  to  exer 
cise  the  franchise  of  a  citizen  is  any  object  with  me. 
Personal  liberty  is  what  I  chiefly  want.  Should  my 
real  estate,  which  is,  perhaps,  worth  about  ten  thousand 
dollars,  be  also  spared  me,  it  would  add  a  great  deal  to 
my  comfort  while  I  live.  As  for  the  franchise  or  having 
any  voice  hereafter  in  the  administration  of  government 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

or  the  election  of  rulers,  I  care  but  little.  The  last  elec 
tion  I  ever  took  part  in  was  the  election  of  delegates 
to  the  State  Convention  in  1861.  My  vote  was  then 
cast  against  secession.  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  that 
shall  stand  as  the  last  vote  ever  cast  by  me. 

And  now,  Mr.  President:  If  it  does  not  consist  with 
your  views  either  to  grant  the  special  application  as 
made  in  the  foremost  part  of  this  communication,  or 
the  request  for  the  release  on  parole  just  made,  then  I 
have  one  other  still  smaller  request  to  make:  and  that 
is,  that  my  imprisonment  here  shall  not  be  close,  that, 
during  the  day,  the  door  of  my  apartment  shall  not  be 
locked;  that  I  may  be  permitted  to  walk  out  and  in  at 
pleasure,  between  sunrise  and  sunset;  that  I  may  not 
be  debarred  from  holding  communications  with  friends 
in  and  out  of  the  Fort  in  the  presence  of  officers,  or  sub 
ject  only  to  the  instruction  of  the  officer  commanding 
at  the  Post.  Instructions  from  a  distance  necessarily 
cause  unnecessary  delay. 

May  I  presume  to  ask  that  this  communication  be 
answered  and  that  the  answer,  whatever  it  may  be,  may 
be  sent  as  soon  as  your  manifold  duties  will  conveniently 
allow  ? 

All  of  which  is  most  respectfully  submitted  to  Your 
Excellency's  thoughtful,  clement,  and  patriotic  consid 
eration  by 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

June  10.  —  Did  not  finish  copying  letter  to  the 
President  before  extinguishment  of  lights.  Rose  soon, 
finished,  and  handed  it  to  Lieut.  W.  for  morning  mail. 
Last  night,  woke  from  a  dream  in  which  Henry  and 
Anthony  appeared;  both  were  in  bad  condition,  Anthony 
in  particular;  both  wanted  to  go  back  to  Liberty  Hall. 
Poor  Anthony!  I  fear  he  is  in  trouble.  Wish  I  could 
hear  from  Mr.  Baskerville.  Did  not  walk  out  this 
morning;  Lieut.  W.  was  too  busy,  he  said,  getting  off 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  205 

prisoners  of  war  discharged  by  late  orders.  He  told 
me  a  prisoner  named  Hardin  is  going  to  Georgia,  after 
being  in  prison  at  least  two  years.  I  wanted  to  send  a 
message  by  him  but  could  not.  I  asked  Lieut.  W.  to 
tell  him  I  wished  he  would  go  to  Crawfordville  and  see 
my  people,  or  would  write  Linton  that  I  am  tolerably  well 
and  how  to  communicate  with  me.  Whether  the  Lieu 
tenant  will  do  it  or  not,  I  do  not  know.  He  promised 
to  come  and  walk  with  me  this  evening  before  sundown. 

Been  thinking  of  my  letter,  debating  over  again  the 
propriety  of  what  I  have  done.  Do  wish  Linton  were 
here  to  advise  with  me.  I  would  rather  have  his  opinion 
than  anybody  else's.  I  think  of  many  things  that  would 
have  improved  it  —  but  it  was  too  long  anyhow.  How 
shall  I  feel  if  it  is  rejected  or  unnoticed?  I  feel  that 
there  is  nothing  in  it  but  what  is  right,  and  therefore  I 
shall  be  better  able  to  bear  what  follows.  I  might  have 
made  it  better,  that  is  true,  but  let  it  go. 

Thunder  shower.  Did  not  walk  out  until  late.  Lieut. 
W.  told  me  my  letter  did  not  go  off  to-day.  Major  Allen 
had  not  got  through  reading  it. 


CHAPTER  VI 

JUNE  n.  —  But  for  the  close  confinement  in  this 
sort  of  underground  place,  I  think  my  health 
would  have  improved  somewhat.  If  I  were  here 
with  liberty,  comfortable  quarters,  and  privilege  to  hear 
from  home,  I  should  not  object  to  spending  a  month 
or  two  on  the  island.  The  salt  air  and  generally  mild 
temperature  seem  to  suit  me. 

9  A.  M.  -  -  Lieut.  W.  called  for  the  walk  but,  as  it 
was  hot,  asked  if  I  would  prefer  to  postpone  it  until  even 
ing. 

I  was  in  a  railroad  wreck  near  Macon  in  1853,  when 
a  poor  brakeman  did  what  he  could  at  his  post  to  stay 
the  smash-up,  losing  his  life  in  his  effort  to  save  others. 
In  the  country's  troubles,  I  did  but  act  as  he;  did  but 
seize  the  brake  to  arrest,  as  far  as  possible,  impending 
mischief;  my  efforts  have  been  no  more  availing  than 
were  his.  Perhaps  in  the  end  I  shall  fare  no  better; 
if  not  by  sentence  of  law,  by  disease  and  death  from  impris 
onment. 

Had  a  very  sick  spell  to-day.  The  bowels  have  not 
been  in  proper  condition.  I  became  prostrate  over  the 
urinal,  could  barely  get  on  my  bunk;  perspiration  pour 
ing  over  the  whole  body,  head  perfectly  wet.  Called 
to  the  guard  several  times,  but  could  not  make  myself 
heard.  I  wanted  cool  water  badly;  half  an  hour  went 
by  before  I  could  see  any  one  pass  the  windows.  Then 
a  guard  passed.  His  attention  I  was  able  to  arrest,  and 

206 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  207 

I  asked  for  Lieut.  W.,  who  came  and  went  immediately 
for  the  surgeon,  Dr.  or  Major  Seaverns.  I  told  the 
doctor  I  was  only  suffering  from  a  sick  spell  such  as  I 
was  subject  to,  and  that  it  would  soon  be  over.  All  I 
wanted  was  some  cool  water;  a  little  ale  might  do  me 
good.  Lieut.  W.  brought  me  a  glass  of  ice  water,  the 
first  I  have  drank  this  season.  It  relieved  me  very  much. 
The  Doctor  remained  some  time,  then  left,  promising 
to  send  some  medicine.  I  told  him  the  liver  was  not 
performing  its  functions  properly;  my  remedy  was  a 
preparation  of  nitric  acid  which  I  had  with  me,  but  I 
needed  a  glass  tube  in  taking  it.  He  had  no  tube; 
would  send  some  straws.  In  an  hour  or  more  I  was 
able  to  sit  up  at  my  window. 

I  see  in  the  Boston  Herald  that  there  was  a  riot  yester 
day  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  between  Federal  soldiers  and 
Negroes;  attack  by  the  former  upon  the  latter;  150  or 
200  soldiers  engaged.  The  military,  or  provost,  guard 
was  called  on  to  suppress  it.  Several  were  wounded  and 
some  killed  on  both  sides.  Is  this  but  the  beginning  of 
deplorable  conflicts  hereafter  to  be  enacted  between  the 
races,  until  one  or  the  other  is  extinguished  ?  Sad  fore 
bodings  haunt  me.  I  apprehend  intestine  strifes,  riots, 
bloodshed,  wars  of  the  most  furious  character,  springing 
from  antipathies  of  castes  and  races.  Equality  does  not 
exist  between  blacks  and  whites.  The  one  race  is  by 
nature  inferior  in  many  respects,  physically  and  mentally, 
to  the  other.  This  should  be  received  as  a  fixed  invinci 
ble  fact  in  all  dealings  with  the  subject.  It  is  useless 
to  war  against  the  decrees  of  nature  in  attempting  to  make 
things  equal  which  the  Creator  has  made  unequal;  the 
wise,  humane,  and  philosophic  statesman  will  deal  with 
facts  as  he  finds  them.  In  the  new  order  of  things,  I 


2o8  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

shall  hope  and,  if  permitted,  strive,  for  the  best;  yet  I 
cannot  divest  myself  of  forebodings  of  many  evils. 
Whether  there  will  be  greater  ones  than  these  freely 
admitted  to  be  incident  to  the  former  system,  time  alone 
will  determine. 

God  knows  my  views  on  slavery  never  rose  from 
any  disposition  to  lord  it  over  any  human  being  or  to 
see  anybody  else  so  lord  it.  In  my  whole  intercourse  with 
the  black  race,  those  by  our  laws  recognized  as  my  slaves 
and  all  others,  I  sought  to  be  governed  by  the  Golden 
Rule;  taking  this  rule  in  its  true  sense  of  doing  unto 
others  as  I  would  have  others  do  unto  me  were  positions 
reversed.  I  never  owned  one  that  I  would  have  held  a 
day  without  his  or  her  free  will  and  consent.  One  of 
the  greatest  perplexities  of  my  life  was  what  disposition 
to  make  of  my  Negroes  by  will.  Our  laws  against  man 
umission  I  looked  on  as  unwise  and  impolitic.  Some 
Negroes  of  mine,  I  knew  from  conversations  with  them, 
wished  to  be  free  when  I  should  be  gone.  This  I  pro 
vided  for  as  far  as  I  could  by  will  under  our  laws.  To 
all  the  rest,  I  secured  the  right  of  choosing  their  future 
masters.  My  own  judgment  was  that  those  who  elected 
to  go  to  a  free  State  would  not  be  so  well  off  as  those 
who  should  remain  at  home  with  masters  of  their  choice. 
Still,  that  was  with  me  a  matter  for  their  own  decision 
and  which  I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  control.  So  far  as 
my  own  Negroes  are  concerned,  there  is  nothing  now 
that  would  give  me  more  pleasure,  under  the  changed 
order  of  things,  than  to  try  the  experiment  and  see  what 
can  be  done  for  them  in  their  new  condition. 

Read  Gerrit  Smith's  lecture  in  New  York  on  Treason 
and  punishment  of  traitors  as  reported  in  the  Tribune. 
It  is  about  what  I  should  have  expected  from  him.  I 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  209 

knew  him  personally  in  Congress;  formed  there  a  very 
favourable  opinion  of  his  general  generous  impulses  of 
philanthropy.  He  was  considered  by  most  Southern 
people  as  a  monster.  But  few  Southern  members  would 
recognize  or  speak  to  him  at  first.  This  prejudice  wore 
off,  I  believe,  before  the  termination  of  the  Congress 
of  which  he  was  a  member.  I  entertained  none  of  it 
myself;  met  him  socially  as  I  would  any  other  intelligent, 
courteous  gentleman.  I  dined  writh  him  at  his  own 
house,  and  we  talked  over  in  a  friendly  spirit  all  those 
questions  which  were  agitating  the  country  to  its  founda 
tions,  questions  on  which  we  radically  differed  in  many 
respects  and  which  have  ended  in  such  bloody  deeds. 

My  arrangement  with  sutler  for  meals  has  commenced. 
I  fare  better. 

Dinner  to-day:  salmon,  broiled  turkey,  asparagus, 
potatoes,  and  pudding,  all  well  cooked  and  palatable; 
having  little  appetite,  I  ate  little.  The  Doctor  recom 
mended  a  stimulant,  so  I  took  a  drink  from  Harry's 
bottle.  Paid  sutler  $4  for  " sundries";  what  " sundries" 
are  I  do  not  know. 

7  p.  M.  -  -  From  the  parapet  on  the  eastern  bastion 
had  a  magnificent  view  of  the  ocean;  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  its  wide  green  plain  stretched  out,  placid 
as  the  bosom  of  a  lake.  I  thought  of  my  first  view  of 
the  great  deep.  It  was  near  Sunbury,  Ga.,  on  the  2d 
March,  1833,  one  of  my  Saturday  holidays.  I  had  gone 
12  or  15  miles  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  behold  it. 
Where  I  stood  this  evening  is  a  favourable  point  for  a 
sea- view;  70  feet  above  high- water  mark,  enabling  one 
to  look  much  further  out  than  from  any  place  I  have 
ever  been  before.  On  the  N.  W.  bastion  got  a  full, 
clear  outline  of  Boston,  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  etc. 


210  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Did  not  walk  much,  strolled  slowly,  rested  under  musi 
cian's  arbour.  I  was  feebler  than  at  any  walk  since  I 
have  been  here. 

In  Boston  Herald  is  a  statement  that  the  President 
has  refused  to  allow  my  friends  to  communicate  with 
me.  I  hope  it  is  not  true.  I  once  said,  before  the 
Georgia  Legislature,  in  March,  1864,  on  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Resolutions,  that  "I  was  never  born  to  acknowl 
edge  a  master."  I  am  now  in  the  hands  of  the  President. 
I  cannot  even  have  the  opportunity  of  suing  out  a  writ 
of  habeas  corpus.  It  may  be  said  that  I  have  a  master 
now,  whether  born  to  acknowledge  one  or  not.  This 
is  but  too  lamentably  true.  I  did  not  mean  to  say,  how 
ever,  that  I  never  was  born  to  be  in  the  power  of  one  from 
whose  oppression  I  could  not  extricate  myself,  but  meant 
that  I  was  never  born  to  acknowledge  myself  the  willing 
subject  of  any  man  on  earth,  or  to  yield  to  an  unconstitu 
tional  authority  oppressively  used,  acknowledging  it  to 
be  right.  I  have  the  same  spirit  I  had  then.  Whatever 
outrages  may  be  perpetrated  against  my  rights  as  a 
freeman  under  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  I  shall 
never  acknowledge  him  to  be  my  master  who  commits 
them,  or  orders  them  committed.  Superior  force,  as 
fate,  has  to  be  yielded  to. 

I  asked  Lieut.  W.  if  he  thought  the  Herald  statement 
correct,  or  if  he  had  any  reason  to  think  so.  He  said 
he  did  not  think  it  true;  the  privilege  to  send  or  receive 
communications  under  which  I  had  written  home  and 
had  received  Myers's  letter,  came,  as  he  had  informed 
me,  from  Washington;  and  no  change  of  that  order  had 
been  received  here. 

Another  glimpse  of  Judge  Reagan  this  evening  as  he 
passed  my  window  on  his  return  from  walking.  He  did 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  211 

not  see  me.  He  looked  pale  but  stepped  firmly.  Dr. 
Seaverns  called,  and  sent  by  Lieut.  W.  some  medicine 
for  me.  Lieut.  W.  told  me  to-day  that  he  saw  a  letter 
from  Mrs.  DuBose  to  the  General.  It  was  dated  the 
2  yth  of  May,  and  said  all  were  well. 

June  12. --When  I  awoke,  about  6,  the  sun  was 
shining  in  at  my  window.  The  phantom  of  a  dream 
was  left  upon  the  memory.  In  that  dream  I  seemed  to 
be  in  Atlanta  on  my  way  home.  Pierce  [a  Negro  servant], 
well  dressed,  in  good  spirits,  joined  me  there;  said  he 
had  come  to  go  with  me  and  we  would  spend  the  balance 
of  our  lives  together;  he  intended  never  to  leave  me,  I 
had  been  the  best  friend  he  ever  had  and  he  should  never 
forget  it.  Sportive  fancy  enlivened  the  scene  with  a 
puppy  Pierce  had  picked  up  somewhere.  Its  capers 
excited  Pierce's  indignation,  but  in  me  a  disposition  to 
laugh.  For  dogs  I  ever  had  a  fondness ;  they  ever  seemed 
to  like  me.  If  to  err,  on  the  part  of  men,  be  but  human, 
wiiat  ought  to  be  expected  of  dogs  —  even  grown-up 
dogs  with  all  the  culture  and  improvements  that  dog 
education  and  training  can  impart?  and  what  should  be 
expected  of  a  puppy?  So  in  my  sleep  I  said  to  Pierce, 
"Let  the  puppy  alone,  he  knows  no  better."  When  I 
awoke  from  sweet  sleep  with  this  ludicrous  dream 
lingering  upon  memory,  sad  reflections  sprang  from  my 
actual  surroundings  —  far  from  my  home,  my  friends, 
my  servants,  not  allowed  even  the  companionship  of 
my  faithful  dogs,  Troup,  Frank,  and  Binks.  Lying  on 
a  straw  mattress  upon  my  narrow  iron  bunk  in  this  lonely 
cell  of  thick  walls,  stone  floor,  strong  locks,  bolts  and 
bars  —  I  thus  situated,  who  have  laboured  all  my 
life,  feeble  and  frail  as  I  have  been  from  the  cradle 


212  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

up,  more  for  the  comfort  and  happiness  of  others  than 
for  my  own! 

SCENE  IN  CELL,  10  A.M. 

[Prisoner  reading.  Door  unlocked;  Surgeon  Seaverns 
enters.] 

Surgeon.     Well,  how  do  you  feel  this  morning? 

Prisoner.  Good  morning,  Major.  Much  better,  thank 
you. 

Surgeon.     Did  you  like  the  medicine  I  sent  you? 

Prisoner.  Yes,  sir:  took  a  dose  this  morning.  Were 
you  able  to  get  any  straws  for  my  use  with  the  nitric 
acid? 

Surgeon.  Not  yet.  Those  obtainable  are  too  broken  or 
mashed.  I  will  try  and  get  some.  [Looking  about  on  the 
table  and  mantel-piece.]  I  see  you  have  some  books  here. 

Prisoner.  I  see  by  the  library  catalogue  that  the  library 
will  furnish  me  abundant  reading  matter.  I  did  not  know 
of  it  when  I  purchased  the  " American  Conflict"  and 
Prescott's  works. 

Surgeon.  [Looking  at  Greeley's  book.]  I  have  never 
seen  this  work  before;  I  have  never  read  it. 

Prisoner.  I  have  read  it  with  a  great  deal  of  interest. 
It  is  one  of  the  fairest  as  well  as  one  of  the  ablest  one 
sided  histories  I  ever  read. 

Surgeon.  I  have  not  read  much  from  Greeley  lately. 
He  has  been  rather  vacillating  during  the  war.  You 
know  him,  do  you? 

Prisoner.  Oh  yes,  I  have  met  him  often.  He  served  a 
term  in  Congress  while  I  was  there.  I  was  on  very  good 
terms  with  him  in  our  personal  relations.  I  always 
regarded  him  as  a  man  of  inflexible  purpose,  principle,  and 
integrity  on  his  line.  He  is,  in  many  points  of  view,  a  real 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  213 

philosopher.  His  paper,  the  Tribune,  I  always  read 
with  a  great  deal  of  interest  —  as  I  have  read  his  book  — 
however  much  I  disagree  with  him  in  his  premises  and 
conclusions.  He  is  always  fair  in  statements,  open  and 
bold  in  purpose,  and  has  a  vigour,  force,  and  perspicuity 
in  style  rarely  equalled.  Like  most  philosophers,  he  has 
many  eccentricities  in  ideas  as  well  as  in  manners. 

Surgeon.  Even  in  dress.  His  coat  and  hat  are  quite 
famous. 

Prisoner.  Yes ;  no  one  thinks  of  Greeley  without  the 
coat  and  hat.  These  seem  part  of  the  physical  man,  no 
less  characteristic  than  his  long  stride  and  shambling  gait. 

Surgeon.  Well,  sir,  I  am  glad  to  see  you  so  well  this 
morning.  I  will  try  and  get  you  the  straws  or  the  quill; 
and  if  there  is  anything  else  I  can  do  for  you,  let  me 
know.  Good  morning,  sir. 

Prisoner.     Thank  you.     Good  morning,   Major. 

Geary  brought  dinner.  For  dessert,  a  cold  custard 
such  as  I  got  at  a  Mr.  Palmer's  in  East  Haddam  in  1838. 
I  had  called  to  see  Mr.  Palmer  on  business  for  some 
orphan  children  in  Georgia;  Mrs.  Palmer  brought  refresh 
ments,  and  such  a  custard  in  such  a  cup!  Obeyed  the 
Doctor's  directions  in  finishing  with  some  whisky  - 
from  the  bottle  Harry  put  up  for  me.  I  have  never 
taken  that  bottle  from  my  trunk  without  thinking  of 
how  Harry  looked  when  he  got  it  and  handed  it  to  me. 
It  was  just  before  the  trunk  was  locked ;  all  had  gone  out 
of  my  room  but  him  and  me.  He  looked  sad.  I  hastily 
gave  him  all  the  directions  I  could,  in  rather  confused 
order;  told  him,  amongst  other  things  that  I  wished  him 
to  remember  if  I  never  saw  him  again,  to  be  sure  and  send 
his  children  to  school,  to  give  them  an  education  if  he  could. 


2i4  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

His  sorrowful  face  at  that  last  interview  is  daguerreotyped 
upon  my  memory,  and  I  never  see  the  bottle  but 
association  brings  it  out  in  its  distinct  impression. 

The  papers  state  that  Hunter,  Campbell,  and  Seddon 
are  prisoners  in  Fort  Pulaski.  Walked  at  6.15.  Saw 
several  stalks  of  green  rye  growing  in  the  angles  and  about 
the  walls  of  the  Fort.  They  were  large-headed  and  I 
thought  might  answer  my  purpose  for  taking  the  acid, 
so  cut  some.  Geary  brought  sea-water  and  poured  it 
in  my  tub.  I  wish  to  try  a  salt-water  bath;  as  the  water 
might  be  too  cold,  taken  from  the  bay  in  the  morning,  I 
arranged  to  have  it  sit  in  the  room  all  night.  The  tem 
perature  of  my  room  I  should  think  is  about  75  degrees. 
I  wrote  the  sutler  to-day  to  get  me  a  small  thermometer. 

June  13.  —  Another  clear,  brilliant,  glorious  day. 
When  I  awoke,  the  sun  was  peeping  into  my  otherwise 
dark  and  gloomy  cell,  with  one  of  the  most  radiant  and 
joyous  countenances  he  ever  wears.  Dimpling,  beaming 
smiles  covered  his  whole  broad  face.  Oh,  how  I  should 
have  enjoyed  this  morning  could  I  but  have  gone  out, 
caught  the  inspiration  of  "  incense  -  breathing  morn," 
and  joined  in  the  chorus  of  nature's  responsive  welcome 
to  its  sun,  her  Te  Deum  to  the  advent  of  this  most  glorious 
day!  As  it  was,  I  could  but  rise  from  my  bunk  of  iron 
and  straw,  and  while  taking  my  salt-water  bath,  chant 
in  not  very  musical  notes : 

Alas,  and  did  my  Saviour  bleed, 

And  did  my  Sovereign  die  ? 
Would  he  devote  that  sacred  head 

For  such  a  worm  as  I  ? 

My  thoughts  wandered  far,  far  away;  to  Georgia,  Liberty 
Hall,  and  the  old  homestead.  Read  several  chapters  in 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  215 

Job.  Was  reading  when  Geary  brought  breakfast: 
good  coffee,  hot  rolls,  mutton  chops,  and  cornbread. 
In  the  N.  Y.  Times  I  see  a  letter  of  some  importance 
from  Hon.  J.  Minor  Botts.  It  sets  forth  many  truths; 
but  what  appears  therein  as  an  extract  from  my  speech 
in  the  Georgia  Secession  Convention  is  incorrect.  I 
opposed  the  Ordinance  of  Secession  and  made  a  speech 
against  it,  but  used  very  different  language  from  that 
attributed  to  me.  Where  he  could  have  got  such  a  report 
of  my  speech,  I  cannot  imagine.  None  such  ever  met 
my  eye  before;  I  never  saw  but  one  report  of  it.  That 
was  in  the  Southern  Recorder,  of  Milledgeville,  a  few 
days  after  I  made  it.  I  could  not  have  spoken  of  seces 
sion  as  a  crime,  for,  however  much  I  was  opposed  to  it,  I 
did  not  so  consider  it.  I  considered  that  the  State  had  a 
perfect  right  to  secede;  her  act  was  fully  justified  on  the 
grounds  of  breach  of  compact  by  several  of  the  Northern 
States  in  the  matter  of  the  rendition  of  fugitives  from 
service,  by  which  open,  palpable,  and  avowed  breach 
of  faith,  she  was  released  from  all  moral  obligation  to 
continue  in  bonds  of  union  with  them.  A  contract 
broken  by  one  party  is  dissolved  as  to  all,  if  the  others 
so  choose  to  consider  it.  But  I  did  not  consider  it  politic 
or  wise  for  the  State  to  adopt  that  mode  of  redress, 
though  she  had  a  perfect  right  morally  and  politically 
to  do  so.  Nations  or  States  are  not  bound,  even  in  honour, 
to  adopt  the  ultima  ratio  regum,  for  everything  that  would 
justify  it.  This  was  my  position  which  seemed  so  hard 
for  the  mass  of  mankind  to  comprehend.  This  breach 
of  covenant  on  the  part  of  several  of  the  Northern  Con 
federates,  was  in  my  judgment  the  only  ground  that 
fully  justified  the  State,  in  view  of  the  moral  obligations 
resting  upon  her  under  the  Compact  of  Union,  in  taking 


216  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

the  course  she  did.     But  what  is  fully  justifiable,  morally 
and  legally,  is  not  always  wise  and  expedient. 

An  important  card  from  W.  W.  Clcary  on  Conover's 
testimony  in  the  Assassination  trial  is  in  the  N.  Y.  World, 
copied  from  the  Toronto  Leader.  And  an  extract  from 
the  Charlotte  Democrat  on  Bates's  testimony  as  to  what 
Mr.  Davis  said  on  receiving  telegram  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
death.  According  to  this,  Bates's  testimony  is  utterly 
worthless.  This  I  thought  most  probable  at  first.  The 
N.  Y.  Times  has  an  editorial  on  "The  Doom  of  Treason." 
I  look  on  this  as  more  important  from  the  fact  that  the 
Times  is  said  to  Deflect  Mr.  Seward^s^sentimenls.  It 
says: 

The  trial  of  Davis,  Breckinridge,  Cobb,  Thompson, 
Stephens,  Benjamin,  Slid  ell,  Mason,  etc.,  for  treason 
is  demanded  by  every  consideration  which  concerns  the 
dignity  of  the  Government,  the  majesty  of  the  law,  and 
the  safety  of  her  people.  The  tears  of  weeping  millions 
and  the  blood  of  slaughtered  thousands  demand,  at 
least,  this  measure  of  atonement.  Nor  will  it  be  denied. 
And  when  tried,  if  lawfully  convicted,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  will  determine  whether  their  execution 
or  banishment  will  best  comport  with  the  nature  of  their 
crime,  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  the  judgment  of  the 
world. 

If  such  be  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Seward,  such  will 
probably  be  the  result;  so  far  from  shrinking  from  a 
trial,  all  I  ask  so  far  as  concerns  myself  is  a  speedy  trial, 
public,  with  such  time  only  as  shall  be  necessary  for 
preparation,  and  such  conveniences  during  its  progress 
as  will  afford  me  access  to  the  authorities  and  documents 
I  may  desire.  With  this,  God  mercifully  giving  me 
health  and  strength  of  body  and  usual  vigour  of  mind, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  217 

I  shall  be  prepared  to  pass  the  ordeal  with  an  unquailing 
sp/rit,  let  the  end  be  anything  but  exile.  Exile  I  could 
not  stand!  Nor  could  I  well  stand  life-time  close  con 
finement;  at  least,  I  think,  under  it  my  life  would  be  short. 
That  spirit  within  me  which  could  meet  death  on  the 
gallows  with  steady  nerves,  would  it  stand  by  me  or  sink 
and  break  within  me  under  sentence  of  exile  or  long 
imprisonment?  I  am  inclined  to  look  on  this  editorial 
with  the  more  interest  from  the  fact  that  it  appeared  after 
time  had  elapsed  for  my  letter  to  the  President  to  reach 
Washington. 

I  see  from  the  N.  Y.  Herald  that  the  Boston  Traveller's 
account  of  the  Medical  Convention's  visit  to  the  fort 
last  week,  states  that  Judge  Reagan  occupies  a  room 
adjoining  mine;  that  he  appeared  at  his  window  once 
and  bowed  to  an  acquaintance;  but  that  my  windows 
were  curtained  and  I  was  not  to  be  seen.  This  Medical 
Convention  was  the  great  mass  of  visitors  noticed  by  me 
on  the  8th,  and  my  account  of  it  is  correct.  There  are 
no  curtains  to  my  windows. 

Walked  out  at  5.45  with  Lieut.  W.  Saw  a  number 
of  Confederate  officers,  prisoners,  walking  on  opposite 
parapet,  but  could  not  recognize  any  of  them.  Found 
thermometer  on  table  when  I  returned  and  paid  for  it, 
§1.25,  making  all  expenses  $61.48.  It  stands  at  77 
degrees.  Geary  brought  tea,  strawberries,  and  sweet 
cakes. 


CHAPTER  VII 

JUNE  14.  —  Another  bright  morning  out.     Rose  at 
6.30.     Thermometer  72.     This  thermometer  is  to 
be    a    sort    of    pet    with    me,    I    expect.      Read 
Jeremiah  30,  and    all   of   Lamentations.     The   wailing 
of  Israel's  poet  over  the  subjugation,  desolation,  and 
ruin  of  his  Zion,  meet  a  sympathetic  response  in  my 
breast  over  a  like  condition  of  my  own  dear  Georgia. 
How  truly  is  our  condition  set  forth: 

Our  inheritance  is  turned  to  strangers,  our  houses  to 
aliens.  We  are  orphans  and  fatherless,  our  mothers 
are  as  widows.  Our  necks  are  under  persecution:  we 
labour  and  have  no  rest.  The  elders  have  ceased  from 
the  gate,  the  young  men  from  their  music.  The  joy 
of  our  heart  is  ceased ;  our  dance  is  turned  into  mourning. 
For  this  our  heart  is  faint ;  for  these  things  our  eyes  are  dim. 

.  .  .  For  thus  said  the  Lord ;  we  have  heard  a  voice 
of  trembling,  of  fear  and  not  of  peace.  Ask  ye  now, 
and  see  whether  a  man  doth  travail  with  child  ?  Where 
fore  do  I  see  every  man  with  his  hands  on  his  loins,  as  a 
woman  in  travail,  and  all  faces  are  turned  into  paleness  ? 

How  vividly  return  to  my  mind  the  feelings  with  which 
I  went  from  a  sick-bed  to  address  a  vast  concourse  of 
people  at  Dalton,  in  1860;  in  that  address,  with  all 
due  reverence,  I  exclaimed:  "O  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem, 
thou  that  killest  the  prophets  and  stonest  them  which 
are  sent  unto  thee,  how  often  would  I  have  gathered 
thy  children  together,  even  as  a  hen  gathereth  her  chick- 

218 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  219 

ens  under  her  wings,  and  ye  would  not."  This  speech 
was  made  in  prophecy  of  impending  ruin;  amidst  inter 
ruptions  and  attempts  to  prevent  my  counsels  trom 
having  effect,  I  warned  our  people  to  stay  these  calamities 
while  they  might. 

I  see  a  statement  in  the  New  York  Tribune  that  the 
President  has  granted  unconditional  pardon,  accom 
panying  it  with  a  letter,  to  Hon.  W.  W.  Boyce,  of  South 
Carolina.  This  I  was  glad  to  see,  not  from  any  encour 
agement  I  may  be  supposed  to  take  that  similar  grant 
may  be  made  me,  but  because  I  think  well  of  Mr.  Boyce; 
think  he  deserved  what  he  is  reported  to  have  received, 
notwithstanding  he  was  so  much  more  responsible  for 
this  war  than  I;  notwithstanding  his  speech  in  Columbia, 
November,  5,  1860,  in  which  he  is  reported  to  have  said: 

The  question  then  is,  what  are  we  to  do?  In  my 
opinion  the  South  ought  not  to  submit.  If  you  intend 
to  resist,  the  way  to  resist  in  earnest  is  to  act  —  the  way 
to  avert  revolution  is  to  stem  it  in  the  face.  The  only 
policy  for  us  is  to  take  up  arms  as  soon  as  we  receive 
authentic  intelligence  of  the  election  of  Lincoln;  it  is 
for  South  Carolina,  in  the  quickest  manner  and  by  the 
most  direct  means,  to  withdraw  from  the  Union.  Thus, 
we  will  not  submit,  whether  the  other  Southern  States 
will  act  with  us  or  with  our  enemies. 

At  this  time,  my  utmost  exertions  were  in  the  other 
direction.  His  impulses,  I  doubt  not,  were  prompted 
by  apprehension  of  danger  to  the  Constitutional  Rights 
of  his  State  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  election.  I  have  no 
question  that  this  was  the  case  with  Governor  Joe  Brown, 
Governor  (then  Judge)  Magrath,  and  great  numbers 
of  other  leading  men  whose  actions  and  counsels  "pre- 


220  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

cipitated ' '  the  war.  I  was ' '  precipitated ' '  by  them  against 
my  judgment  and  protest,  and  am  suffering  in  conse 
quence.  I  rejoice  to  see  that  these  men  —  Boyce,  Brown, 
Magrath,  Smkh  (Governor  of  Virginia)  and  Cobb,  with 
thousands  of  others  who  followed  like  course  —  at  large 
enjoying  on  parole  their  personal  liberty.  Such  liberty 
would  be  to  me  a  great  boon  also,  but  perhaps  it  is  better 
for  me  to  suffer,  if  so  be  some  few  must  suffer  to  satisfy 
public  vengeance.  Isolated  and  almost  alone  in  the 
world,  a  strange  creature  of  destiny  at  best,  with  but 
few  ties  to  life,  why  should  not  I  be  one  of  the  victims? 
My  fate  may  be  a  hard  one,  but  it  has  been  a  hard  one 
throughout  life. 

Walked  my  room  and  thought  of  home  —  of  Linton ; 
smoked  my  pipe,  the  meerschaum  Girardey  gave  me. 
This  has  been  a  great  source  of  comfort  to  me.  How 
often  I  have  thought  of  him,  Camille  Girardey  of  Augusta, 
Ga.,  when  I  have  puffed  that  meerschaum  in  this  dun 
geon.  Walked  out  at  6.15.  Saw  Jackson  and  DuBose 
on  the  opposite  bastion  —  too  far  to  recognize  them. 
Lieut.  W.  told  me  who  they  were.  Saw  General  Ewell  on 
his  crutches.  He  was  walking  on  parapet.  I  remarked 
that  I  thought  Ewell  had  an  artificial  leg;  wondered  he 
did  not  use  it.  Lieut.  W.  replied  that  Ewell  said  he  was 
waiting  before  getting  an  artificial  leg  to  see  if  the  authori 
ties  were  going  to  hang  him ;  if  he  was  going  to  be  hung, 
he  did  not  care  to  go  to  the  expense;  intended  to  wait 
and  make  out  on  his  crutches  until  that  matter  was 
decided.  Ewell  has  a  sense  of  humour. 

We  heard  a  cannon.  Turning  toward  the  point  from 
which  the  sound  came,  we  saw  smoke  near  a  small  craft 
lying  at  the  wharf  of  a  little  town,  called  Hull,  near  by. 
Lieut.  W.  said,  uOh,  it's  Dexter  Follet's  yacht."  "Who 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  221 

is  he?"  asked  I.  "A  young  man  of  Boston,  son  of  a 
rich  father.  He  keeps  this  yacht  to  sail  about  as  he 
likes.  Carries  a  gun  on  board,  and  always  fires  it  off 
upon  landing  or  leaving,  upon  heaving  or  hoisting  anchor." 
We  saw  the  yacht  pass  on  its  way  to  Boston. 

Geary  brought  tea,  toast,  and  strawberries.  I  thought 
of  Dick  Johnston's  extensive  bed  of  strawberries  and 
of  what  an  abundance  of  berries  he  must  have  had  this 
spring.  All  gone  by  this  time,  I  suppose. 

June  15.  — Rose  at  6.45.  Was  disturbed  by  dreams. 
Richmond  was  the  scene.  I  seemed  to  be  roaming  amid 
ruins,  looking  for  Mr.  Baskerville's  house;  was  on  my 
way  home,  and  had  stopped  to  see  after  Henry  and 
Anthony.  The  house  —  in  my  dream  —  had  been 
burned,  not  a  vestige  remained  of  it,  nor  of  other  houses 
that  had  stood  around  it;  Mrs.  Stanard's  and  all  were 
swept  away  by  fire.  I  could  find  nobody  I  knew  and 
could  learn  nothing  about  Henry  and  Anthony;  could 
hear  nothing  of  Nancy,  their  mother.  Read  Bible 
until  8.15.  Geary  brought  breakfast:  fresh  fish,  beef 
steak,  hot  rolls,  coffee,  fried  potatoes,  and  cornbread. 
The  cornbread  I  ate.  Breakfast  good  enough,  but  I 
had  no  appetite  for  it,  due,  perhaps,  to  its  late  coming.  It 
is  essential  to  my  health  for  me  to  have  breakfast  as  soon 
as  I  can  get  ready  after  rising.  Half  an  hour  is  my  usual 
time  for  dressing.  I  can  fast  an  hour  after  rising,  but 
beyond  that  I  cannot  go  with  impunity.  I  want  my 
breakfast  at  this  season  at  seven;  for  several  days  I  had 
it  at  this  hour,  but  since  Sunday  —  Geary  saying  he  could 
not  get  it  so  soon  —  8.15  is  the  hour  fixed.  This  morn 
ing  it  did  not  reach  me  until  8.45,  a  half-hour  past  the 
time  for  which  I  arranged  my  rising  and  dressing. 


222  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

The  Boston  Post  says,  "The  health  of  A.  H.  Stephens 
is  said  to  be  precarious."  A  letter  from  Charleston,  in  the 
N.  Y.  Herald,  gives  an  account  of  Governor  Aikens's  return 
from  Washington.  I  did  not  know  that  he  had  been  in 
custody.  The  New  York  Times  reports  Breckinridge 
and  Trenholm  [of  the  Confederate  Cabinet]  as  safely 
arrived  in  Bermuda.  I  am  almost  certain  that  this 
cannot  in  part  be  true.  Trenholm,  I  have  reason  to 
believe,  has  not  even  attempted  to  leave  his  State. 

Dinner  at  2.45:  salmon,  beef-heels,  mutton,  vege 
tables,  and  gooseberry  pie  —  no  uncertainty  about  it 
to-day;  it  was  gooseberry,  the  same  as  that  of  yesterday. 
Upon  my  inquiry,  Geary  said  so;  that  settled  it.  Besides 
this,  there  was  a  saucer  of  cream  and  jelly.  My  diet  now 
is  as  much  over  the  proper  mark  for  me  as  it  was  too 
low  before.  The  juste  milieu  is  in  everything  the  most 
difficult  point  to  attain.  Could  I  get  meals  served  in 
half  the  quantity  and  variety,  to  say  nothing  of  some 
reduction  in  quality,  with  corresponding  reduction  in  cost, 
I  should  feel  myself  as  well  off  as  possible  in  respect  of  food. 

5  P.  M.  —  Walked  the  room,  exercising  the  whole 
body  as  much  as  I  could  by  swinging  my  arms  and  giv 
ing  them  all  sorts  of  motions.  This  has  been  my  habit 
for  several  days,  particularly  after  extinction  of  lights. 
I  have  a  notion  to  get  a  rubber  ball  to  play  with.  That 
would  afford  better  exercise  than  I  can  take  otherwise. 
During  my  walk  I  thought  a  great  deal  about  home. 
Am  beginning  to  doubt  whether  any  of  my  letters  have 
reached  their  destination.  It  is  certainly  time  I  heard 
from  Mr.  Baskerville,  if  he  was  in  Richmond  and  got 
my  letter.  How  relieved  I  should  be  by  only  a  few 
lines  from  Lin  ton,  giving  assurance  that  he  is  well! 
Could  I  but  have  the  assurance  that  he  is  bearing 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  223 

up  under  my  imprisonment  with  firmness  and  without 
too  great  uneasiness,  I  could  stand  all  that  is  before 
me  without  a  murmur.  Wrote  to  Dr.  Berckmans, 
Augusta,  Ga. 

Took  overcoat  for  my  walk  at  Lieut.  W.'s  suggestion; 
he  said  it  was  rather  raw  out.  Did  not  feel  well;  pain 
in  the  side.  Rested  under  music-stand  and  returned 
before  hour  expired.  Saw  Confederate  prisoners  on 
opposite  bastion.  I  have  a  pretty  large  fire  of  anthra 
cite  coal  in  the  grate.  The  fire  in  that  grate  has  not 
gone  out  since  I  have  been  here;  it  has  been  kept  up, 
day  and  night.  A  grate  of  this  coal  put  on  at  7  p.  m. 
will  burn  until  6  a.  m. 

June  1 6. — Before  I  got  up,  Geary  brought  in  a 
wooden  box  on  legs.  I  suppose  that  I  will  not  be  stating 
a  matter  of  indifference  to  those  sympathizing  friends 
for  whom  these  entries  are  made,  when  I  tell  them  that 
I  live  in  this  cell  except  during  the  hour  of  my  daily  walk 
on  the  grounds.  Whatever  functions  of  nature  are  per 
formed  in  eating,  drinking,  sleeping,  or  otherwise,  are 
performed  herein.  At  my  request  Geary  got  the  car 
penter  to  make  this  commode;  price  $1.83.  While  on 
this  point,  I  will  add  that  Geary  is  very  attentive  to  my 
room;  keeps  it  well  swept  and  dusted;  and  makes  up 
the  bed  every  morning,  that  is,  beats  up  the  straw  and 
arranges  the  covering,  which,  besides  the  sheets,  are  the 
blankets  and  afghan  I  brought  with  me.  He  brings 
cool  water  as  often  as  I  desire  it;  it  is  cistern  water,  clear 
and  pure,  about  65°  in  temperature.  I  see  in  the  papers 
an  account  of  John  MitchePs  arrest  in  New  York. 
Mitchel  is  a  rare  character,  an  eccentric  genius.  I  was 
sorry,  not  only  on  his  own  account,  but  on  account  of 


224  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

the  South  and  her  cause,  when  I  saw  some  weeks  ago 
that  he  was  in  New  York  writing  for  the  News.  He  is 
a  man  of  too  much  violence  of  temper,  too  much  extrava 
gance,  and  too  little  discretion,  to  be  identified,  to  its 
advantage,  as  a  leading  exponent  of  any  cause. 

When  Smith  O'Brien*  was  in  this  country  on  a  visit 
to  Washington,  he  stopped  with  Mitchel  f  who  had  a 
house  there.  I  was  on  friendly  relations  with  Mitchel. 
At  his  invitation,  I  called  to  see  O'Brien  and  was  well 
pleased  with  this  far-famed  "  patriot  and  rebel."  His 
bearing,  as  well  as  his  high  intelligence  and  virtue,  could 
not  fail  to  impress  any  one  coming  in  contact  with  him. 
I  assumed  the  discharge  of  the  office,  very  agreeable  to 
myself,  of  introducing  him  to  President  Buchanan;  Mr. 
Mitchel  accompanied  us.  As  we  were  returning  to  our 
carriage,  speaking  of  Mitchel  in  his  presence  to  O'Brien, 
I  said  that  Mitchel 's  greatest  difficulty  lay  in  extrava 
gance  of  feeling  and  expression;  that  he  seemed  to  for 
get  that  there  were  three  degrees  of  comparison  in  lan 
guage;  he  dealt  almost  exclusively  in  superlatives. 

O'Brien  nodded  assent  with  a  smile,  while  Mitchel  did 
not  seem  to  dissent  from  the  justness  of  the  criticism. 
Afterward,  while  O'Brien  was  on  a  visit  to  me  at  Liberty 
Hall,  on  his  tour  through  the  South,  Mitchel  was  often 
the  subject  of  our  conversation.  O'Brien,  it  was  evi 
dent,  was  devotedly  attached  to  him  personally,  while 
deeply  regretting  some  of  his  eccentricities  and  extrava 
gances.  I  am  truly  sorry  for  Mitchel.  He  did  a  great 
deal  in  bringing  on  the  war.  He  has  suffered  severely 
for  it.  A  son  of  his,  of  great  promise,  bearing,  I  think, 
his  father's  name,  fell  in  defending  Fort  Sumter.  The 

*t  Mitchel  and  O'Brien,  as  leaders  of  the  "Young  Ireland  Rebellion,"  had  been  banished  from 
Great  Britain  in  the  'forties.  Mitchel  edited  by  turns  several  papers  in  this  country,  and  during 
the  war,  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  reputed  organ  of  the  Confederate  administration. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  225 

father  seems,  by  nature,  one  of  those  restless  spirits 
born  to  stir  up  strife,  and  to  become  the  sport,  football, 
and  victim  of  adverse  fortunes. 

I  get  no  letters;  hear  nothing  from  my  application 
to  the  President,  see  no  allusion  to  it  in  any  of  the  papers. 
It  must  have  reached  Washington  before  this,  but  per 
haps  it  is  filed  away  in  some  pigeon-hole  to  be  taken  up 
in  its  turn,  which  may  not  be  for  weeks  or  months.  Who 
in  that  busy  crowd  cares  for  me?  A  man  in  prison  is 
soon  forgot,  almost  as  completely  as  if  he  were  in  his 
grave.  With  the  great  active  living  mass,  in  their  pur 
suits  of  business  or  pleasure,  or  borne  down  with  their 
own  afflictions,  the  world  moves  on  as  before.  The 
daily  papers  are  sought  by  the  merchant,  the  banker, 
the  ship-owner,  the  politician,  and  the  devotee  of  fashion, 
to  see  the  state  of  the  markets,  the  prices  of  stocks,  the 
arrivals  and  departures  of  all  sorts  of  water-craft,  the 
progress  of  reconstruction,  the  new  concerts  and  other 
amusements,  marriages,  and  deaths,  and  what  not. 
But  who  in  all  this  turmoil  thinks  of  me?  A  brother, 
a  few  relatives  and  friends  and  faithful  domestics  and, 
perhaps,  three  devoted  dogs,  are,  in  creation's  range,  the 
only  beings  that  think  once  of  me  in  a  week  or  a  month. 
Read  Jeremiah.  I  can  exclaim  with  him: 

Oh  that  my  head  were  waters,  and  mine  eyes  a  foun 
tain  of  tears,  that  I  might  weep  for  the  slain  of  the  daughter 
of  my  people! 

I  turned  to  Job;  my  Bible  opened  at  this: 

If  I  did  despise  the  cause  of  my  manservant  or  of 
my  maidservant,  when  they  contended  with  me;  If  I 
have  withheld  the  poor  from  their  desire,  or  have  caused 


226  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

the  eyes  of  the  widow  to  fail;  Or  have  eaten  my  morsel 
myself  alone,  and  the  fatherless  hath  not  eaten  thereof;  If  I 
have  seen  any  perish  for  want  of  clothing,  or  any  poor 
without  covering;  If  his  loins  have  not  blessed  me  and 
if  he  were  not  warmed  with  the  fleece  of  my  sheep;  If 
I  have  lifted  up  my  hand  against  the  fatherless,  when 
I  saw  my  help  in  the  gate;  Then  let  mine  arm  fall  from 
my  shoulder-blade,  and  mine  arm  be  broken  from  the 
bone.  If  I  rejoiced  at  the  destruction  of  him  that  hated 
me,  or  lifted  up  myself  when  evil  found  him:  Neither 
have  I  suffered  my  mouth  to  sin  by  wishing  a  curse  to 
his  soul.  The  stranger  did  not  lodge  in  the  street:  but 
I  opened  my  doors  to  the  traveller. 

Most  truly  can  I  repeat  this,  if  I  know  myself.  When 
has  suffering  humanity  appealed  to  me  for  assistance 
or  redress  that  was  not  rendered  if  in  my  power  ?  When 
have  the  poor,  even  the  unfortunate  blacks,  driven  from 
their  abodes  in  winter  cold  and  snow,  appealed  to  me 
that  they  did  not  receive  food  and  shelter?  When  has 
the  voice  of  distress,  from  high  or  low,  ever  reached  my 
ears  unheard  or  unrelieved,  if  relief  was  in  my  power? 
I  do  feel  that  I  have  laboured  more  during  my  feeble, 
suffering  life  for  the  comfort  and  happiness  of  others 
than  for  my  own. 

I  have  aided  between  thirty  and  forty  young  men, 
poor  and  indigent  or  without  present  means,  to  get  an 
education ;  the  number  I  do  not^exactly  recollect.  Many 
of  these  I  took  through  a  regular  collegiate  course,  or 
offered  them  the  means  for  such  a  course.  My  assist 
ance  of  this  character  has  not  been  confined  to  young  men; 
orphan  and  indigent  girls  have  received  liberally  of  my 
bounty.  I  have  spent  many  thousands  of  dollars  for 
the  accommodation  and  comfort  of  those  recognized  as 
my  slaves  by  our  law,  over  and  above  all  returns  they 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  227 

ever  made  to  me.  This  was  of  my  own  earnings.  I  com 
menced  life  without  a  cent;  indeed  I  was  in  debt  for  my 
own  education:  as  I  had  been  assisted  when  in  need, 
so  I  ever  afterward  assisted  those  in  like  circumstances, 
as  far  as  I  could.  In  all  my  troubles  and  trials,  and 
they  have  not  been  few  or  small,  I  never  cherished 
malice  against  those  from  whom  I  had  received  wrong. 
Never  did  I  "  rejoice  at  the  destruction  of  him 
that  hated  me  or  lifted  up  myself  when  evil  found 
him." 

Finished  "  Ferdinand  and  Isabella."  Whether  the 
great  heroine  and  heroes  are  not  glossed  over  too  much 
by  glowing  rhetoric,  giving  the  work  somewhat  the 
character  of  a  romance,  may  be  suspected.  And  whether 
the  benefits  of  the  consolidation  of  the  separate  king 
doms  of  Spain  into  one  government,  which  is  a  lead 
ing  idea,  are  not  over  estimated,  may  be  more  than 
suspected.  Many  evils,  to  which  Prescott  alludes  as 
following  the  consolidation,  may  be  traced  to  it.  Whether 
the  conquest  of  Granada,  Navarre,  and  Naples,  and 
the  consolidation  of  the  Spanish  Empire  which  enabled 
it  to  assume  such  grandeur  amongst  the  powers  of  Europe 
at  the  close  of  Ferdinand's  life,  contributed  anything  to 
the  real  happiness  of  the  people  of  Aragon  and  Castile 
may  be  more  than  questioned.  It  certainly  resulted 
in  the  loss  of  many  of  their  liberties,  and  it  is  difficult 
to  see  how  it  added  to  their  progress  in  civilization  and 
refinement.  Might  not  those  anterior  causes,  which 
prompted  such  heroic  exertions  and  grand  exhibitions 
of  virtue  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  have 
led  to  far  higher  results  under  different  guidance,  results 
which  would  not  have  been  attended,  and  almost  neces 
sarily,  with  the  consequences  that  ensued  under  the 


228  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

reign  of  Charles  V.,  and  which  ultimately  ended  in  the 
present  state  of  things  in  Spain  ? 

Prescott  pays  too  little  attention  to  the  old  constitu 
tions  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  particularly  the  latter.  The 
most  important  principle  of  this  constitution  which  had 
lasted  for  nearly  two  centuries,  required  unanimity  in 
both  branches  of  the  Cortes,  as  well  as  the  sanction  of 
the  crown,  to  give  validity  to  any  legislative  act.  Any 
member  of  either  branch  by  simply  interposing  his  veto 
could  arrest  action,  a  very  remarkable  fact.  The  work 
ings  of  any  system  established  on  such  a  principle  deserve 
thorough  consideration.  Prescott  passes  over  it  with 
little  more  than  incidental  mention.  Yet  under  this 
system,  Aragon  had  risen  from  almost  barbarism  to  that 
high  state  of  culture,  civilization,  and  liberty  which  had 
produced  a  Mena,  Villena,  and  Santillanna,  literary 
lights  not  surpassed  by  any  in  Spain  since  their  day. 
In  that  state  of  vigorous  development  in  all  that  ennobles 
nations  and  peoples,  Ferdinand  found  her  when  her 
future  became  subject  to  his  influence  as  her  sovereign 
according  to  the  well-settled  principles  of  this  time- 
honoured  constitution.  Had  he  more  carefully  studied 
and  conformed  to  its  principles,  looking  more  to  internal 
policy  than  external  acquisition,  how  vastly  different 
might  be  the  condition  of  things  in  Spain  to-day!  The 
world  needs  full  exposition  of  the  workings  of  these 
ancient  systems  of  Aragon  and  Castile,  these  early  germs 
of  representative  government  in  Spain.  Whatever  else 
the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  did,  it  led  to  the 
overthrow  of  these  systems  of  liberty  and  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  despotism  in  their  stead.  Had  the  Cortes 
been  consulted,  as  it  ought  to  have  been  under  the  old 
constitution,  who  can  believe  that  Torquemada  could 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  229 

ever  have  introduced  the  Inquisition  into  Castile?  And 
how  much  more  difficult  and  even  impossible  would  it 
have  been  for  this  most  iniquitous  institution  to  get 
foothold  in  Aragon  if  unanimity  in  each  branch  of  the 
Cortes  had  been  necessary. 

I  see  in  the  New  York  Times  a  short  notice  referring 
to  the  nature  of  my  confinement,  state  of  health,  etc. 
I  am  weary  in  spirit  and  sick  at  heart  waiting  for  letters 
from  home.  I  begin  to  fear  the  officers  do  not  transmit 
my  letters  with  much  dispatch.  I  should  certainly  have 
heard  from  Mr.  Hill*  at  Washington  City.  I  cannot 
believe  he  would  be  neglectful  or  remiss  in  writing  to 
me.  Why  has  not  Mr.  Baskerville  answered  my  letter? 
Why  have  not  I  received  some  reply  from  the  President? 
These  things  set  heavily  upon  me. 

Read  Prescott's  "  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  until  Geary 
brought  evening  paper.  I  see  a  telegram  from  Wash 
ington  in  reference  to  my  applicatkm.  It  has  me  inti 
mating,  as  a  reason  for  acceding  to  secession,  a  belief 
that  there  would  be  no  war.  I  did  no  such  thing,  and 
intended  no  such  thing.  My  opinion  from  the  begin 
ning  was  that  there  would  be  war  and  a  bloody  war. 

Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  The  warmest  evening  yet 
on  the  parapet.  Geary  brought  tea. 

Sunday  —  Rose  at  seven.  Read  Psalms;  this  came 
in  order: 

By  the  rivers  of  Babylon,  there  we  sat  down;  yea, 
we  wept,  when  we  remembered  Zion.  We  hanged  our 
harps  upon  the  willows  in  the  midst  thereof.  For  there 
they  that  carried  us  away  captive  required  of  us  a  song; 
and  they  that  wasted  us  required  of  us  mirth,  saying, 

*  Joshua  Hill,  of  Georgia;  Member  of  Congress,  1857-61;  Unionist  throughout  the  war;  U.  S 
Senator,  1868-73. 


23o  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

"Sing  us  one  of  the  songs  of  Zion."  How  shall  we  sing 
the  Lord's  song  in  a  strange  land?  If  I  forget  thee, 
O  Jerusalem,  let  my  right  hand  forget  her  cunning. 
If  I  do  not  remember  thee,  let  my  tongue  cleave  to  the 
roof  of  my  mouth;  if  I  prefer  not  Jerusalem  above  my 
chief  joy. 

With  "Georgia"  for  " Zion"  and  "  Jerusalem,"  these 
words  might  be  the  outpourings  of  my  own  heart.  I 
remembered  Georgia  in  her  desolation ;  thought  of  home, 
its  sweet  endearments,  of  my  brother  and  his  little  ones. 

In  the  Boston  Herald,  I  see  that  James  Johnson, 
of  Columbus,  has  been  appointed  Provisional  Governor 
of  Georgia.  I  know  him  well.  He  was  my  classmate 
in  college,  and  contested  the  highest  distinction  with  me. 
No  honours  were  awarded  by  the  faculty:  but  Johnson, 
William  Crawford  (son  of  the  once-candidate  for  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States)  and  myself  were  selected  to 
deliver  three  orations :  salutatory  in  Latin  to  the  audience, 
trustees,  and  faculty;  valedictory  to  the  same  and  the 
class;  and  a  philosophical  oration  to  the  audience. 
" Salutatory,"  "Valedictory,"  "Philosophical  Oration" 
were  written  on  separate  slips  of  paper  and  put  in  a 
hat  held  by  Dr.  Church ;  he  called  Crawford  who  stepped 
forward  and  drew  "Valedictory";  Johnson  drew  "Ora 
tion."  Of  course,  "Salutatory"  was  left  to  me.  The 
faculty  allowed  me  to  make  also  an  address  in  English 
to  the  audience.  The  valedictory  by  college  usage  was 
always  assigned  as  first  honour,  the  Latin  salutatory 
as  second,  and  the  philosophical  oration  as  third;  but 
as  the  faculty  were  prohibited  from  conferring  honours, 
they  fell  upon  this  expedient  of  arranging  for  Commence 
ment.  Had  honours  been  assigned  according  to  roll 
of  merit  or  class  standing,  the  first  would  have  been  mine. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  231 

Johnson  and  Crawford,  I  think,  stood  equal,  two  marks 
only  below  me.  Johnson,  like  myself,  was  poor.  He 
taught  school,  raised  means  thus,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar.  He  is,  by  nature,  of  vigorous  mind,  adapted 
to  the  law.  He  rose  rapidly  at  the  bar,  and  has  long 
stood  amongst  the  best  in  his  section  of  the  State;  has 
had  little  to  do  with  politics,  was  generally  on  the  unpopu 
lar  side  of  agitating  questions;  was  elected  to  Congress 
once  and  served  out  his  term  with  distinction,  but  had  no 
inclination  to  return,  or  at  least,  did  not  return.  His 
election  was  during  the  excitement  over  the  settlement 
of  1850;  he  was  a  strong  Union  man  and  was  elected 
on  that  issue;  he  has  remained  in  retirement  since, 
pursuing  his  profession.  He  was  a  strong  Union  man 
in  1860,  but  when  the  storm  of  secession  lowered  and 
no  man  could  advocate  the  Union  without  subjecting 
himself  to  sneers  and  insults  if  nothing  worse,  he  gave 
in  and  went  with  the  crowd,  as  I  was  informed;  even 
made  a  speech  in  favour  of  secession  and  voted  a  seces 
sion  ticket.  I  have  but  little  doubt  that  that  speech 
and  vote  were  against  his  better  judgment.  His  greatest 
defect  is  want  of  firmness  and  decision;  so  great  is  it 
that  it  may  be  said  to  amount  to  timidity.  He  is  a  man, 
however,  of  strong  sense  and  good  principles.  How 
he  will  succeed  as  Executive  in  restoring  order  and  bring 
ing  Georgia  into  the  Union  at  this  trying  time  and  on 
this  trying  basis  is  to  be  seen.  He  has  my  best  wishes, 
personally  and  officially,  but  I  envy  him  not  his  task. 
We  have  always  been  friends.  There  was  at  college  a 
little  estrangement  but  it  was  soon  over.  In  politics, 
we  have  differed  at  times,  but  this  never  interfered  with 
our  personal  relations.  He  was  brought  up  a  Clarke* 

"The  party  divisions,  Clarke  and  Troup,   took  their  names  from  the  Governors  —  Clarke 
(1819-23),  and  Troup  (1823-27),  the  "  Great  States  Rights  Governor." 


232  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

man,  while  I  was  brought  up  a  Troup  man.  When  Nul 
lification  became  the  issue,  he  went  with  that  faction 
of  the  Clarke  party  which  espoused  this  doctrine,  while 
I  went  with  that  portion  of  the  Troup  party,  led  by 
Troup  and  Crawford,  which  repudiated  Nullification 
but  stood  on  the  doctrine  of  States  Rights  as  proclaimed 
in  Milled geville,  Nov.  13,  1833.  Johnson  went  for 
Van  Buren  and  I  for  Harrison  in  1840.  In  1850  we 
both  went  for  the  Union.  In  1855  he  went  with  the 
American  Party  while  on  the  issues  of  that  day  I  was 
with  the  Democratic.  In  1860  I  sustained  Douglas 
while,  I  think,  he  was  for  Bell,  though  he  sympathized 
with  the  friends  of  Douglas  and  would  gladly  have  seen 
him  elected.  I  am  not  sure  that  he  gave  the  secession 
speech  and  vote  as  above  stated,  but  such  were  the  cur 
rent  rumours,  and  I  never  heard  them  denied. 

Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Saw  ships  going  out  to 
sea,  and  one  beautiful  steamboat  moving  toward  the 
summer  resort  at  Hull. 

June  19.  —  Read  Psalms.  Newly  impressed  with 
this:  "The  fear  of  the  Lord  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom, 
a  good  understanding  have  all  they  that  do  His  com 
mandments."  It  recalled  to  my  mind  the  words  of 
Solomon  that  my  father,  when  I  was  a  small  boy,  often 
repeated  to  me  and  made  me  repeat  to  him:  "Fear 
God  and  keep  His  commandments:  for  this  is  the  whole 
duty  of  man." 

8.15  —  Breakfast.  All  good;  coffee  not  quite  as  good 
as  usual,  being  not  quite  so  hot;  still,  far  above  the 
average  standard  furnished  in  the  best  hotels  that  I  was 
ever  at.  The  coffee  here  is  of  most  excellent  quality. 
Coffee  is  one  of  three  things  of  which  I  have  long  con- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  233 

sidered  myself  a  judge;  the  other  two  are  lizards  and 
watches.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  these  are  the  only  things 
I  think  myself  capable  of  forming  correct  opinion  upon; 
but  they  are  three  that  I  do  claim,  especially,  to  be  a 
good  judge  of. 

Read  " Conquest  of  Mexico"  until  Geary,  ever  punc 
tual,  brought  daily  papers.  Confirmation  of  yesterday's 
despatch  about  my  application;  and  wrhat  purports  to 
be  an  official  report  of  the  death  of  Federal  prisoners 
at  Anderson ville,  Georgia,  during  1864.  Upon  this 
subject  —  treatment  by  Confederates  of  Federals  in 
prison  at  Andersonville  and  other  places  and  the  great 
mortality  amongst  them  —  this  remark  may  not  be 
inappropriate:  Their  sufferings,  and  what  is  called  the 
inhumanity  of  their  treatment,  were  in  great  measure 
an  unavoidable  necessity.*  Confederates  had  not  means 
to  make  their  prisoners  comfortable  or  to  furnish  suitable 
diet;  they  were  pressed  for  their  own  subsistence;  many 
of  the  necessaries  of  life,  to  say  nothing  of  luxuries,  were 
cut  off  from  the  soldiers  and  the  body  of  the  people; 
they  were  themselves  subject  to  privations  from  which 
many  not  only  suffered,  but  contracted  disease  and 
died ;  soldiers  in  the  field  were  often  on  very  short  rations 
and  of  a  very  unwholesome  quality.  My  nephew,  Wm. 
A.  Greer,  of  the  Fourth  Georgia  Regulars,  wrote  me 
last  winter  from  near  Petersburg,  Virginia,  that  he  had 
had  nothing  to  eat  for  twenty-four  hours  but  two  small 
biscuit.  He  was  writing  at  night,  and  said  he  did  not 
know  when  the  troops  would  get  any  rations;  he  had 
eaten  nothing  but  the  biscuit  since  the  morning  before, 
and  was  sick  from  hunger.  His  was  not  a  single  instance. 


*  See  Southern  Hist.  Papers,  I,  113-327;  XXX,  77-104;  Stevenson's  Southern  Side  of  Anderson 
ville;  Davis's  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government,  II,  584-608;  Haley's  true  story  of 
Andersonville  Prison;  Evans's  Military  History,  XII,  147. 


234  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

From  every  quarter,  news  reached  me  of  the  suffering 
of  our  soldiers  for  food. 

At  Andersonville,  there  were  crowded  together  on  a 
small  piece  of  ground,  enclosed  by  a  stockade,  upward 
of  30,000  prisoners.  The  space  occupied  by  this  large 
number  was,  I  believe,  about  ten  acres;  in  this  small 
compass  this  large  body  of  men  had  to  live,  exposed  to 
sun,  rain,  and  all  sorts  of  weather.  What  could  be 
expected,  even  with  an  abundance  of  substantial  food, 
but  disease  and  death  to  great  numbers?  But  whose 
fault  was  this?  Was  it  entirely  chargeable  to  Confed 
erate  authorities?  The  Confederates  were  ever  anxious 
to  exchange  prisoners  of  war.  This,  the  Federals  refused 
to  do.  The  Confederates  could  not  separate  their  pris- 
soners,  or  provide  a  number  of  places  so  as  to  have  fewer 
men  crowded  together.  They  had  not  the  means.  They 
had  not  men  to  spare  to  build  prisons  or  stockades  in 
which  to  secure  their  many  prisoners.  Nor  had  they 
sufficient  force  in  the  field  to  spare  men  from  it  for  guard 
duty  even  if  they  had  been  provided  with  proper  places 
in  plenty  for  the  safe  confinement  of  prisoners.  The 
Federals  were  well  advised  of  the  conditions.  May 
not  the  suffering,  disease,  and  death  of  thousands  who 
fell  victims  in  these  miserable  places  be,  in  part,  charged 
to  the  conduct  of  their  own  Government  which  they 
had  served  so  well  and  in  whose  cause  they  so  mourn 
fully  and  pitifully  fell  ? 

When  I  heard  of  the  conditions  at  Andersonville, 
my  feelings  were  excited  to  the  highest  degree  of  com 
miseration —  just  as  much  as  when  the  sufferings  of 
the  Confederates  captured  in  Arkansas  were  detailed 
to  me  by  some  one  who  had  passed,  still  living,  but 
shattered  forever  in  health,  through  the  dread  ordeal 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  235 

which  was  their  lamentable  lot.  When  I  was  satisfied 
of  the  inability  of  the  Confederate  Government  to  pro 
vide  for  its  prisoners  as  humanity  required,  I  wished 
them  all  (or  at  least  all  in  such  places  as  Andersonville) 
to  be  released  and  sent  home  on  parole.  My  policy 
was  for  Mr.  Davis  to  address  them,  setting  forth  the 
cause  for  which  we  were  contending,  the  great  principle 
of  States  Rights  and  Self- Government  for  which  their 
ancestors  had  pledged  life  and  honour  in  1776;  and  that 
we  viewed  this  war,  waged  against  us  with  such  fearful 
odds  on  their  side,  as  altogether  wrong,  aggressive,  and 
utterly  at  conflict  with  these  great  fundamental  prin 
ciples  of  American  constitutional  liberty;  that  though 
the  fortune  of  battle  had  placed  them  in  our  hands; 
though  their  own  officials  refused  such  exchange  as  was 
usual  in  civilized  warfare;  yet,  as  we  could  not  supply 
them  with  such  quarters  or  food  as  humanity  dictated, 
we,  with  that  magnanimity  which  ever  characterizes 
those  who  take  up  arms  nerved  with  a  full  sense  of  the 
justice  of  their  cause,  released  them  on  their  parole  of 
honour  not  to  engage  further  in  the  struggle  until  duly 
exchanged.  To  this  policy,  objection  was  made  that 
it  was  necessary  to  hold  these  prisoners  as  hostages  for 
our  own  men  in  prison,  who,  if  we  dismissed  them,  would 
be  killed.  Confederates  escaping  from  Camp  Chase 
and  other  Northern  prisons  represented  their  treatment 
in  these  places  to  be  as  bad  as  any  now  described  in  exag 
gerated  statements  going  the  rounds  about  barbarities 
at  Andersonville,  Salisbury,  Belle  Isle,  and  Libby.  There 
were  barbarities,  no  doubt,  and  atrocities  on  both  sides 
horrible  enough,  if  brought  to  light,  to  unnerve  the 
stoutest  heart  and  to  cause  the  most  cruel  and  vindictive 
to  sigh  over  human  depravity.  War  is  at  best  a  savage 


236  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

business.  Yea,  it  is  worse;  it  transforms  the  noblest 
work  of  God,  His  image,  into  a  devil  incarnate.  All 
the  outrages  on  humanity,  the  cruelties,  the  vile  exhibi 
tions  of  the  most  malignant  passions  that  have  attended 
this  late  lamentable  war,  are  not  confined  to  our  side. 
Even  the  asserted  project  for  firing  cities,  poisoning  reser 
voirs  of  water,  and  assassination,*  hellish  as  they  are, 
have  actual,  not  merely  asserted,  counterparts  in  the 
depopulation  of  Atlanta, t  the  sacking  and  burning  of 
Columbia,  J  and  the  daring  though  unsuccessful  attempt 
of  Dahlgren  on  Richmond,  ||  in  which  general  robbery, 
arson,  and  the  assassination  of  Davis  and  his  Cabinet 
were  said  to  be  combined  objects.  If  the  Confederates, 
or  any  of  thorn,  were  demons,  certainly  all  of  the  Federals 
were  not  angels. 

Dinner:  The  first  snap-beans  I  have  seen  this  season;  the 
potatoes  were  new;  these  and  the  beets  carried  my  mind 
back  home.  I  thought  of  Harry's  garden  and  what  a 
plentiful  crop  of  all  these  things  he  must  have  had  long 
before  now.  I  ate  sparingly,  and  still  thinking  of  scenes 
about  Liberty  Hall,  and  of  Harry,  I  finished  with  a 
drink  from  the  bottle  of  whisky  he  put  in  my  trunk  just 
before  I  took  my  last  departure  from  my  own  room  in 
my  own  dearly  beloved  home. 


*  Charged  against  the  Canadian  Mission,  t  Hood's  Advance  and  Retreat,  229-242.  Sherman's 
Memoirs,  II,  11-29.  t  Southern  Hist.  Papers,  VII,  156-57,  185-92,  249;  VIII,  202-14;  X,  Q2-3, 
109-19;  XII,  233.  S.  Carolina  Women  in  the  Confederacy,  247-54,  261-72,  288-335;  Pendleton's 
"Stephens,"  283-89.  ||  So.  Hist.  Papers,  III,  219-21;  XIII,  516-59. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

JUNE   20.  —  At   every  reading  of   Scripture  I  find 
something   fitting   my  condition.     This   morning: 
"How    long    will     thou     forget    me,    O    Lord? 
Forever?     How    long    shall    mine    enemy   be    exalted 
over  me?" 

SCENE  IN  PRISONER'S  ROOM,  igth  OF  JUNE 

Prisoner  intensely  interested  in  a  great  battle  by 
Cortes,  as  described  by  Prescott,  with  Cortes  in  the 
hottest  of  the  fight,  when  the  bugle-blast  sounded  notice 
that  all  lights  must  be  put  out.  Instantly,  prisoner  blew 
out  his  candle,  leaving  himself  in  darkness  and  in  perfect 
bewilderment  as  to  the  result  of  the  battle.  He  paced 
his  room.  Over  what  regions  of  time  and  space  did  not 
his  thoughts  wander?  Their  flights  no  walls  or  bars 
or  bolts  could  restrain!  The  treasured  meerschaum, 
gift  of  Camille  E.  Girardey,  of  Augusta,  lay  upon  the 
table.  He  picks  it  up,  fills  it  with  some  of  the  weed  he 
brought  from  home;  holds  the  small  end  of  the  poker 
in  the  fire  until  it  becomes  red,  then  applies  it  to  the 
weed.  This  expedient  after  the  candle  is  out  is  usual; 
he  can  not  resort  to  match  or  paper  without  violating 
orders,  and  what  might  be  the  consequences  of  such  indis 
cretion,  even  in  the  small  matter  of  lighting  a  pipe,  he 
does  not  know.  He  feels  himself  subject  to  rules  neither 
definite  nor  prescribed.  He  paces  on,  indulging  his 
roaming  thoughts.  On,  time  also  moves.  He  goes  to  the 

237 


238  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

wall  where  hangs  his  watch;  the  crystal  being  broken, 
he  can  not  wear  it  in  his  fob;  takes  it  down,  and  by  the 
glare  from  the  full  grate  of  anthracite  coal  all  aglow, 
he  sees  with  the  aid  of  his  glasses  that  an  hour  has  rolled 
around  since  he  dropped  his  book  and  put  out  his  candle. 
Still  not  wearied,  he  lays  his  meerschaum  on  the  table, 
and  resumes  his  walk. 

He  goes  to  one  of  his  windows  facing  southeast  and 
looks  out  upon  the  heavens.  The  sky  is  clear,  the  stars 
shine  brightly.  Prisoner  gazes  upon  them  as  upon  old 
acquaintances;  theirs  are  the  only  familiar  faces,  save 
the  sun's  and  moon's,  that  he  has  seen  for  many  days. 
His  heart  is  somewhat  comforted  as  he  watches  the 
heavenly  hosts  move  on  in  their  far-off  nightly  courses, 
just  as  when  he  watched  them  from  his  own  front  porch 
at  home.  Home,  and  that  porch  with  its  two  settees! 
a  thousand  thoughts  and  images  of  the  past  rush  upon 
him.  There,  so  many  pleasant  starlit  summer  nights 
have  been  spent.  The  refreshing,  cooling  southern 
winds  seldom  failed  there.  There,  the  silvery  sheen 
of  moonlight  on  the  grass  was  chequered  with  the 
deep  shade  of  cedar,  oak,  hickory,  and  other  trees. 
In  his  mind,  as  he  stood  by  his  prison  window,  not 
only  images  of  inanimate  things  arose,  but  the  well- 
known  forms  of  persons  beloved  and  dear;  among 
these  Linton's. 

All  around  was  still;  nothing  to  be  seen  without  save 
dark  outlines  of  the  granite  wall;  above,  the  bright  lumi 
naries  twinkling  and  sparkling  in  the  high,  bending 
arch  of  the  heavens.  Nothing  was  to  be  heard  save 
the  heavy  tread  of  the  guard  in  his  solitary  beat  on  the 
stone  pavement.  Prisoner  turned  and  resumed  his 
rounds;  on,  on,  he  walks  while  his  thoughts  still  roam 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  239 

afar.  Again,  he  consults  his  watch  and  sees  that  another 
hour  has  passed.  He  sets  the  blower  as  a  screen  before 
his  grate  so  as  to  shut  off  the  heat,  takes  the  end  of  his 
bunk  and  turns  it  so  as  to  make  the  length  range  as  nearly 
north  and  south  as  he  can  guess  (this  has  been  done  by 
him  ever  since  he  has  been  here);  then  spreads  before 
his  chair,  a  newspaper  (New  York  Herald  as  it  chanced 
to  be),  four  sheets  double  on  the  stone  floor,  as  is  his  cus 
tom,  thus  making  a  mat  for  his  feet;  he  undresses  and 
stretches  himself  on  his  bunk.  Here,  with  soul  devout, 
he  endeavours  through  prayer  to  put  himself  in  com 
munion  with  God.  To  the  Eternal,  Prisoner  in  weakness 
and  with  full  consciousness  of  his  own  frailty,  commits 
himself,  saying  from  the  heart,  "Thy  will  and  not  mine 
be  done."  With  thoughts  embracing  the  well-being  of 
absent  dear  ones  and  all  the  world  of  mankind  besides, 
whether  friend  or  foe,  he  sinks  into  that  sweet  and  long 
sleep  from  which  he  arose  this  morning. 

I  see  in  the  papers  that  Erskine,  of  Atlanta,  will  prob 
ably  be  District  Judge  of  the  State ;  a  good  appointment. 
See  several  allusions  to  myself.  No  two  agree,  and  not 
one  except  that  in  the  Boston  Post  is  true,  and  that  may 
not  be.  It  states  that  my  voluminous  document  has 
been  committed  to  Secretary  Seward  for  his  examination 
and  report. 

Took  up  the  last  volume  of  "  Conquest  of  Mexico." 
But  first  and  foremost,  took  a  seat  on  my  bunk  and, 
with  penknife  in  hand,  went  deliberately  to  work  and 
cut  all  the  leaves  so  as  to  have  an  open  field  for  reading. 
Uncut  leaves  impede  my  progress  in  reading.  Why 
any  publisher  should  send  forth  a  book  with  the  leaves 
uncut,  I  cannot  imagine.  But  so  it  is;  they  do  it  greatly 


240  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

to  the  annoyance  of  the  reader.  After  getting  through 
with  this  work,  I  resumed  the  narrative  with  as  much 
eager  interest  as  I  ever  felt  in  a  novel. 

Dinner  was  not  brought  until  3.30.  All  cold;  seemed 
to  be  scraps.  This  all  grew  out  of  Geary's  absence. 
The  orderly  substituting  him,  Massury,  said  Geary  was 
gone  to  town.  I  asked  no  further  questions ;  I  concluded 
that  in  Geary's  absence  I  had  been  forgotten  temporarily, 
and  that  such  fragments  of  dinner,  some  time  over,  as 
could  be  gathered  together,  were  serjt  me.  An  incident 
occurred  under  my  observation  just  before  this  dinner 
was  brought,  which  I  should  like  to  mention  here,  but 
as  these  entries  may  fall  into  other  hands  than  those 
for  whom  intended,  and  as  my  motives  in  mentioning 
it  might  be  misconstrued,  I  think  proper  to  let  it  pass 
without  record. 

6.15  —  Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  He  told  me  he 
had  sent  off  all  prisoners  from  this  place,  except  33 
including  Reagan  and  myself.  DuBose  and  Jackson 
are  still  here.  All  here  have  applied  for  amnesty. 

Massury  brought  the  cup  of  tea  with  dry  toast,  sweet 
cakes,  and  strawberries.  I  miss  Geary,  however. 

June  21.  — The  little  incident  and  some  other  matters, 
all  small  but  seemingly  cognate  to  it,  or  something  else 
kept  me  from  sleeping  much.  I  was  awake  nearly  all 
night,  my  mind  dwelling  on  the  little  incident,  or  the 
combination  of  incidents.  I  may  hereafter  feel  free  to 
give  an  explanation;  but,  at  present,  can  say  no  more. 
I  miss  Geary.  My  slop-bucket  was  not  emptied  and 
no  fresh  water  was  brought  this  morning.  I  made  out 
the  best  I  could,  humming  my  usual  unmusical  chant. 
Read  in  Jeremiah  and  Psalms. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  241 

Finished  "  Conquest  of  Mexico."  Nothing  else  I 
have  read,  purporting  to  be  history,  has  struck  me  as 
being  so  marvellous.  Few  of  the  wildest  romances  are 
more  wonderful  than  Cortes's  life. 

Lieut.  Woodman  called  to  let  me  know  he  was  going 
up  to  Boston;  I  had  requested  him  to  give  me  notice; 
I  wished  him  to  take  my  watch  and  have  the  broken 
crystal  replaced.  I  asked  him  to  get  me  an  almanac. 
This  is  the  2ist  of  June,  the  summer  solstice.  To-day, 
the  great  Monarch  of  the  Seasons  stops  his  northward 
march.  This  is  the  day  predicted  by  Mr.  Davis  in  his 
speech  at  Richmond,  on  the  report  of  the  Commissioners 
from  Hampton  Roads  Conference,  as  that  by  which  the 
authorities  at  Washington  would  be  suing  those  at  Rich 
mond  for  peace  on  their  own  terms  as  their  masters. 
Instead,  alas!  our  cause  has  collapsed,  our  Government 
is  dispersed,  our  armies  are  disbanded;  members  of 
the  Cabinet  and  of  the  higher  grades  of  generals  are 
under  arrest,  while  Mr.  Davis  lies  in  a  dungeon,  manacled, 
perhaps  awaiting  trial  for  treason.  His  condition 
awakens  my  deepest  sympathy  and  commiseration. 
But  when  he  made  that  speech  in  Richmond,  brilliant 
though  it  was,  I  looked  upon  it  as  not  much  short  of 
dementation.  I  then  thought  that,  unless  his  policy 
was  speedily  and  rapidly  changed,  by  the  summer  sol 
stice  there  would  hardly  be  a  vestige  of  the  Confederacy 
left.  I  felt  assured  that  there  would  be  no  change  in 
his  policy.  I  am,  with  him  and  thousands  of  others, 
a  victim  of  the  wreck. 

The  solstice  is  upon  us.  But  as  the  sun  this  day 
stops  his  progress  North,  and  turns  Southward  in  his 
course,  may  it  not  be  hoped  that  there  will  be  some 
corresponding  turn  of  fortune  toward  the  States  of  the 


242  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

South?  May  it  not  be  hoped  that  they  have  reached 
the  solstice  of  their  desolation,  ruin,  and  woe?  May 
it  not  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Davis  has  reached  the  solstice 
of  his  own  troubles,  grief,  sufferings,  and  anguish,  and 
that  henceforth,  brighter  prospects  may  open  up  even 
for  him  as  well  as  for  all  the  rest  of  us  ? 

Massury  brought  daily  papers.  Hon.  H.  C.  Burnett 
was  arrested  yesterday  at  Willard's  Hotel  in  Washington. 
He  was  Senator  in  the  United  States  Congress  from 
Kentucky;  remained  there  until  after  the  Bull  Run  fight, 
July  1861;  then  left  Washington,  and  later  represented 
Kentucky  in  the  Confederate  Senate.  I  suppose  he 
will  in  due  time  be  pardoned  and  released.  According 
to  Washington  letters,  applications  for  pardon  pour 
in  like  a  flood  from  all  quarters  of  the  South.  Too 
many  entirely  for  careful  disposition  by  detail.  I  think 
it  would  be  well  for  the  President  to  dispose  of  them 
in  lump  somehow.  When  the  good  Catholic  father 
Ximenes,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  found  it  impossible 
to  administer  baptism  singly  to  thousands  of  applicants 
(rushing  almost  en  masse  for  it  upon  the  conversion  of 
the  Moors  as  effected  by  the  conquest  of  Granada),  he 
fell  upon  the  expedient  of  using  a  mop,  by  which  means 
water  was  rapidly  sprinkled  with  a  few  twirls  of  the  hand 
over  the  vast  multitude,  constituting  no  inconsiderable 
portion  of  a  once  mighty  nation.  Now,  in  this  matter 
of  the  absolution  or  purification  of  the  South,  I  think 
it  would  be  well  to  adopt  some  means  like  unto  the  good 
old  father's  mop,  some  short  method  of  accomplishing 
the  object  wholesale.  A  general  and  universal  amnesty 
should  be  proclaimed.  In  the  Times  I  see  Hon.  Reverdy 
Johnson's  argument  against  the  constitutionality  of  the 
Military  Commission  now  sitting  on  trial  of  the  conspira- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  243 

tors  in  the  assassination;    the  argument  is  long;   I  have 
laid  it  away  for  perusal. 

I  got  very  hungry  before  dinner  was  brought.  Hunger 
is  unusual  with  me  here.  I  seldom  think  of  dinner 
until  it  appears.  To-day  I  concluded  that  the  hour 
had  passed,  and  that  the  new  orderly  was  neglecting 
me  again.  My  watch  was  gone  and  I  could  not  even 
guess  the  time,  for  the  sun  had  passed  out  of  range  of 
my  window:  I  could  see  no  shadow  by  which  to  judge. 
I  decided  to  call  up  Massury.  So  I  went  to  the  window, 
where  the  guard  is  always  walking  to  and  fro,  night  and 
day,  with  musket  and  bayonet.  I  said,  "  Guard,  I  wish 
to  see  the  orderly."  The  guard  instantly  cried  out, 
"Corporal  of  the  Guard!  Post  Number  24!"  Presently 
he  reported  through  the  window  that  the  corporal  was 
at  the  Adjutant's  office,  and  would  be  here  directly. 
I  threw  myself  on  the  bunk  to  wait  patiently.  After 
awhile,  the  corporal  made  his  appearance  at  the  same 
place  with  the  inquiry,  "What  is  wanting?"  I  told 
him  I  wanted  the  orderly.  Presently,  Massury  appeared, 
not  at  the  window  but  in  the  door,  which  he  had  unlocked. 
I  asked,  "What  time  is  it?"  He  said,  "Twenty  minutes 
to  three."  I  asked,  "When  will  you  bring  dinner?" 
He  replied,  "I  was  going  after  it  at  three,  but  will  go 
now,  if  you  wish  it."  I  said,  "I  wish  you  would;  I  am 
hungry;  but  bring  some  cool  fresh  water  first,  if  you 
please."  He  brought  me  water;  had  got  it  out  of  some 
standing  vessel;  it  was  not  cool  as  that  Geary  brings. 
He  then  brought  dinner:  all  cold,  which  caused  me  to 
think  my  suspicions  as  to  time  correct.  But  cold  as  it 
was,  hunger  gave  sauce  to  it.  I  ate  heartily,  and  finished 
with  a  drink  from  Harry's  bottle.  I  wish  Geary  would 
come  back.  I  miss  him  very  much.  He  begins  to  look 


244  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  feel  to  me  like  homcfolks.  He  attends  to  me  dili 
gently  and  promptly.  Massury  says  he  expects  Geary 
to-night. 

I  'see  by  the  Boston  Journal  that  it  is  telegraphed 
from  Washington  to-day  that  General  Lee  and  myself, 
according  to  report,  are  to  be  pardoned  on  condition 
of  leaving  the  country.  I  shall  never  accept  pardon 
on  such  conditions.  Georgia  is  my  country;  within 
her  limits  I  shall  live,  and  at  the  old  homestead  I  shall 
be  buried.  In  no  event  will  I  ever  by  election  become 
an  exile  from  Georgia.  Whether  in  prison  or  by  the 
hands  of  the  executioner,  I  prefer  to  die  where  some 
kind  friends  may  take  charge  of  and  deposit  my  earthly 
remains  in  Georgia. 

5.30  —  Lieut.  W.  brought  my  watch  with  new  crystal. 
No  charge.  The  workman,  he  said,  on  being  informed 
whose  watch  it  was,  would  make  none.  I  feel  truly 
obliged  to  this  unknown  friend.  A  shower  postponed 
my  evening  walk.  Geary  returned  at  six.  Very  glad 
to  see  him. 

6.30  —  Shower  ceased.  Lieut.  W.  came  for  walk. 
We  went  on  the  terreplein,  but  it  was  too  wet;  went 
up  on  parapet;  but  the  grass,  which  is  heavy  set  on  it, 
was  too  wet.  We  stood  on  the  bastion  and  enjoyed  the 
fine  southern  breeze.  Looked  over  the  harbour  and 
saw  several  showers  passing  around  us.  Boston  was 
immersed  in  one,  and  the  rays  of  the  sinking  sun,  beyond 
the  city  and  coming  through  the  falling  rain,  not  thick 
enough  to  shut  them  out,  gave  a  beautiful  appearance 
to  glistening  domes  and  steeples.  We  saw  Confederate 
prisoners  on  the  bastion  nearest  that  on  which  we  stood. 
One,  Lieut.  W.  said,  was  Jackson.  I  could  not  recog 
nize  him.  DuBose  was  not  among  them.  Lieut.  W, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  245 

told  me  that  a  gentleman,  named  Nourse,  in  Boston, 
told  him  to  tell  me,  if  I  wanted  clothing,  money,  or  any 
thing  else,  to  call  on  him  and  he  would  let  me  have  it. 
I  asked  the  Lieutenant  to  return  my  thanks  and  say  that 
I  stood  in  need  of  nothing  yet;  if  I  were  kept  here  long, 
I  might  require  assistance;  at  present,  was  getting 
along  comfortably.  We  came  down  without  having 
walked  much;  I  took  three  or  four  turns  on  the  stone 
pavement  and  then  came  in.  Geary  brought  my  tea, 
toast,  and  sweet  cakes.  He  had  also  brought  sea-water 
for  my  bath  in  the  morning.  I  found  my  room  very 
neatly  done  up. 

While  on  the  bastion,  I  saw  a  row  of  men,  about  twenty, 
walking,  two  together.  They  were  moving  from  the 
entrance  to  the  inside  of  the  fort  and  toward  some  under 
ground  apartments  formed  by  a  sort  of  mound  near 
the  water's  edge.  I  asked  if  these  were  soldiers  going 
to  their  quarters  for  the  night.  They  looked  dejected 
as  they  walked  along.  "No, "  said  the  Lieutenant. 
"They  are  the  chain-gang,  the  criminals,  deserters,  etc. 
They  are  made  to  work  on  the  fort.  They  are  going  to 
their  quarters  for  the  night."  I  felt  sorry  for  the  poor 
fellows,  and  thought  of  Jean  Valjean. 

June  22.  —  I  barely  got  through  Bible  reading 
when  breakfast  was  brought  in  by  Geary;  everything 
good.  An  incident  took  me  back  to  Georgia.  Geary 
in  cleaning  up  yesterday  carried  away  all  cups  and  saucers. 
His  usual  plan  is  to  bring  coffee  hot  in  some  vessel  and 
pour  it  into  a  cup  kept  here;  he  washes  this  cup  in  the 
adjoining  orderly  and  corporal's  room,  as  it  seems  to  be. 
Cups  and  saucers  had  accumulated;  these  he  took  back 
to  the  sutler's.  When  coffee  was  to  be  poured  this  morn- 


246  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

ing,  there  was  no  cup.  It  was  too  far  to  the  sutler's, 
so  he  served  it  in  a  tumbler.  I  found  I  could  not  drink 
it,  good  as  it  was.  Then  recurred  to  me  a  remark  made 
last  winter  by  Mrs.  Lou  Stevens  that  she  couldn't  drink 
tea  out  of  anything  but  china.  The  philosophy  I  can 
not  explain,  but  the  fact  is,  I  could  not  drink  coffee  out 
of  glass.  I  took  it  from  a  cream  pot.  I  have  long  known 
that  water  drinks  better  out  of  a  gourd  than  out  of  tin, 
and  out  of  glass  than  earthenware.  But  why  coffee 
should  reverse  this  and  taste  better  out  of  earthenware 
than  glass,  I  do  not  understand.  Perhaps  it  is  nothing 
but  association  of  the  same  sort  that  makes  hock  wines 
taste  better  in  greenish  glasses  and  claret  in  reddish  or 
brownish  ones;  while  the  clear  crystal  ones  seem  best 
for  sherry  and  Madeira.  This  trifling  incident  brought 
in  its  train  many  memories  of  home. 

In  the  Tribune,  an  item  in  reference  to  myself  contains 
more  truth  than  many  other  notices  not  half  so  long.  It 
has  some  show  of  truth  in  it.  My  singing  I  do  not  think 
so  good  as  one  might  believe  on  reading  this  account. 
Then,  I  think,  I  am  free  from  anything  like  "a  proud  and 
haughty  air."  There  is  nothing  of  that  in  my  nature 
or  bearing.  I  have  ever  endeavoured  to  be  correct  and 
courteous  to  all,  superiors  as  well  as  inferiors;  neither 
sycophantic  to  the  one  class  nor  haughty  toward  the 
other.  The  bearing,  which  springs  from  the  principle 
of  doing  to  others  as  I  would  have  them  under  like  cir 
cumstances  do  to  me,  and  which  in  my  estimation  is  the 
stamp  of  true  gentility,  or  the  mark  of  the  true  gentle 
man,  has  ever  been  my  standard,  and  I  hope  has  charac 
terized  my  intercourse  with  mankind. 

I  see  Hidell  has  reached  Nashville  and  taken  the 
amnesty  oath.  I  am  glad  to  hear  even  indirectly  from 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  247 

him.  See  that  Breckinridge  and  party  reached  Cuba. 
What  has  become  of  Benjamin?*  Trenholm,  I  see, 
is  at  Hilton  Head  under  arrest  to  be  sent  to  Fortress 
Monroe.  Cobb,  it  is  stated,  is  still  in  Macon.  Crops, 
the  report  from  Augusta  says,  are  good  in  that  part  of 
the  State.  I  hope  this  is  true,  and  that  the  same  good 
condition  extends  up  to  my  place.  See  account  of  a 
horrible  accident  below  Shreveport  to  a  steamboat  loaded 
with  paroled  Confederate  prisoners.  The  boat  snagged, 
sunk,  and  over  two  hundred  lives  were  lost.  Mrs.  Seward 
died  yesterday  in  Washington.  This  I  regret,  not  only 
from  sympathy  with  Mr.  Seward  in  such  a  severe  afflic 
tion,  but  from  fear  that  it  will  delay  action  on  my  appli 
cation,  which,  as  the  papers  report,  was  submitted  to 
him.  General  Dix  has  been  ordered  to  Montreal  on 
business.  His  absence  from  New  York  may  delay 
letters  for  me. 

I  dreamed  of  Judge  James  Thomas  last  night.  Linton 
and  several  others  figured;  Linton  only  incidently.  I 
did  not  see  him;  knew  he  was  present.  The  scene  was 
his  house.  Strange  I  have  had  no  dream  about  himself 
since  I  saw  him ;  none  in  which  he  has  distinctly  figured ; 
and  yet  he  has  occupied  more  of  my  waking  thoughts 
than  all  other  persons  besides.  It  is  four  weeks  to-day 
since  my  imprisonment  here.  It  seems  to  me,  if  I  had 
then  known  that  I  should  not  hear  from  Linton  or  home 
before  this  time,  I  should  have  been  crushed.  And  how 
I  would  now  feel  but  for  the  few  lines  received  from 
Mr.  Myers,  affording  such  indirect  information  as  they 
did,  I  do  not  know.  That  little  missive,  that  short  letter, 
gave  me  great  relief,  and  the  more  from  hope  created 

*  Judah  P.,  Confederate  Secretary  of  State;  escaped  to  England;  became  Queen's  Counsel. 


248  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

that  it  was  pioneer  of  others  soon  to  follow  from  those 
on  whom  my  thoughts  were  most  intent.  But  "hope 
deferred  maketh  the  heart  sick."  Sometimes  I  have 
apprehensions  that  friends  at  home  are  keeping  from 
me  news  they  think  would  cause  me  distress.  How  long, 

0  how  long,  shall  I  be  doomed  to  this  suspense  ? 

SOMEWHAT    OF    A    FANCY     SKETCH    AND    YET    NOT 
ALTOGETHER    FANCY  : 

[Cell  at  Fort  Warren.  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  prisoner. 
R.  M.  Johnston,  visitant  through  window  of  imag 
ination.] 

Visitant.  Well,  what  do  you  think  of  public  affairs 
now?  Only  what  you  have  told  me  for  the  last  four  or 
five  years?  Has  the  "pessimus"  point  not  yet  been 
reached  ? 

Prisoner.  Hardly,  or  as  Jenkins*  says  in  one  of  his 
decisions,  "Scarcely.  No,  not  yet."  Things  are  truly  in 
evil  state;  still  they  may  get  worse  before  they  get  better; 
and  wise  men,  while  hoping  for  better,  should  be  pre 
pared  for  worse.  Over  two  years  ago,  William  F.  Fluker 
asked  me  if  I  didn't  think  the  darkest  hour  of  our  troubles 
upon  us,  that  hour  which  precedes  light  and  cheer.  I 
told  him,  No,  that  so  far  from  having  reached  the  dark- ! 
est  hour  —  the  hour  before  the  dawn  —  we  were  not  even 
in  the  night  of  the  war,  the  sun  was  not  gone  down.  Last 
year,  after  Atlanta  fell,  he  asked  if  I  did  not  think  the 
darkest  hour  had  come.  I  told  him  the  sun  had  set; 
we  were  in  the  night  of  our  woes,  but  far  from  the  mid 
night.  "Well,"  asked  he,  "what  is  to  become  of  us?" 

1  said,  it  was  a  painful  reflection  to  me  that  our  people 


*  Charles  J.  Jenkins,  Judge  of  Supreme  Court  of  Georgia. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  249 

were  so  unconscious  of  their  pending  doom,  of  the  great 
desolation  coming  upon  them  before  their  darkest  hour 
would  be  passed,  and  before  that  dawn  of  better  times 
for  which  all  were  so  anxiously  looking,  would  greet 
their  eyes.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  our  people 
have  reached  their  darkest  hour. 

Visitant.  Why,  what  can  be  worse?  The  States 
are  subjugated,  their  governments  overthrown,  their 
whole  social  system  and  internal  policy  uprooted  and 
demolished,  and  most  of  their  public  men  in  prison,  as 
you  are,  or  in  exile.  How  can  matters  be  worse  ? 

Prisoner.  In  many  ways:  internal  strife,  insurrection, 
and  wars  between  races,  ending  in  the  extermination  of 
one  of  the  two  now  constituting  the  South's  population, 
would  make  conditions,  bad  as  they  are,  infinitely  worse. 

Visitant.  What,  in  your  opinion,  is  to  be  the  remedy 
or  end? 

Prisoner.  It  is  one  thing  to  see  threatening  evils  and 
a  different  one  to  prescribe  measures  for  ending  them, 
or  to  prejudge  the  extent  to  which  they  may  go. 

You  may  remember  what  I  said  to  Bishop  Elliott* 
last  year  when  we  dined  with  him  at  Mr.  Stanard's.  I 
told  him  that  in  my  judgment  abolition  was  the  moving 
spirit  of  the  war  at  the  North;  I  did  not  think  the  war, 
end  when  or  how  it  might,  would  leave  slavery  as  it  found 
it;  while  I  looked  on  the  institution  recognized  amongst 
us  by  our  laws  (which,  so  far  as  the  spirit  of  the  law 
was  concerned,  was  only  subordination  of  an  inferior 
to  a  superior  race)  as  sanctioned  by  God,  yet  I  thought 
great  wrongs  had  been  perpetrated  under  it;  as  with 
all  human  institutions  in  accordance  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Creator,  there  were  reciprocal  duties  and  obliga- 

*  Stephen  Elliott,  first  Protestant  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Georgia. 


250  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

tions;  when  these  were  faithfully  performed  on  both 
sides,  reciprocal  and  mutual  benefits  were  the  results: 
in  our  system,  the  superior  race  had  looked  too  much 
to  the  benefits  received  from  the  relation,  and  too  little 
to  its  obligations  to  the  inferior,  and  the  benefits  to  which 
that  inferior  wras  entitled;  the  moral  and  intellectual 
culture  of  the  inferior  race,  to  which  it  was  entitled  to 
the  extent  of  its  capacity  and  condition,  had  been  greatly 
neglected:  the  Negro  had  been  made  to  perform  his 
part  of  the  obligation  while  the  white  man  had  failed  to 
fully  perform  his:  this  was,  in  my  judgment,  one  of  the 
great  sins  for  which  our  people  were  brought  to  trial. 
The  status  of  the  Negro  would  not  be  left  by  war  where 
war  found  it.  But  if  the  principles  of  President  Lincoln's 
Emancipation  Proclamation  —  the  ultimate  policy  therein 
indicated  of  attempting  to  establish  perfect  political 
and  social  equality  between  the  races  —  should  be  carried 
out  to  its  final  results,  it  would  end  in  the  extermina 
tion  or  the  driving  from  the  country  of  one  or  the  other 
of  the  races.  That  policy,  I  regarded  as  against  nature, 
against  the  ordinances  of  God;  it  never  could  be  prac 
tically  worked.  This  and  much  more  on  the  same  line 
I  said  to  the  bishop  at  that  time;  I  repeat  the  views  then 
expressed. 

If  the  principles  of  the  Radicals,  who  are  determined 
on  the  levelling  system  of  making  the  black  man  in  the 
South  equal  politically  and  socially  to  the  white,  are 
to  be  carried  out,  I  see  no  end  to  it  all  but  the  ultimate 
extermination  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  races,  so  unfor 
tunately,  to  both  in  this  view,  interspersed  with  each 
other.  Will  events  take  this  course?  I  cannot  answer; 
that  is  why  I  cannot  say  whether  we  have  reached  the 
darkest  hour  in  our  troubles.  There  are  other  courses 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  251 

events  might  take  which  could  possibly  bring  about  a 
better  state  of  things  for  both  races  than  existed  under 
our  slave  system,  yet  not  better  than  might  have  been 
attained  under  it  with  wise  and  philanthropic  legislation. 
The  long  night  of  darkness  has  no  promising  dawn  as 
yet  to  my  vision. 

Visitant.  I  come  to  you  for  comfort  as  for  four  years 
past,  but  you  give  no  more  when  war  is  over  than  when 
it  began.  How  do  you  feel  as  to  yourself?  What  will 
they  do  with  you,  do  you  suppose  ? 

Prisoner.  All  opinions  are  speculative.  I  look  on 
my  present  confinement  as  a  great  outrage.  Six  weeks 
to-day  I  was  arrested  at  my  own  home  and  have  been 
in  custody  ever  since.  For  four,  I  have  been  in  close 
confinement  in  this  cell  or  dungeon  or  room,  call  it  what 
you  may,  without  any  warrant  or  oath  or  any  charge 
legally  alleged  against  me.  This  is  done  by  those  who 
profess  to  be  the  guardians  and  defenders  of  the  Con 
stitution.  Indeed,  to  add  mockery  and  insult  to  wrong, 
if  called  on  for  the  reason  of  their  course  toward  me, 
I  suppose  they  would  declare  that  their  object  is  to  uphold 
the  Constitution  against  an  atrocious  rebellion  designed 
to  overthrow  it,  with  which  I  was  connected.  That  is, 
they  openly  trample  under  foot  the  most  sacred  guaran 
tees  of  the  Constitution  for  the  purpose  of  upholding  it. 
What  worse  treason  can  there  be  in  any  free  country 
than  that  which  strikes  a  blow  at  the  principles  of  its 
fundamental  law?  These  constitute  the  life  and  soul 
of  a  free  people.  How  any  man  can  feel  himself  justified 
in  violating  my  most  sacred  rights  under  the  Constitution, 
if  I  am  amenable  to  it,  on  the  pretense  of  its  being  his 
sworn  duty  to  support  that  Constitution,  I  cannot  perceive. 
It  is  simply  absurd  and  shameful!  If,  as  alleged  in  the 


252  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

newspapers,  I  had  violated  the  laws  of  the  country,  had 
desired  to  overthrow  its  Constitution;  had  committed 
an  act  of  treason  and  had  become  connected  with  the 
most  atrocious  rebellion  on  earth;  yet,  I  was  quietly 
at  my  home;  the  charge  could  have  been  made  and  the 
arrest  as  prescribed  by  law,  and  I  should  have  been 
entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  a  speedy  and  public  trial  on 
presentment  or  indictment  by  a  grand  jury  as  set  forth 
in  that  great  charter  of  constitutional  liberty  which,  it 
is  said,  I  was  endeavouring  to  upset  and  overthrow. 
But,  instead,  all  these  securities  and  rights  thus  guaranteed 
have  been  denied  me,  and  by  those  who  have  the  unblush 
ing  effrontry  in  this  very  denial  to  pretend  that  thereby 
they  maintain  the  Constitution! 

Visitant.  The  papers  say  you  have  applied  for 
amnesty.  Is  that  so? 

Prisoner.  Yes.  I  thought  perhaps  it  was  but  proper 
for  me  to  do  so.  My  case  was  a  peculiar  one.  The 
more  I  thought  of  it  the  more  I  was  inclined  to  that  view, 
and  I  finally  wrote  to  the  President,  going  fully  into 
details,  and  asking  amnesty  if  my  case  came  within 
the  purview  of  his  tender;  in  case  that  were  not  granted, 
for  release  on  parole  until  charges  could  legally  be  pre 
ferred,  and  if  not  this,  then  that  my  confinement  be 
somewhat  mitigated  in  rigour  and  restrictions.  As  to 
whether  my  letter  shall  be  answered  favourably  in  whole 
or  in  part,  I  have  no  idea.  I  try  not  to  let  myself  dwell 
on  the  subject.  I  am  anxious  to  have  a  reply  one  way 
or  the  other.  If  the  response  is  entirely  unfavourable, 
I  shall  ask  speedy  trial.  Whether  that  will  be  granted, 
I  don't  know.  There  is  nothing  so  depressing  to  me 
as  the  prospect  of  continued  close  confinement  in  this 
or  any  place,  cut  off  virtually  from  free  communication 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  253 

with  home;  cut  off  from  all  communication,  free 
and  full  communication,  I  mean,  with  Linton,  the 
light  of  my  life.  This  is  not  much  short  of  a  living 
death. 

Visitant.  The  papers  say  the  President  is  going 
to  pardon  you  on  condition  that  you  leave  the 
country. 

Prisoner.  I  will  not  accept  pardon  on  those  terms. 
I  am  willing  to  die  if  I  cannot  return  to  my  home  and  be 
with  Linton  while  our  joint  lives  last.  As  for  dreading 
trial  for  treason,  or  its  consequences,  I  care  but  little. 
My  conscience  is  void  of  offense  toward  God  and  man. 
I  should  feel  no  shame  in  being  executed  for  anything 
I  have  done;  and  if  I  cannot  be  permitted  to  spend  the 
balance  of  my  days  at  home,  with  the  dear  ones  there, 
on  my  farm,  in  my  gardens,  orchards,  and  vineyards, 
and  amongst  my  books,  then  let  me  die,  even  on  the 
gallows  though  it  be.  My  greatest  sufferings,  for  many 
years  at  least,  have  been  since  I  came  here.  At  first 
I  was  almost  overwhelmed.  They  spring  from  being 
cut  off  from  communication  with  Linton  and  the  rest 
at  a  time  above  all  others  when  I  want  to  be  with  him 
and  consult  with  him  on  public  as  well  as  private  affairs. 
Exile  would  be  but  continuation  of  this.  No,  give  me 
death  in  preference!  let  my  days  be  brought  to  an  end 
in  my  own  native  land !  let  my  last  breath  be  of  my  own 
native  air!  My  native  land,  my  country,  the  only  one 
that  is  country  to  me,  is  Georgia.  The  winds  that  sweep 
over  her  hills  are  my  native  air.  There,  I  wish  to  live 
and  there  to  die,  and  if  I  am  not  permitted  to  die  there, 
I  wish  at  least  to  die  somewhere,  whether  in  prison  or 
on  the  gallows,  within  reach  of  some  kind  friends  who 
may  gather  up  my  remains  and  commit  them  to  that 


254  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

last  resting-place  which  I  have  prepared  for  them  in  the 
walled  enclosure  at  the  old  homestead. 

Visitant.  What  do  you  think  we  all  had  better  do  in 
Georgia,  take  the  oath  or  not  ? 

Prisoner.  Conform  to  the  existing  order,  accept  the 
issues  of  the  war;  take  things  as  you  find  them,  and  do 
the  best  you  can  with  them  as  they  arise.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  oath*  that  any  man  ought  to  hesitate 
in  swearing  to  now  that  the  Confederacy  has  failed,  except 
what  relates  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  and  the 
laws  of  Congress  on  the  subjects  alluded  to  therein. 
But  these  are  the  results  of  the  war;  conformity  follows 
as  a  matter  of  course.  Swearing  conformity  does  not 
add  to  the  obligation  that  most  men  would  feel  they  had 
incurred  in  accepting  the  issues  without  the  oath.  Slavery 
is  abolished.  Let  every  good  citizen  abide  by  this  fact. 
Let  every  one  who  has  had  slaves  do  the  best  he  can  with 
them,  working  to  their  future  interest  as  well  as  to  his 
own.  Let  every  suggestion  as  to  the  best  policy  in 
regard  to  the  relation  hereafter  to  be  maintained  between 
the  races  be  listened  to,  and  the  wisest  and  most  judi 
cious  adopted.  If  one  experiment  fails,  let  another  be 
tried,  and  let  the  future,  with  honest  exertions  on  the 
part  of  all  for  the  best,  be  left  to  take  care  of  itself.  In 
this  way,  "sufficient  unto  the  day  is  the  evil  thereof." 
Let  no  evils  be  unnecessarily  anticipated,  but  let  all  have 
firm  faith  in  God  that  all  things  will  work  out  right  in 
the  end,  whether  it  be  according  to  their  liking  or  not. 

Visitant.  Have  you  as  strong  confidence  as  ever 
in  Democratic  institutions?  Do  not  late  events  shake 
your  old  ideas  ? 

Prisoner.     Not  in   the  least.     I   still  have  unshaken 


*  Oath  of  Allegiance  to  the  United  States,  prescribed  in  Johnson's  Amnesty  Proclamation. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  255 

confidence  in  the  people  under  the  providence  of  God. 
They  do  not  always  do  right.  The  late  horribk  war 
on  both  sides  may  be  attributed  to  considerable  extent 
to  popular  passions  spurred  to  excess;  but  reaction  will 
come  sooner  or  later.  I  have  strong  hopes  that,  after 
this  generation  shall  have  passed  away,  if  not  before, 
a  new  order  will  arise,  from  which  still  further  progress 
in  civilization  will  be  made  and  a  still  higher  and  grander 
career  entered  upon  by  the  people  of  this  continent. 
The  people  in  their  passion  often  vibrate  from  one  extreme 
to  another  until  they  settle  down  at  the  right  point.  YVTiat 
will  be  the  state  of  things  in  twenty-five  years  on  questions 
now  agitating  the  public  mind  and  which  have  produced 
so  much  suffering,  desolation,  and  ruin,  no  one  can 
predict.  If  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  be  kept 
true  to  the  principles  of  their  Constitution,  all  will  yet 
be  well.  That  they  will  prove  true  when  the  passions 
of  the  times  have  passed  away  with  this  generation,  I 
cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt.  I  retain  my  confidence 
and  faith,  unshaken  and  undiminished  by  anything  that 
has  happened  yet,  in  the  people  and  their  capacity  for 
self-government.  I  have  never  believed  that  progress 
and  civilization  can  be  effected  by  arms.  Reason  and 
Justice  are  the  principles  through  which  reformations 
are  to  be  made  and  by  which  all  real  and  true  progress 
is  to  be  effected.  A  worse  ordeal  than  any  they  have 
experienced  may  be  in  store  for  this  generation,  and  yet 
a  grand  future  may  await  and  award  that  generation 
coming  after.  What  shall  be  the  form  of  our  resurrected 
society,  we  know  not;  but  hope,  sustained  by  reason, 
looks  forward  to  one  on  a  higher,  better,  and  grander 
scale.  To  this  end,  at  least,  I  look  and  hope— though 
my  eyes  shall  never  see  it  —  provided  the  people  —  the 


256  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

white  people,  I  mean  —  be  always  left  to  govern  them 
selves  and  provided  they  do  not  surrender  their  power. 
[Here,  the  Visitant,  with  countenance  betokening  deep 

thought,    and    without    another    word,     vanished 

through  the  window.] 

Took  short  walk,  but  was  driven  in  by  another  shower. 
Lieut.  W.  gave  the  name  of  the  gentleman  who  offered 
any  assistance  I  might  need  in  funds  —  Benjamin  F. 
Nourse,  of  Boston;  and  of  the  man  who  put  the  crystal 
in  my  watch  —  Isaac  H.  Tower.  I  wish  to  remember 
both.  Geary  brought  from  the  library  a  book  I  sent 
for  —  Cicero  on  the  Gods,  Fates,  etc.  Got  another  pound 
of  candles;  six  in  a  pound.  The  first  pound  lasted  four 
weeks;  I  have  a  piece  long  enough  to  burn  to-night. 


CHAPTER  IX 

JUNE  23. —  I  have  just  walked  a  mile  and  upward 
in  my  room;  that  is,  1,900  steps,  which,  with 
my  stride,  I  have  no  doubt  would  make  a  mile  in 
a  direct  line.  I  counted  the  steps  by  hundreds;  at  the 
end  of  each  hundred  I  put  a  piece  of  straw  on  the  corner 
of  the  table.  When  I  had  walked  half  an  hour,  I  found 
the  number  of  straws  to  be  19.  The  room  or  cell,  24  x  20 
feet,  offers  space  for  a  good  walk  by  moving  in  a  circle. 
If  I  had  a  rubber  ball,  I  could  exercise  myself  very  well, 
not  only  in  bouncing  it  on  the  floor  and  catching  it,  but 
in  playing  a  game  of  fives  solus  against  the  walls. 

Dinner:  salmon,  lamb,  peas,  snap-beans,  turnips, 
potatoes,  bread,  ice-cream  and  other  confections  about 
which  I  can  give  no  other  information  than  that  they 
were  palatable,  though  I  barely  tasted  of  them.  The 
ice-cream  was  my  first  this  season;  being  a  little  appre 
hensive  of  bad  effects,  I  finished  with  a  pretty  stiff  drink 
from  Harry's  bottle  —  about  two  tablespoonfuls. 

Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Rested  under  music 
arbour.  He  pointed  out  Jackson  and  DuBose  on  oppo 
site  bastion.  They  were  walking  together,  walking  fast. 
DuBose  wore  neither  coat  nor  vest;  was  in  shirt-sleeves. 
Returned  without  going  on  the  ramparts;  not  well; 
oppressed  at  no  news  from  home.  Stood  by  the  window 
and  gazed  at  passing  clouds:  thought  of  home  and  Lin- 
ton.  Geary  brought  supper  —  many  dainties  —  while  I 
was  at  the  window.  Ate  the  strawberries. 

257 


258  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

June  24.  -  -  Put  on  my  prunella  shoes.  The  leather 
shoes  I  have  been  wearing  are  hard  and  producing  corns. 
The  change,  I  fear,  will  give  me  cold.  To  prevent  that 
as  far  as  I  could,  I  put  on  a  pair  of  thick  woollen  socks, 
which,  by  the  way,  is  the  only  pair  of  the  kind  I  brought 
from  home.  How  this  happened  I  cannot  imagine. 
These  prunella  shoes  I  bought  in  Montgomery  in  1861; 
they  have  lasted  for  summer  wear  ever  since. 

Breakfast  at  8.30.  Ate  but  little.  In  thinking  of 
home,  I  found  a  flood  of  tears  gushing  from  my  eyes, 
rolling  down  into  my  plate.  I  turned  from  the  table, 
and  with  my  handkerchief  stanched  the  current  as  best 
I  could;  I  had,  however,  little  more  control  over  it  than 
I  should  have  had  over  a  current  of  blood  issuing  from 
the  nose.  Home!  home!  sweet,  sweet  home!  Nothing 
but  news  from  home  and  Linton  can  allay  my  disquie 
tude,  and  satisfy  the  cravings  of  my  heart. 

Finished  Cicero  on  Divination  and  Fate.  As  in  his 
treatise  on  the  gods,  he  arrives  at  no  certain  truth  or 
conclusion.  Much  he  says  on  dreams  commands  reason's 
assent.  Yet  who  does  not  feel  that  in  his  own  experience 
there  has  been  impressed  upon  his  mind  or  soul  —  the 
thinking  principle  within  him  —  presentiments  of  com 
ing  events?  The  usual  explanation  of  dreams,  such 
as  Cicero  gives  has  always  been  about  as  satisfactory 
to  me  as  explanations  in  our  schools  of  the  tides  and 
other  obscure  matters  in  natural  philosophy.  The 
mind  assents  to  these  as  probably  correct  in  the  absence 
of  better.  Some  dreams  seem  to  carry  the  unmistakable 
impress  of  an  agency  other  than  that  known  in  ordinary 
workings  of  the  mind.  Impressed  on  consciousness 
are  matters  on  which  the  mind  had  never  before  indulged 
a  thought,  but  which  come  to  pass  in  almost  exact  accord- 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  259 

ance  with  the  vision.  What  I  say  is  mainly  from  my 
own  experience.  I  have  had  many  such  dreams. 

Reason  cannot  explain  some  of  the  many  impressions 
and  fixed  conclusions  of  the  mind.  Neither  should  it 
sxclude  them  as  phantoms  or  the  bare  results  of  what 
is  called  superstition.  There  are  subjects  connected 
with  human  existence  which  appear  not  properly  to 
come  within  the  sphere  of  what  is  called  reason.  Reason 
is  an  intellectual  faculty.  But  man  is  a  triune  being; 
there  is  in  his  composition  matter,  mind,  and  soul.  The 
laws  governing  the  third  essential,  its  operations  and 
aptitudes,  are  as  different  from  those  governing  the 
intellect  barely,  as  the  latter  from  the  physical  laws  gov 
erning  the  material  part.  Therefore  in  spiritual  matters, 
it  should  be  expected  by  reason  that  many  things  will 
arise  which  cannot  be  compassed,  comprehended,  or 
explained  by  itself  even  in  its  highest  attainable  develop 
ment. 

I  am  no  disciple  of  the  modern  school  of  Spiritualists; 
I  neither  affirm  nor  disaffirm  belief  in  their  teachings.  I 
know  not  enough  about  them  to  do  so.  From  what 
I  have  seen  and  heard,  I  doubt  not  that  much  deception 
is  practised  by  them,  as  it  has  been  in  all  ages  by  pro 
fessed  fortune-tellers,  soothsayers,  conjurers,  and  diviners. 
All  I  mean  to  affirm  is,  that  reason  in  its  pride  should  not 
reject  all  spiritual  operations,  convictions,  and  manifes 
tations,  barely  because  they  are  beyond  its  power  of 
understanding  or  accounting  for. 

Cicero,  though  he  had  demolished,  in  his  own  judg 
ment,  such  things  as  presentiments  or  divine  intimations 
to  men  through  oracles,  dreams,  agencies,  or  prodigies, 
admits,  after  a  survey  of  the  whole  field,  that  there  is 
"a  true  religion."  He  says,  "The  beauty  of  the  world 


260  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  the  order  of  all  celestial  things  compels  us  to  confess 
that  there  is  an  excellent  and  eternal  nature  which 
deserves  to  be  worshipped  and  admired  by  all  mankind." 
What  is  this  but  God?  If  he  is  to  be  worshipped,  how 
but  in  soul  and  spirit?  How  can  human  reason  under 
take  to  prescribe  the  manner  of  these  spiritual  approaches  ? 
or  the  manner  in  which  the  Great  Father  may  commune 
with  his  children  ?  Who  can  be  so  bold  as  to  say  there  can 
be  no  such  communications  because  human  reason  cannot 
explain  their  operation?  These  remarks  have  been 
extended  much  farther  than  I  purposed.  Having  said 
so  much,  I  should  say  more;  that  is  necessary  to  rebut 
an  inference  as  to  my  own  faith  and  creed.  I  must 
however  defer  it. 

The  N.  Y.  Herald  gives  an  account  of  some  who  were 
my  fellow  prisoners  on  the  way  here,  Governor  Lubbock, 
General  Wheeler,  and  others.  It  appears  that  Wheeler 
has  been  released,  and  that  all  prisoners  at  Fort  Delaware 
will  be  released  soon.  When  will  the  general  jail-delivery 
extend  to  Fort  Warren,  I  wonder? 

5.30.  —  Lieut.  W.  brought  me  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Baskerville,  dated  Richmond,  igth  inst,  in  answer  to 
mine  of  the  5th.  Correspondence  is  certainly  slow 
between  here  and  there.  He  says  he  got  mine  on  the 
igth.  I  was  much  relieved  by  this  letter;  Henry  and 
Anthony  had  got  home  safely.  Mr.  Stanard  had  suffered 
from  the  fire  of  April  3d,*  but  had  repaired  his  property 
and  was  getting  on  comfortably.  Mr.  Thomas  had  lost 
his  eldest  daughter.  Travis  was  in  Richmond  and  well. 
Hamilton  Baskerville  was  in  the  country  at  school. 
The  letter  did  me  good.  I  hope  it  will  be  the  breaking 
up  of  the  ice.  In  the  Boston  Journal,  a  telegram  from 

*  The  burning  of  Richmond  at  the  Confederate  evacuation. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  261 

Washington  says  President  Johnson  intends  to  pardon 
no  more  prominent  leaders  of  the  late  conflict.  If  this 
is  so,  my  case  is  settled. 

6.15.  -  -  Stood  on  western  bastion  and  looked  toward 
Boston.  Saw  the  State  House  cupola,  Bunker  Hill 
Monument,  and  other  prominent  objects.  As  my  eyes 
rested  on  the  outlines  of  where  I  supposed  Cambridge 
to  be,  my  thought  of  Lin  ton,  his  sojourn  there  at  the 
law  school  in  1845,  riveted  me  to  the  spot.  The  eyes 
soon  filled  with  tears.  I  instantly  wheeled,  not  wishing 
my  condition  to  be  seen  by  the  Lieutenant,  and  we 
renewed  our  walk,  going  back  to  my  cell.  Silence  was 
observed  on  my  part  for  some  time;  I  could  not  have 
uttered  a  word  without  faltering;  with  that,  I  should 
have  burst  into  weeping. 

June  25.  --  Have  been  ill  all  morning;  was  taken 
about  two  with  violent  pain  in  the  bowels.  I  called  the 
guard  and  asked  for  Lieut.  W.;  I  wanted  some  one  to 
be  in  the  room  with  me  and  hand  me  water  and  some 
whisky;  wras  suffering  too  much  to  do  this  for  myself. 
Lieut.  W.  came  and  attended  to  my  wants  himself.  I 
took  a  pretty  large  drink  of  Harry's  whisky,  which  gave 
me  temporary  relief;  also,  some  cool  water  which  Lieut. 
W.  brought  me.  He  inquired  if  I  would  have  the  sur 
geon;  I  told  him  "No."  Dr.  Seaverns  called  this  morn 
ing;  something  he  has  sent  gives  partial  relief.  If  I  could 
but  hear  from  home  and  know  that  they  were  all  well! 
I  could  then  bear  pain  and  sickness  and  privation  better. 
Lieut.  W.  has  just  called  to  see  and  inquire  after  me. 

2.30.  —  Geary  brought  excellent  dinner.  I  ate  a 
little  bread  and  a  bit  of  turkey.  Finished  Jeremiah  and 
read  Cicero  on  "Laws." 


262  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

6.15. — Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W,  He  told  me  he 
had  seen  a  letter  to  a  person  here  which  stated  that  all 
were  well  at  my  home  on  the  yth.  This  is  comfort  and 
relief.  It  was  a  beautiful  evening,  and  I  looked  closely 
for  the  new  moon  but  could  get  no  glimpse  of  her;  the 
sun  was  too  high.  I  did  not  walk  much;  rested  under 
the  music  arbour. 

Geary  brought  tea,  dry  toast,  sweet  cakes,  and  straw 
berries.  I  took  a  little  tea  and  toast  and  a  few  berries. 
Why  he  continues  to  bring  sweet  cakes,  I  do  not  know, 
except  for  show.  I  have  told  him  I  never  eat  sweet 
cakes.  To  prevent  any  bad  effects  from  the  berries, 
I  took  a  drink  from  Harry's  bottle. 

June  26.  —  My  bef ore-breakfast  reading  was  from 
Job  —  a  favourite  book  with  me.  I  have  read  Job  oftener 
than  any  other  book  in  the  Bible,  except  perhaps  St. 
John.  After  breakfast  took  up  Cicero.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  treatises  on  the  Commonwealth  and 
the  laws  are  so  fragmentary.  The  phases  of  each  sub 
ject  to  me  most  interesting,  those  relating  to  changes 
in  the  constitution  and  laws  of  Rome  growing  out  of  the 
withdrawal  of  the  people  or  the  great  secession  of  the 
Tribunes,  are  wanting.  One  thing  is  striking.  His 
opinion,  when  questioned  by  Atticus  regarding  auguries 
,and  divinations,  is  adverse  to  that  expressed  to  his  brother 
Quintus  in  the  treatise  on  Divination.  He  shows  that 
he  was  a  believer  in  immortality.  On  all  moral  subjects, 
including  man's  duties  to  his  fellows  as  well  as  to  his 
Maker,  he  seems  to  have  attained  the  highest  round  of 
reason's  ladder.  In  expressing  the  opinion  that  God 
does  sometimes  communicate  with  man  by  inspiration 
or  otherwise,  he  gives  some  of  the  very  reasons  I  gave 
in  my  criticism  the  other  day  upon  his  anterior  and 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  263 

opposite  conclusion.  Scipio's  dream,  a  purely  fancy 
sketch,  presents  some  wonderful  thoughts.  I  was 
not  aware  before  that  philosophy  had  attained  such 
heights,  either  in  physical,  moral,  or  spiritual  matters  in 
that  age. 

This  reminds  me  of  something  in  Prescott's  Conquest 
of  Mexico:  the  extraordinary  character  of  Nezahualcoyotl, 
Prince  of  Tezcuco.  He  was  born  about  1399,  and  died 
about  1470;  his  reign  was  therefore  more  than  half  a 
century  before  the  arrival  of  European  adventurers  in 
the  walls  of  Mexico.  He  was  a  wonderful  man  in  the 
government  of  his  country  and  the  advancement  of  those 
arts  and  sciences  through  which  the  highest  order  of 
civilization  and  refinement  are  attained;  but  in  nothing 
does  he  seem  to  me  to  be  so  wonderful  as  in  his  moral 
or  spiritual  side.  Here  is  a  specimen  —  a  few  sentences 
—from  one  of  his  moral  essays: 

All  things  on  earth  have  their  time,  and  in  the  most 
joyous  career  of  their  vanity  and  splendour,  their  strength 
fails,  and  they  sink  into  the  dust.  The  great,  the  wise, 
the  valiant,  the  beautiful  —  alas !  where  are  they  now  ? 
They  are  mingled  with  the  clod,  and  that  which  has 
befallen  them  shall  happen  to  us  and  to  those  that  shall 
come  after  us.  Yet  let  us  take  courage,  illustrious 
nobles  and  chief  captains,  true  friends  and  loyal  subjects. 
Let  us  aspire  to  that  Heaven  where  all  is  eternal  and 
temptation  cannot  come.  The  horrors  of  the  tomb 
are  but  the  cradle  of  the  Sun  and  the  dark  shadows 
of  death  are  brilliant  lights  for  the  stars. 

Wherein  is  this  inferior  to  anything  left  by  Socrates, 
Plato,  or  Cicero  ?  Nay,  wherein  is  it  inferior,  in  a  moral 
point  of  view,  to  the  best  things  ever  written  by  the  wisest 
princes  who  ever  ruled  the  chosen  people  of  God?  Is 


264  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

there  not  much  in  it  that  looks  toward  immortality? 
He  built  a  temple  and  dedicated  it  "To  the  Unknown 
God,  The  Cause  of  Causes." 

Cicero's  attitude  on  canvassing  for  suffrage,  I  think 
subject  to  many  grave  objections;  it  can  only  be  accounted 
for  by  the  prevailing  ideas  and  corruptions  of  the  times. 
Some  things  in  his  letter  to  his  brother  Quintus,  then 
candidate  for  the  consulship,  are  excellent;  but  others, 
such  as  justifying  the  solicitation  of  votes  and  the  making 
by  the  candidates  of  promises  never  intended  to  be  ful 
filled,  are  abominable. 

Morning  papers  at  usual  time.  A  statement  in  the 
Boston  Post,  copied  from  the  Augusta  [Ga.]  Chronicle 
and  Sentinel  of  the  yth,  on  the  Hampton  Roads  Confer 
ence,  is  a  discordant  jumble  of  facts  which  presents 
almost  anything  but  the  truth.  The  Post's  editorial 
comment  that  it  is  understood  that  this  statement  was 
prepared  at  my  instance  surprises  me.  It  was  not 
nor  is  it  true  that  I  ever  saw  the  editor  of  the  Chronicle 
and  Sentinel  after  my  return  from  the  Conference.  His 
remark  that,  "We  will  now  give  the  history  of  the  Con 
ference,  as  nearly  as  we  can  remember  it,  from  the  state 
ment  of  Mr.  Stephens  to  us  directly  after  his  return," 
has  not  a  single  leg  to  stand  on.  It  is  true  I  spoke  freely 
of  the  Conference  to  a  number  of  friends,  but  refused  to 
put  in  writing  anything  for  the  public  except  what  appears 
in  the  Commissioner's  report.  The  subject-matter  of 
that  conference  was  not  for  the  public.  What  really 
led  to  it  is  not  known  to  the  public  at  all,  and  what  passed 
on  those  matters  that  led  to  it  has  never  yet  reached  the 
public  on  either  side.  It  was  called  a  Peace  Conference. 
The  country  on  both  sides  so  understood  it,  but  the  first 
object  of  the  mission  was  a  truce  or  armistice,  to  which, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  265 

as  was  supposed  by  us,  authorities  at  Washington  might 
be  induced  to  accede  by  questions  exterior.*  This  sup 
position  was  founded  entirely  on  representations  made 
by  Mr.  Blair  to  Mr.  Davis.  It  is  true  that  while  I  had 
strong  hopes  of  effecting  an  armistice,  which  I  looked 
upon  as  most  desirable  in  every  respect,  and  while  this 
was  the  sole  purpose  for  which  we  were  sent  on  the 
mission,  I  availed  myself  of  the  opportunity  to  sound  the 
Washington  authorities  upon  the  subject  of  general 
peace.  We  had  no  authority,  however,  to  treat  for  peace. 
Now  most,  if  not  all,  of  what  is  jumbled  up  in  this  state 
ment  in  the  Chronicle  I  have  said  in  private  conversa 
tions,  in  connection,  however,  with  a  great  deal  which 
is  not  stated,  and  not  in  the  connection  that  is  here  given. 
I  suppose  the  editor  must  have  made  up  his  report  from 
vvhat  some  person  repeated  to  him  as  what  I  had  been 
heard  to  say.  But  that  any  editor  should  have  put 
such  an  account  over  the  official  signatures  of  Hunter, 
Campbell,  and  myself  is  strange;  it  is  especially  annoy 
ing  to  me  as  I  am  here  in  prison  and  powerless  to  correct 
misrepresentation. 

Dinner:  good,  but  I  ate  sparingly.  Sitting  at  my  win 
dow,  smoking  my  meerschaum,  my  mind  went  into  reverie 
on  my  present  situation;  especially  the  absurdity  and 
foolery  of  it.  This  was  suggested  by  the  passing  of  the 
guard  to  and  fro,  with  his  loaded  musket  and  glistening 
bayonet,  peeping  in  occasionally,  to  see  if  I  am  safe,  I 
suppose.  This  unceasing  step  of  the  guard  is  as  regular 
as  the  tick  of  a  clock.  It  is  kept  up  day  and  night.  One 
man  is  on  the  beat  for  two  hours:  then  he  is  relieved  by 
another  who  paces  two  hours;  and  so  on:  being  relieved 


*  Joint  maintenance  by  the  sections  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  Mexico.  —  War  Between  the 
States,  II,  589-626. 


266  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

for  four  hours,  when  he  must  return  and  act  as  before 
for  another  two  hours.  One  set  detailed  for  guard  duty 
goes  through  these  rounds  for  twenty-four  hours,  then 
another  set  is  detailed  for  twenty-four,  the  same  set 
performing  guard  duty  about  two  days  in  the  week. 
The  conduct  of  these  men  is  often  the  subject  of  my 
attention;  they  not  infrequently  have  my  sympathy  and 
commiseration.  They  are  not  allowed  to  sit  or  rest,  but 
must  walk  to  and  fro,  about  fifteen  paces,  all  the  time. 
They  often  weary  in  their  monotonous  drudgery,  and 
by  night  become  sleepy,  as  I  judge  from  their  sighs  and 
yawnings,  and  their  inquiries  of  some  passing  corporal, 
"What  time  of  night  is  it?"  or,  "Is  it  not  'most  time  for 
the  relief  to  come?" 

The  relief  is  well  known  some  distance  off  by  footsteps 
on  the  stone  pavement ;  when  it  is  near  enough,  the  guard 
on  duty  wheels  about,  faces  the  front  with  musket  duly 
presented,  crying  out,  "Who  comes  here?"  The  officer 
in  charge  of  the  relief  replies,  "Relief!"  Whereupon  the 
guard  on  duty  says,  "Advance,  Relief!"  Up  comes  the 
officer  with  the  new  guard,  asks  the  one  about  to  be 
relieved  sundry  questions,  such  as  "What  is  the  news?" 
or  "Is  there  anything  new  ?"  Hereupon  follows  a  colloquy, 
the  tenor  of  which  I  have  never  heard.  It  is,  perhaps, 
a  report  of  my  actings  and  doings  during  the  last  two 
hours.  Then,  the  officer,  in  audible  voice,  gives  the 
newcomer  instructions,  just  as  a  solicitor  in  our  courts 
swears  in  a  bailiff  to  a  jury.  An  observer  would  suppose 
that  the  bailiff  was  thus  informed  for  the  first  time  of 
his  duties  from  the  manner  in  which  he  looks  at  the 
solicitor  while  repeating  the  oath.  So  with  the  new 
guard ;  he  listens  as  attentively  and  demurely  to  his  orders 
as  if  he  had  never  heard  them  before.  He  is  to  keep 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  267 

close  watch;  no  one  is  to  be  suffered  to  pass  in  or  speak 
to  the  prisoner,  except  Lieut.  Woodman  or  by  Woodman's 
command.  He  is  not  to  speak  to  the  prisoner  unless 
spoken  to  by  him  and  then  only  to  know  what  he  wants. 
Should  prisoner  speak  to  him,  he  will  immediately  call 
for  Corporal  of  the  guard  for  post  No.  24,  to  whom  pris 
oner  will  make  known  his  wants.  When  the  orderly 
goes  into  the  prisoner's  room  by  command  of  Lieut. 
Woodman  or  any  officer,  the  guard  is  to  go  with  him 
and  hear  all  that  passes.  This  and  some  other  matters 
of  like  import,  which  for  delicacy  I  omit,  constitute  the 
gist  of  the  instructions,  which  no  sooner  than  over,  the 
officer  with  the  fatigued,  gaping  guard  moves  off,  while 
the  new  guard  commences  his  pacings. 

So  the  days  pass,  and  so  the  nights  roll  around,  with 
this  sort  of  clockwork  fooling  for  me  to  count  time  by,  if 
I  had  no  better  method  of  noting  its  passage.  \Vhat 
absurdity  is  all  this!  Who  believes  I  would  attempt 
to  get  away  if  my  door  was  open  and  no  guard  about? 
How  could  I  get  over  the  walls  of  this  fort?  How  get 
away  from  the  island  if  I  could  scale  the  walls?  Again, 
what  need  of  any  guns  in  the  hands  of  those  about  my 
barred,  iron-grated  windows,  with  my  door  locked, 
bolted,  and  barred?  It  is  sheer  nonsense. 

Much  is  said  in  the  papers  about  "  reconstruction "  — 
the  principles  on  which  it  should  be  based;  and  about 
Negro  suffrage  in  the  subjugated  states.  Much  more 
will  doubtless  be  said  and  written  upon  this  subject 
before  it  is  settled.  Negro  suffrage  is  a  great  and  grave 
question,  as  great  and  grave  if  not  greater  and  graver 
than  its  antecedent,  abolition.  It  was  unconsidered,  and 
perhaps  unthought  of,  by  those  whose  acts  in  effecting 
abolition  opened  up  this  new  problem  which  now  pre- 


268  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

sents  towering  proportions.  This  question  deserves  calm 
thought,  mature  reflection,  wise  deliberation  and  action. 
The  condition  of  the  black  population  of  the  South  under 
their  present  freedmen's  status,  without  some  sort  of 
representation,  under  judicious  limitations,  in  govern 
ment,  will  unquestionably  be  worse  for  them  as  a  race 
than  their  former  status.  Their  position  will  be  anoma 
lous.  They  will  have  neither  the  franchises  of  a  citizen 
nor  the  protection  of  a  master.  Their  condition  will 
be  worse  than  was  that  of  the  Moriscoes  in  Spain,  and 
not  much  better  than  that  of  the  Gypsies  in  England,  or  the 
unfortunate  tribes  of  Israel  in  all  countries  of  Europe 
during  the  Middle  Ages. 

There  is  evidently  a  disposition  at  Washington  to  put 
down  discussion  of  this  subject.  The  ground  upon 
which  the  officials  attempt  to  silence  discussion  is 
untenable  as  coming  from  them.  They  say  the  Constitu 
tion  prevents  the  Government  from  taking  cognizance 
or  jurisdiction  of  the  question.  This  position  is  in  itself 
unquestionably  true;  but  by  the  same  rule  of  construc 
tion  the  Constitution  prevents  the  Government  from 
changing  the  former  status  of  these  people  as  fixed  and 
regulated  by  the  states  themselves.  The  Government 
has  assumed  to  do  this  in  the  teeth  of  the  Constitution. 
If  it  has,  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  war,  constitutional 
right  and  power  to  say  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
"You  shall  not  be  represented  in  Congress  unless  you 
abolish  slavery,"  it  would  be  difficult,  I  think,  to  show 
why  it  may  not  say  on  the  same  principles  to  the  same 
states,  "You  shall  not  be  represented  unless  you  extend 
the  right  of  suffrage  to  the  class  thus  made  free."  The 
Government  has  estopped  itself,  has  closed  its  own  mouth, 
against  the  force  of  this  argument.  The  position,  strong 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  269 

and  impregnable  in  itself,  has  been  surrendered  to  their 
adversaries.  They  cannot  hold  up  long  under  the  raking 
fires  which  will  be  poured  upon  them,  and  that  soon,  too, 
I  think,  by  batteries  planted  upon  grounds  of  their  own 
creating  in  their  flank  and  rear.  The  question  has 
inherent  intense  interest  of  vast  magnitude.  It  is  going 
to  become  a  much  greater  than  it  is  now  considered  and 
treated  by  many;  if,  indeed,  it  does  not  become  the 
absorbing  one  and,  like  Aaron's  rod,  swallow  up  all  other 
political  questions  of  the  day.  Now,  taking  things  as 
I  find  them,  and  acting  on  the  principle  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  a  public  man  to  do  with  existing  facts  the  best 
he  can  without  quarrelling  with  what  he  cannot  change 
or  control,  I  have  some  ideas  which  I  wish  it  were  in 
my  power  to  make  public,  or,  at  least,  present  to  who 
ever  can  deal  with  this  matter.  It  is  a  question  that 
ought  to  be  taken  up,  discussed,  considered,  and  properly 
settled  if  it  can  be.  Can  it  be?  That  is,  in  itself,  a 
great  question.  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  can  if  reason 
and  justice  govern  deliberations.  I  would  not  now 
be  prepared  to  go  into  detail,  were  I  called  on  for  my 
plan.  I  will  only  indicate  the  outline. 

The  view  I  entertain  rests  on  the  assumption  that 
coloured  people,  holding  the  relation  they  now  do  to  the 
whites,  with  distinct,  separate,  and  antagonistic  interests, 
if  permitted  to  remain,  ought  to  be  represented  in  the 
Government  to  which  they  owe  allegiance  and  with  whose 
exactions  in  taxes  and  other  requisitions  they  must  com 
ply.  How  can  this  be  done  with  justice  to  both  races 
and  according  to  reason?  I  suggest  one  way.  Let 
all  the  blacks  in  a  state  be  put  into  a  class,  a  sort  of 
guild,  corporation,  or  tribe,  and  let  this  guild  or  tribe 
have  representation  in  legislation  upon  just,  reasonable 


270  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  equitable  principles.  Let  the  state  be  districted; 
let  the  basis  of  representation  be  first  settled;  let  the 
blacks  vote  separately;  let  them  choose  their  own  rep 
resentatives  without  restriction  as  to  locality  of  the 
voter  but  with  such  restriction  as  to  race  as  may  be  wise. 
Let  the  franchise  be  properly  limited  at  first,  with  such 
conditions  as  will  induce  its  enlargement.  If  it  should 
be  found  best,  postpone  putting  the  system  in  opera 
tion  for  three,  four,  or  five  years,  but  go  to  work  immedi 
ately  and  provide  for  it.  Something  of  this  kind  ought 
to  be  adopted  by  the  Southern  States  themselves,  look 
ing  to  their  own  future  interest,  safety,  and  advance 
ment.  The  whole  Negro  population,  under  this  system, 
would  become  a  political  power  in  the  state.  All  com 
monwealths  prosper  best  when  there  are  adverse  powers 
properly  balanced.  Whether  a  system  can  work  when 
the  adverse  powers  are  two  distinct  races,  time  and 
experience  would  determine. 

6.15.  — Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Was  in  hopes  of 
getting  a  good  view  of  the  new  moon.  Without  being 
much  of  a  believer  in  signs  and  auguries,  yet  I  do  like 
always  to  get  a  clear  view  of  a  new  moon.  Whether 
there  is  really  any  bad  luck  attending  the  first  sight  of 
her  over  the  left  shoulder  as  some  contend,  or  through 
glass  or  bush  or  cloud  as  others  maintain,  I  will  not 
undertake  to  decide.  Perhaps  what  Joshua  Hill  once 
advanced  to  me  on  this,  and  other  like  subjects,  is  true, 
"That  all  signs  or  omens  are  good  to  those  who  believe 
in  them."  I  can  see  some  reason  for  what  most  people 
would  call  a  pure  superstition  even  in  that  view  of  the 
subject,  and  perhaps  that  is  the  only  view  that  can  be 
defended  on  rational  grounds.  Without,  however,  com 
mitting  myself  to  belief  or  disbelief  in  omens  regarding 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  271 

a  new  moon,  I  say  that  I  always  like  to  get  a  first  view 
of  the  crescent  in  a  clear  bright  sky,  without  intervening 
obstruction.  I  was  in  hopes  of  such  a  view  this  evening, 
but  was  disappointed.  It  was  cloudy,  not  even  the 
sun,  not  yet  set,  was  to  be  seen. 

I  handed  Lieut.  W.  a  note  to  Major  Allen  requesting 
the  Major  to  make  known  to  the  Editor  of  the  Post 
that  the  Chronicle  and  Sentinel  statement  about  the 
Hampton  Roads  Conference  was  not  at  my  instance, 
that  I  had  never  seen  or  heard  of  it  until  to-day  when 
I  saw  it  in  the  paper.  I  requested  him,  if  he  felt  at 
liberty,  to  let  them  know  that  I  wished  this  denial  pub 
lished;  the  statement  presented  several  facts  not  before 
printed  which  were  true,  but  in  a  connection  calculated 
to  work  erroneous  impression  on  several  points.  Whether 
the  Major  will  feel  at  liberty  to  comply  with  my  request, 
I  do  not  know. 

June  27. — A  great  rainfall  last  night,  high  wind 
and  a  storm.  All  the  lights  were  blown  out  in  the  pas 
sages  and  there  was  quite  a  stir  among  the  men  on 
guard.  This  morning,  spent  several  hours  writing  and 
copying  letters  to  Linton  and  General  Dix.  These 
are  copies: 

My  dear  Brother:  I  see  by  the  papers  that  a  Provi 
sional  Governor  has  been  appointed  for  Georgia :  a  Con 
vention  is  to  be  called  and  a  new  Constitution  formed 
under  certain  limitations  and  restrictions  upon  the 
right  of  suffrage  in  the  choice  of  delegates  to  that  Con 
vention.  Whether  these  limitations  and  restrictions  will 
affect  you  except  as  to  the  terms  of  the  general  oath 
required  of  all  the  voters,  I  am  not  certain.  How  you 
stand  under  the  i3th  clause  of  the  Proclamation  of 
Amnesty,  I  do  not  know.  I  am  inclined  to  think  from 


272  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

my  knowledge  of  your  situation  and  past  course  that 
you  do  not  come  within  the  class  of  excepted  cases  therein 
set  forth.  How  you  feel  upon  the  subject,  whether  you 
are  inclined  ever  again  to  have  anything  to  do  with  poli 
tics  or  public  affairs,  I  do  not  know.  These  are  matters 
I  have  had  great  desire  to  confer  with  you  about.  As 
for  myself,  I  have  no  such  desire.  But  with  you,  it  may 
well  be  different.  You  are  comparatively  young  and 
in  the  vigour  of  manhood.  The  men  of  each  generation 
should  act  their  part  in  their  day  and  time.  My  part 
in  the  drama  of  life  has  been  performed.  Not  so  with 
you.  In  this  crisis,  my  advice  to  you  is  not  to  stand 
aloof  but  to  give  your  country  the  benefit  of  your  counsels 
to  the  best  of  your  ability,  looking  to  the  best  attainable 
good  under  the  circumstances,  acting  upon  the  principle 
that  a  wise  man  will  always  meet  facts  as  he  finds  them, 
and  do  the  best  he  can  under  them  as  they  exist,  without 
quarrelling  with  what  is  beyond  his  power  to  change 
or  control. 

Now,  then,  in  our  new  Constitution,  what  ought  to 
be  done?  Many  great  and  grave  questions  will  arise, 
questions  affecting  the  structural  organization  of  society 
and  the  proper  distribution  and  limitation  of  the  repre 
sentative  principle  on  which  we  have  often  so  agreeably 
to  ourselves  —  and  profitably  to  myself,  may  I  not  add  ? 
-interchanged  ideas.  Does  not  the  occasion  present 
a  fit  opportunity  for  incorporating  in  our  system  some 
of  those  best  features  of  the  Constitution  of  Aragon  on 
which  you  have  been  accustomed  to  expatiate  with  so 
much  enthusiasm?  It  seems  to  me  that  it  does.  I 
will  give  you  my  ideas  briefly:  you  can  think  over  them, 
and  make  such  use  of  them  as  you  please  in  the  Conven 
tion,  if  you  be  not  excluded,  or  by  giving  them  to  those 
who  may  be  in  it,  or  to  the  press,  as  you  think  best. 
Of  course  the  use  you  make  will  be  in  your  own  expanded 
form,  and  not  in  the  crude  state  in  which  I  thus  hastily, 
and  without  order,  present  them.  The  outline  is  this: 

Let  representation  in  your  State  be  on  a  different 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  273 

principle  from  what  it  has  been.  Let  the  entire  popula 
tion  be  divided  into  classes  according  to  professions, 
pursuits,  interests,  and  conditions;  and  let  representation 
be  based  on  such  classification.  Let  the  universities 
be  represented;  the  learned  professions;  the  different 
religious  sects;  the  large  corporations;  mechanical  inter 
ests  with  proper  classifications;  so,  with  the  agricultural; 
and  other  distinct  and  antagonistic  interests:  let  the 
coloured  population,  with  their  present  change  of  status, 
be  represented;  this  is  itself  a  great  question,  as  great 
and  grave  as,  if  not  greater  and  graver  than,  its  ante 
cedent,  abolition.  The  right  of  suffrage  to  the  freed- 
men  of  the  South  is  now  the  "vexed  question"  at  the 
North.  It  is  true  that  under  our  system  it  is  a  question 
over  which  they  have  no  rightful  or  Constitutional  control. 
It  belongs  exclusively  to  the  separate  states.  But  the 
states  owe  it  to  themselves,  their  own  safety,  security, 
and  prosperity  for  the  present  and  the  future,  to  take  it 
up  and  settle  it  upon  the  immutable  principles  of  reason 
and  justice.  Upon  these  principles,  since  this  class  of 
persons  no  longer  hold  the  relationship  of  pupilage  or 
wardship  toward  legal  guardians  and  protectors  through 
whom  their  rights  and  interests  were  represented  under 
our  old  system,  some  sort  of  representation  should  be 
provided  for  them  under  that  new  system  which  is  to 
be  adopted.  And  on  these  principles  of  reason  and 
justice  upon  which  all  governments  should  be  founded 
and  administered,  what  better  plan  could  be  devised 
for  representation  of  this  portion  of  society  than  the 
plan  of  their  separate  classification  and  organization  as 
I  suggest  ?  To  what  extent  the  right  of  immediate  suf 
frage  should  be  limited,  with  what  provisions  as  to 
qualifications  so  as  to  leave  the  door  open  for  extension 
on  attainment  of  requisite  worth  and  merit,  it  is  neither 
pertinent  nor  useful  for  me  now  to  suggest.  I  barely 
throw  out  my  ideas  of  a  general  scheme. 

In  this  there  would  be  no  mingling  of  the  races  on 
the  hustings:  the  rights  and  interests  of  the    various 


274  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

classes,  as  they  should  be  arranged  on  the  fundamental 
law,  would  be  attended  to  by  themselves  separately. 
This  system  would  do  much  to  prevent  the  rise  and 
organization  of  those  great  parties,  incident  to  republics 
based  upon  the  principles  of  suffrage  heretofore  estab 
lished,  and  from  which  our  country  has  suffered  so  severely. 
The  choice  of  representatives  by  the  coloured  race  or 
by  the  other  classes  should  not  be  restricted  as  to 
locality  except  as  to  residence  in  the  state,  nor  should 
it  be  restricted  to  membership  in  this  class:  these  matters 
should  be  left  to  those  making  the  choice.  Under  the 
workings  of  the  system,  I  have  but  little  doubt  that  the 
ablest,  most  intelligent  and  virtuous  men  of  the  state, 
uninfluenced  by  party,  would  be  chosen  to  fill  office. 
Even  the  coloured  people  most  probably  for  years  to 
come  would  choose  white  men  who  would  faithfully 
watch  over,  guard,  and  represent  their  rights  and  inter 
ests;  or,  if  thought  best,  their  right  of  choice  might  at 
first  be  confined  to  white  men.  By  arrangements  in 
the  classification,  all  the  elements  of  society  could  be 
wisely  provided  for.  A  proper  representation  of  the 
virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  country  would  be  secured; 
so,  of  the  moral  and  religious  sentiments;  so  of  all  the 
distinct  and  antagonistic  interests.  But  I  can  enlarge 
no  further.  You  have  the  outline.  If  you  can  make 
or  work  out  of  it  anything  practical,  and  are  so  inclined, 
do  it.  Don't,  without  thought  or  reflection,  pronounce 
it  Utopian.  My  best  wishes  attend  you  and  our  beloved 
state. 

Yours  most  affectionately, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

P.  S.  My  health  continues  about  as  usual.  I  have  not 
yet  received  a  line  from  you  since  you  left  my  house, 
the  Qth  of  May. 

MAJ-GENERAL  JOHN  A.  Dix,  NEW  YORK. 

Dear  Sir:  Enclosed  I  send  for  your  inspection  a 
letter  I  wish  forwarded  to  my  brother.  It  is  upon  matters 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  275 

that  may  be  beyond  the  limits  of  the  license  granted  me 
in  making  communications  to  friends  at  home.  On 
this  point  I  am  not  certain,  and  therefore  submit  it  to 
your  special  notice  and  review.  Should  you  feel  at 
liberty  to  let  it  pass,  I  should  be  obliged:  if  not,  I  shall 
take  it  as  a  favour  if  you  will  have  it  returned  immediately 
to  me. 

Yours  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 


Read  the  daily  papers.  I  see  that  the  test  oath  pre 
scribed  by  Congress  for  all  officers  of  the  United  States 
Government,  excludes,  in  the  reconstruction  process 
going  on,  all  who  ever  accepted  office  under  the  Con 
federate  Government,  or  aided  that  cause. 

The  Tribune  republishes  the  Chronicle  and  Sentinel 
article.  The  more  I  reflect  on  that  article,  the  more  I 
am  annoyed  at  its  purporting  to  come  from  me.  How 
any  one  with  any  knowledge  of  my  character  could 
attribute  to  me  such  sentiments  as  it  expresses,  I  cannot 
conceive.  I  have  lived  to  little  purpose  if  a  friend  could 
ever  think  them  mine,  much  less  discredit  me  with  such 
an  expression  as  this:  "I  would  not  have  gotten  out  of 
the  way  of  a  raid  but  for  appearance's  sake,  holding  the 
office  I  did."  Such  a  sentiment  I  never  entertained  or 
uttered;  I  scorn  it!  I  often  said  I  would  not  get  out  of 
the  way  of  a  raid  but  for  the  office  I  held;  this  I  said, 
not  for  the  reason  assigned,  but  because  I  believed  I 
would  be  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  consequence  of 
that  office.  Others  not  so  connected  with  the  Govern 
ment,  I  advised  to  remain.  I  never  said  that  I  had  no 
fear  of  Mr.  Lincoln  if  I  should  fall  into  his  hands.  When 
asked,  as  I  often  was,  what  I  thought  would  be  the  result 
in  such  a  case,  I  invariably  said  —  what  was  the  truth  - 


276  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

that  I  did  not  know,  had  no  idea.  I  knew  Mr.  Lincoln, 
thought  well  of  him  personally,  believed  him  to  be  a 
kind-hearted  man;  but  as  to  what  he  should  feel  it  his 
duty  to  do  under  such  circumstances,  I  could  form  no 
opinion. 

I  am  in  a  quandary  on  a  question  of  duty.  What  ought 
I  to  do  in  reference  to  my  application  to  the  President? 
Plenty  of  time  for  answer  has  passed,  if  he  had  been 
disposed  to  reply  favourably  even  to  its  smaller  requests. 
Is  not  his  silence  sufficient  reason  for  my  withdrawal 
of  that  application?  I  made  it  under  embarrassment, 
from  a  sense  of  duty  in  doubt.  Has  not  his  silence  settled 
that  point  of  doubt?  I  am  no  supplicant  for  mercy 
at  his  hands;  I  only  meant  to  make  known  my  willing 
ness  to  accept  his  offer  of  amnesty  without  inquiry  as  to 
guilt,  as  cordially  as  he  had  liberally  tended  it.  He 
made  me  no  response.  My  resolution  is  to  wait  not 
much  longer  without  letting  him  hear  further  from  me. 
When  he  does,  it  will  be  in  the  withdrawal  of  that  applica 
tion  and  a  demand  for  my  legal  and  constitutional  rights ; 
by  them  I  shall  abide. 

Spent  the  evening  on  a  draft  of  a  letter  to  the  President, 
withdrawing  application.  When  I  got  through  with  it, 
saw  by  the  evening  paper  that  he  is  sick.  Lieut.  W. 
informed  me  that  he  had  seen  it  stated  that  Mr.  Seward 
was  not  to  return  in  ten  days.  Shall  I  send  the  letter 
or  hold  it  awhile  ? 

6.15.  -  -  Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Had  a  beauti 
ful  first  view  of  the  new  moon.  Whether  this  is  an  omen 
of  good  luck  for  me  during  this  lunation  or  not,  I  cannot 
say.  I  have  met  with  few  lucky  moons  in  my  life.  Luck, 
after  all,  is  a  strange  thing.  Some  persons  seem  lucky 
"bv  nature,  while  others  seem  doomed  to  be  unlucky. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  277 

I  belong  to  the  latter  class.  I  never  could  compete 
successfully  in  any  game  or  enterprise  depending  on 
chance,  such  as  drawing  lots  or  throwing  dice;  the  result 
was  almost  always  against  me. 

I  never  had  but  one  streak  of  real  good  luck  in  my 
life.  That  was  in  examination  for  college  and  the  sen 
tence  in  Latin  that  it  fell  to  me  to  construe.  I  had 
prepared  at  the  Academy  in  Washington,  Ga.,  and  at 
home.  I  was  told  at  the  Academy  that  for  admission 
into  the  freshman  class,  I  must  read  the  Eclogues  and 
Bucolics  and  the  first  six  books  of  the  ^Eneid  of  Virgil, 
besides  Caesar's  Commentaries  and  Cicero's  four  orations 
against  Catiline,  this  being  the  Latin  Course;  but  that 
I  would  be  examined  on  Virgil.  I  had  but  nine  months 
at  the  Academy  for  this  and  for  the  Greek  course.  I 
finished  at  the  Academy  in  something  like  six  weeks 
before  Commencement;  then  went  home,  or  to  my  uncle 
and  guardian's  which  I  called  home  —  I  had  no  other; 
and  there  set  about  reviewing  my  Virgil ;  I  did  not  review 
one  word  of  Cicero.  The  four  orations  against  Catiline 
I  had  read  rapidly  at  the  Academy,  frequently  as  many 
as  500  lines  at  a  lesson. 

I  saw  announcement  that  candidates  for  the  freshman 
class  at  Athens  must  present  themselves  for  examination 
in  the  college  Chapel  on  Saturday  preceeding  Com 
mencement,  which  was  to  be  on  Wednesday.  I  was 
young,  green,  and  raw.  Without  consulting  anybody, 
I  went  into  the  Chapel  at  nine,  the  hour  named.  I 
found  twenty-five  candidates,  all  seated  on  benches. 
The  faculty  was  present.  I  took  my  seat  at  the  end  of 
the  hindmost  bench.  I  had  my  Virgil  and  Greek  Testa 
ment,  supposing  as  a  matter  of  course  that  I  should  be 
examined  on  these  as  my  teacher  had  told  me;  but  to 


278  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

my  great  surprise,  Dr.  Waddell  [College  President] 
opened  with  Cicero,  and  the  first  oration,  which  I  had 
never  looked  into  at  all.  What  to  do  I  did  not  know. 
Luckily,  examination  began  at  the  front  bench.  A 
copy  of  Cicero  was  handed  me.  I  glanced  over  parts 
of  the  oration  to  see  if  I  could  make  any  out  at  reading 
it.  The  out  was  a  very  bad  one.  Another  oration  was 
reached ;  I  made  as  bad  an  out  at  this.  One  oration  after 
another  was  taken  up  or  passed  over,  until  those  against 
Catiline  were  reached.  I  thought  I  might  stammer  and 
blunder  along  in  almost  any  part  of  these  as  well  as  a 
majority  of  the  boys  were  doing  in  parts  assigned  them. 
This  hope  was  soon  somewhat  dashed.  The  first,  second, 
third  oration  were  over  —  for  skips  were  wide  —  and 
I  was  not  reached;  several  boys  were  still  ahead  of  me. 
The  fourth  oration  was  entered. 

I  began  to  tremble  and  sweat.  I  was  the  last  candi 
date,  and  might  not  the  Doctor  turn  to  the  next  oration 
before  my  time?  I  tried  an  experiment  on  the  next 
to  see  if  I  could  read  anything  in  that.  The  boy  beside 
me  was  assigned  a  paragraph  still  in  the  fourth,  but  in 
the  latter  part.  He  took  his  seat,  and  Dr.  Waddell 
said  "Next!"  It  was  an  awful  moment  of  suspense, 
but  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  he  assigned  me  the  only 
paragraph  in  the  whole  book  with  which  I  was  per 
fectly  familiar!  Was  that  luck  or  wThat  was  it?  In 
this  paragraph,  Cicero  alludes  to  the  views  of  the  senators 
as  to  what  punishment  should  be  inflicted  upon  the 
conspirators,  and  quotes  Caesar's  opinion  that  capital 
punishment  should  never  be  inflicted,  that  as  life  is  the 
gift  of  the  gods,  it  ought  only  to  be  taken  away  by  the 
gods.  The  idea,  a  new  one  to  me  when  I  read  it  at 
school,  had  deeply  impressed  me,  and  I  was  almost 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  279 

as  familiar  with  that  sentence  as  with  any  rule  in  my 
grammar;  I  read  it  off  without  the  slightest  pause  or 
hesitation. 

The  Doctor  raised  his  spectacles,  looked  at  me,  gave 
me  a  few  words  to  parse.  These,  luckily  for  me,  as  I 
afterward  found  out,  called  for  his  pet  rules.  I  gave 
them  readily.  Again  he  raised  his  spectacles,  expressed 
satisfaction  and  asked  if  he  remembered  correctly  where 
I  was  prepared  or  under  whose  tuition,  doubtless  believ 
ing  me  much  better  prepared  than  I  was.  He  had 
given  me  the  one  paragraph  in  the  book  that  I  could 
read  without  a  balk.  This,  then,  was  the  streak  of 
good  luck  which  got  me  into  college  when  my  own  blun 
der  in  presenting  myself  as  I  had  for  examination  came 
so  near  exposing  me  and  perhaps  causing  my  rejection. 
Mr.  Dobbins's  boys  were  those  I  found  in  the  chapel; 
they  had  been  prepared  in  his  grammar  school  connected 
with  the  college,  and  were  ready  on  Cicero.  I  ought 
to  have  waited  and  been  examined  separately. 

How  strange  this  little  streak  of  luck  considered  in 
connection  with  my  destiny!  The  whole  world  is  dis 
cussing  what  punishment  shall  be  inflicted  upon  me 
and  other  officers  of  the  Confederacy  charged  with 
being  conspirators  against  the  United  States,  whether 
death,  exile,  or  lighter  punishment,  even  as  the  Roman 
Senate  was  discussing  the  punishment  due  Catiline  and 
his  infamous  crowd  when  Cicero  uttered  the  sentence 
it  fell  to  my  lot  to  construe.  Little  did  I  think,  when 
pondering,  in  my  attic  room  at  Mr.  Adam  L.  Alexander's 
the  views  of  that  debate,  that  I  should  ever  be  held  in 
the  estimation  of  anybody  upon  a  par  with  such  char 
acters. 


CHAPTER  X 

JUNE    28.  —  The    sun    shines   brightly    in   at    my 
windows,    the    guard    moves    with    elastic    tread; 
all  nature  without  seems  to  wear  a  gay  and  joy 
ous  aspect,  while  within,  I  am  left,  solitary  and  alone, 
with  nothing  to  sooth  my  reflections  but  my  ever-at- 
hand    good    old    meerschaum.     Heaven's    blessing   rest 
upon  Girardey!    How  much  I  am  indebted  to  his  gift 
for  my  quantum  of  comfort  in  this  place! 

ANOTHER  FANCY  SKETCH  AND  NOT  ALTOGETHER  FANCY: 

[R.  M.  Johnston  entering  prison  by  window  of  imagi 
nation.] 

Johnston.     Well,  how  are  you  to-day? 

Prisoner.    So-so,  only  so-so.    In  mind  much  harassed. 

Johnston.     By  what  in  particular? 

Prisoner.     That    Chronicle  and  Sentinel  publication. 

Johnston.  What  point  in  it  annoys  you?  I  thought 
upon  the  whole  that  you,  perhaps,  would  approve  the 
publication.  I  saw  in  it  many  things  I  had  heard  you 
say  which  I  thought  the  public  ought  to  know. 

Prisoner.  The  whole  tone  and  temper  of  the  article  is 
wrong.  Facts  are  not  stated  in  proper  connection;  and 
this  distorts  truths  which  proper  connection  would  pre 
sent.  Then,  some  things  are  stated  which  are  not  facts,  as 
my  remark  to  Campbell  concerning  the  cat's-paw  which 
is  not  given  as  made  by  me.  Campbell,  not  Hunter, 
said  he  felt  no  uneasiness  about  his  neck  so  long  as 

280 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  281 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  at  the  head  of  affairs  at  Washington; 
the  remark  itself  is  not  correctly  quoted  nor  is  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  reply.  The  article,  as  intermixed  with  the  official 
report  and  put  over  the  signatures  of  the  Commissioners, 
comprises  a  downright  forgery.  The  reason  I  am 
reported  to  have  assigned,  for  not  making  public  what 
Mr.  Lincoln  said  about  compensation  for  emancipated 
slaves  is  not  accurately  put;  nor  is  what  Mr.  Lincoln 
said  on  that  subject.  My  reason  for  not  getting  out  of 
the  way  of  a  raid  is  misstated;  I  am  exhibited  in  a  light 
which  excites  in  me  nothing  short  of  indignation,  con 
tempt,  and  scorn. 

Johnston.  Why  don't  you  correct  it?  Why  not  pub 
lish  a  statement  under  your  own  hand  ?  I  requested  you 
to  do  this  soon  after  your  return  from  Fortress  Monroe. 
Had  you  done  so,  there  would  have  been  none  of  this. 

Prisoner.  Why  don't  I  correct  it  ?  Why  don't  I  publish 
a  statement  under  my  own  hand?  That  is  one  of  the 
horrors  of  my  confinement!  I  am  suffered  to  speak  to 
no  one  except  a  few  officers  here.  I  am  prohibited  from 
holding  any  communication  with  the  outside  world 
except  on  matters  of  exclusively  private,  personal,  and 
business  nature.  As  for  my  having  made  a  statement 
when  I  could  have  done  so,  I  did  not  think  it  proper 
then.  The  effect  of  such  disclosure  as  I  should  have 
felt  it  my  duty  to  make,  if  I  had  gone  into  the  matter  at 
all,  would  have  been  to  divide  our  people. 

Johnston.  But  when,  as  you  say,  you  saw  that  collapse 
was  inevitable,  that  your  silence  could  not  prevent  it, 
was  it  not  duty  to  yourself  to  put  yourself  right  before 
the  country?  Might  you  not  have  thus  avoided  the 
evils  you  suffer? 

Prisoner.    Perhaps  I  might,  but  no  personal  immunity 


282  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

or  security  could  ever  sway  my  sense  of  duty  to  myself 
or.  to  my  country.  This  sense  would  prompt  me  to  meet 
death  rather  than  give  any  just  ground  in  the  estima 
tion  of  my  people,  erroneous  though  their  opinions 
might  be,  that  I  was  untrue  to  the  great  cause  of  States 
Rights  and  State  Sovereignty  in  the  maintenance  of 
which  we  were  engaged.  A  man,  to  be  useful,  must 
jiot  be  disregardful  of  the  effect  of  his  acts  upon  the 
minds  of  his  comrades;  in  this  view  he  must  often  omit 
to  do  what  he  knows  would  be  wise  and  proper  in  itself. 
I  saw  clearly  the  ruin  coming,  and  deliberately  made  up 
my  mind  to  meet  and  bear  it  with  all  its  misfortunes 
and  penalties,  so  far  as  I  was  personally  concerned, 
rather  than  give  any  grounds  whatever  for  the  suspicion 
that  I  was  untrue  to  the  cause  in  which  I  had  embarked. 
A  public  man,  to  be  useful,  must  be  as  Caesar's  wife,  above 
the  breath  of  suspicion  as  to  his  integrity  of  purpose 
or  resolve.  Events  I  could  not  control;  my  fate,  through 
the  mercy  and  grace  of  God,  I  could  meet  and  endure. 

Johnston.  Don't  you  think  now  it  would  have  been  bet 
ter  for  you,  and  perhaps  for  the  country,  if  you  had  never 
countenanced  the  new  organization,  or  Confederacy; 
if  you  had  stood  aloof,  held  your  original  ground  on 
the  impolicy  of  the  measure:  in  short,  if  you  had  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  war,  giving  it  no  countenance, 
aid  or  support? 

Prisoner.  My  mind  in  the  beginning  and  before  the 
beginning,  when  in  1860  I  saw  the  ruin  coming,  was  made 
up  to  go  with  my  state,  let  consequences  be  what  they 
might.  Her  people  were  my  people,  her  cause  mine; 
and  though  I  believed  her  destiny  and  my  own  controlled 
by  unwise  counsels,  I  preferred  to  die,  even  on  the  scaf 
fold  or  under  the  gallows  if  such  must  be,  rather  than 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  283 

raise  my  arm  against  her  sovereignty  or  be  in  sympathy 
with  those  who  might  strike  her,  even  though  by  the 
reverse  course  I  might  be  clothed  with  all  the  honours 
this  world  could  bestow.  What  effect  my  standing 
aloof  from  the  strife  might  have  had  upon  the  state 
and  the  war,  must  be  a  matter  of  conjecture  only.  My 
opinion  is  that  it  would  only  have  intensified  troubles. 
Had  I  thus  acted,  we  might  have  had  war  among  ourselves 
— -  the  greatest  calamity  and  curse  that  can  befall  any 
people.  Foreign  war  is  a  great  curse,  but  intestine  war 
is  a  greater.  My  act,  I  think,  prevented  this  amongst 
our  people.  As  for  stopping  the  war  between  North 
and  South,  that  was  out  of  the  question.  The  political 
atmosphere  was  charged  to  the  bursting  point,  the  storm 
had  come.  The  moral  epidemic,  as  I  then  styled  it, 
was  abroad;  it  was  infectious  and  contagious  as  well 
as  malignant.  Statesmanship  could  do  no  more  in  arrest 
ing  its  progress  than  can  medical  skill  and  science  in 
arresting  plague,  cholera,  or  yellow  fever.  As  good 
physicians  do  not  desert  their  fellows  when  afflicted 
with  these  dreadful  calamities,  neither  should  good  and 
true  statesmen  desert  their  countrymen  when  afflicted 
with  a  no  less  relentless  scourge  of  moral  or  political 
epidemic.  They  should  remain  with  them  and  do  all 
in  their  power  to  assuage  what  they  cannot  control  or 
prevent  even  though  they  themselves  become  victims 
thereby.  So  I  thought,  so  I  acted.  So  Lafayette  in 
France  thought;  so  he  acted.  He  became  a  victim, 
not  unto  death,  it  is  true;  and  so  it  is  with  me.  Whether 
I  shall  ultimately  escape  as  well  as  he,  God  only  knows. 
No  man  ever  bore  a  conscience  more  void  of  offence 
toward  God  or  man  in  all  that  he  did  than  I  in  all  that 
I  have  doae  in  these  troubles.  I,  therefore,  in  full  review 


284  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

of  the  entire  past,  have  no  regrets  for  anything  I  have 
done.  If  the  whole  were  to  go  over  again  I  do  not  see 
wherein  I  could  act  differently. 

[Enter,  not   at   the  window,   but  at   the   unlocked  and 
unbarred  door  of  the  room,  Major  Seaverns,  accom 
panied    by   another    person.      Johnston    steps    out 
through  the  window  of  his  entrance.     Prisoner  rises.] 
Surgeon  Seaverns.     This  is  Colonel  Lyman,  Medical 
Inspector.     In  discharge  of  his  duty  he  is  visiting  the 
prisoners  to  see  their  condition,  etc. 

Prisoner.  Good  morning,  Major.  Good  morning, 
Colonel. 

Colonel  Lyman.     How  is  your  health,  sir? 
Prisoner.     Tolerably  good,  I  thank  you,  sir. 
Colonel  Lyman.     Good  as  usual,  good  as  when  you 
came  here? 

Prisoner.  Yes,  sir;  on  the  whole,  about  as  usual.  I  am 
not  so  strong  as  when  I  came,  which,  perhaps,  is  owing 
to  the  want  of  my  usual  outdoor  exercise. 

Colonel  Lyman.  [Looking  about  the  room  and  at  the 
bunk,  which  wears  clean  sheets  and  pillow-cases  at 
Prisoner's  cost  so  far  as  washing  is  concerned,  and  is 
decorated  with  his  afghan  brought  from  home.]  Very 
comfortable  quarters. 
[Prisoner  mum,  but  if  looks  ever  had  a  language,  his  said 

plainly,  Silence  does  not  always  give  consent.] 
Colonel   Lyman.     [Note-book  in   hand,  bowing   out.] 
Good  morning,  sir. 

Prisoner.     Good  morning.    Good  morning,  Major. 
[Exeunt  new  parties,    door    again   locked   and   barred. 
Prisoner  fills  his  meerschaum,  lights  it,  and  seats 
himself,   thinking   of    his   friend,   Johnston.     Enter 
Lieut.  W.,  letters  in  hand.] 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  285 

Prisoner.  Good  morning,  Lieutenant.  I  see  you  have 
letters.  Who  from?  Any  from  home? 

Lieutenant.  There  are  only  two,  both  from  Savannah, 
from  Dr.  Willis.  There  is  a  blank  check  in  one. 

One  letter  is  of  the  iyth  and  the  other  of  the  2oth 
inst.  There  is  nothing  direct  from  Linton,  yet  the  Doc 
tor  writes  that  he  had  learned  of  Ed  Soullard  Alfriend, 
who  had  come  from  Sparta,  that  Linton  had  been  quite 
sick  but  was  then  up  and  on  the  streets  though  not  well; 
Alfriend  had  seen  in  Sparta  a  few  days  before,  one  of 
the  Prisoner's  servants,  Adam  (Harry  most  probably), 
who  told  him  all  were  well  at  Prisoner's  home  and  getting 
on  as  usual.  This  was  of  great  relief  to  Prisoner,  and 
as  he  puffed  his  meerschaum,  he  ejaculated  many  silent 
thanks  to  Dr.  Willis  for  these  welcome  and  kind  letters. 
Geary  appears  at  the  window:  "Here  are  the  morning 
papers,  sir. "  Prisoner  rises,  goes  and  gets  them  through 
the  bars  with,  "Thank  you."  Then  takes  his  seat, 
and  picks  up  the  papers. 

Dinner:  meats,  vegetables,  and  real  Yankee  pumpkin 
pie.  That  pie  was  indeed  excellent.  The  snap-beans 
here  are  not  such  as  Harry  grows. 

6.15.  •  Walked  out  as  usual.  Geary  brought 
tea,  bread,  pound-cake  and  strawberries.  I  took 
nearly  all  the  berries,  and  a  "right  smart  piece"  of 
the  pound  cake.  Read  Cicero  on  Oratory  this 
evening. 

I  intended  to  note  yesterday  a  present  from  Lieutenant 
Woodman  of  a  bottle  of  gin.  I  asked  the  surgeon  to 
endorse  an  order  from  me  for  some  gin;  Lieut.  W.  got 
a  bottle  and  presented  me  with  it. 


286  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

June  29.  --Job,  Chapter  xxviii,  is  on  the  text,  "But 
where  shall  wisdom  be  found  ?  and  where  is  the  place  of 
understanding?"  The  imagery,  poetry,  and  philosophy 
with  which  this  inquiry  is  treated  are  of  high  order. 
After  breakfast  took  up  my  letter  to  the  President, 
revised  it,  and  put  it  finally  in  these  words: 

Mr.  President:  Again,  I  ask  to  be  excused  for  pre 
senting  myself  to  your  notice.  On  the  8th,  just  three 
weeks  ago,  I  addressed  to  you  a  communication  which 
I  presume  you  received  shortly  after,  as  I  saw  by  the 
newspapers  that  it  was  in  the  hands  of  subordinate  officers 
in  Washington.  The  embarrassment  under  which  that 
communication  was  made,  with  the  causes  of  it,  were  set 
forth  with  sufficient  clearness  to  make  myself  fully  under 
stood,  I  thought.  I  had  doubts  as  how  such  an  applica 
tion  as  was  therein  made  would  be  received  and  con 
sidered  by  you,  coming  from  me.  I  did  not  wish  to  be 
obtrusive  in  seeking  the  benefit  of  favours  pronounced 
under  a  general  offer  which  were  not  intended  for  me  in 
particular,  nor  did  I  wish  from  over-sensitiveness  to  be 
remiss  in  doing  what  I  thought  a  proper  act  on  my  part 
under  the  circumstances,  admitting  doubt  as  they  did. 
I  wished  only,  frankly  and  promptly,  to  state  that  if  my 
case,  which  was  given  quite  at  large,  came  within  your 
proffered  tender  of  amnesty  without  inquiry  as  to  guilt, 
on  which  point  I  was  uncertain,  it  would  be  as  cordially 
accepted  by  me  as  it  had  been  liberally  tendered  to  me. 

Your  long  silence  even  upon  the  other  and  minor  points  of 
that  communication,  touching  a  parole,  or  a  mitigation  of 
the  rigour  of  my  present  imprisonment,  leads  me  to  the 
conclusion  that  my  case  does  not  come  within  the  prof 
fered  tender  of  Executive  clemency.  The  doubts  and 
uncertainty  on  this  point  resting  on  my  mind  being  thus 
removed,  I  now,  therefore,  address  you  for  the  purpose 
of  withdrawing  that  special  application  for  Amnesty 
in  my  behalf,  which  would  not  have  been  made  but  for 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  287 

the  uncertainty  on  the  point  stated.  I  did  not,  and  do 
not,  wish  to  be  considered  as  a  bare  suppliant  for  mercy. 
I  have  not  the  slightest  sense  of  being  a  criminal  before 
God  or  man  for  anything  that  I  have  done  in  the  late 
most  lamentable  war  between  the  states.  I  should  but 
act  the  hypocrite  if  I  pretended  to  have  any  such  feelings. 
I  was,  however,  perfectly  willing  (and  not  without  a 
due  sense  of  proper  obligation)  to  accept  in  my  own 
behalf,  and  under  like  conditions,  the  Executive  clemency 
extended  to  others,  waiving  legal  investigation,  had  it 
been  your  pleasure  to  grant  it. 

That  not  being  the  case,  as  I  am  constrained  to  believe 
from  the  facts  stated,  I  now  address  you,  not  as  a  suitor 
for  a  probable  tendered  favour,  but  as  a  claimant  for 
my  clear  legal  rights.  V/hat  I  now  ask  is  not  ex  gratia 
but  ex  debito  justitia.  If  I  have  offended  against  the 
laws  or  Constitution  of  my  country,  to  these  laws  and 
their  proper  administration  under  the  Constitution,  I 
most  respectfully  and  earnestly  appeal.  I  have  been 
under  arrest  and  in  close  custody  for  seven  weeks,  without 
any  charge  or  notification  of  the  cause  of  my  arrest. 
How  long  is  this  to  continue?  In  your  late  interview 
with  a  delegation  from  South  Carolina  you  are  reported 
to  have  referred  to  England's  Magna  Charta  as  the 
source  from  which  you  had  imbibed  some  of  your  politi 
cal  principles.  That  Charta  secures  to  all  British  sub 
jects  essential  rights  thus  far  denied  to  me.  It  declares 
that  "no  freeman  shall  be  seized,  or  imprisoned,  or 
fined  or  otherwise  injured  but  by  the  judgment  of  his 
peers  and  the  laws  of  the  land."  But  a  higher  authority  in 
this  country  than  the  British  Magna  Charta,  and  one  not 
less  regardful  of  personal  rights,  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  declares  that  "no  person  shall  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law." 

I  was  seized  at  my  home  in  Georgia  and  brought  to 
this  distant  point,  and  am  imprisoned  and  deprived  of 
my  liberty  without  any  judicial  process,  warrant,  or 
legal  authority  whatever.  Whether  this  was  done  at 


288  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

your  instance  or  by  your  order  or  without  your  know 
ledge,  I  do  not  know,  but  such  are  the  facts  of  the  case. 
Were  I  able  without  risk  to  my  health  and  life  to  bear 
the  unaccustomed  privations  of  my  present  situation, 
which  I  am  not  (especially  if  prolonged),  the  outrage 
upon  my  rights  would  be  the  same,  though  the  conse 
quences  to  me  personally  might  not  be  so  serious.  If 
the  Government  has  any  charge  to  prefer  against  me, 
and  is  not  ready  for  any  cause  to  proceed  with  it  before 
the  regularly  constituted  tribunals  having  jurisdiction 
of  it,  and  I  cannot  be  trusted  on  parole  as  others  have 
been,  then  let  any  required  amount  of  bail  be  stated 
for  my  appearance  to  answer  such  charge  whenever  or 
wherever  it  may  be  instituted.  The  Government,  or 
those  charged  with  its  administration,  may  be  assured 
that  the  bail  will  be  forthcoming,  that  the  appearance 
and  answer  of  the  accused  will  be  punctual,  Deo  volente. 
The  charge  will  be  met;  and  the  result  will  be  abided 
by,  whatever  it  may  be. 

I,  therefore,  again  most  respectfully  and  earnestly 
approach  you,  the  Chief  Magistrate,  under  a  high  and 
sacred  obligation,  as  you  are,  to  see  to  the  faithful  execu 
tion  of  the  laws:  and  I  thus  submit  to  your  serious  con 
sideration  whether  the  Constitution  you  are  sworn  to 
support  can  be  rightfully  or  righteously  upheld,  even  in 
putting  down  a  rebellion  or  insurrection  organized  for 
its  overthrow,  by  denying  its  plainly  guaranteed  rights 
to  the  humblest  offenders  even  in  a  crime  so  heinous, 
atrocious,  and  monstrous.  That  justice  according  to 
the  laws  under  the  Constitution  may  be  meted  out  to 
him  without  any  unnecessary  privations,  suffering,  or 
cruelty,  is  what  is  now  claimed  as  a  matter  of  right  by 
your  prisoner, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Lieut.  W.  brought  two  letters,  one  from  Hidell,  of  the 
2ist,  Louisville,  Ky.,  the  other  from  Raymond  W.  Burch, 
near  Washington  City.  Hidell  left  Crawfordville  on 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  289 

the  yth;  all  were  well  then.  He  was  at  Sparta  the  week 
before  and  left  all  well  there;  Lin  ton  had  returned.  He 
gives  no  particulars  about  home,  where  John  was,  whether 
the  boys  were  at  school  or  not,  nothing  about  the  weather, 
prospects  of  crops,  etc. ;  so,  on  the  whole,  while  the  letter 
is  welcome,  it  is  too  indefinite  on  important  matters  to 
be  hailed  as  at  all  satisfactory.  The  other  letter  is  from 
an  old  friend,  though  not  an  old  man.  I  did  him  some 
favours  while  in  Congress.  He  has  ever  since  manifested 
much  esteem  for  me.  He  used  to  visit  me  when  sick. 
He  named  his  first  daughter  for  my  mother,  Margaret. 
This  letter  is  comforting.  It  shows  that  I  have  some 
friends  in  the  world  who  sympathize  with  me.  Mrs. 
Burch  adds  a  line.  This  is  very  gratifying  to  me. 

Neither  say  anything  of  John  C.  Burch,  a  brother,  who 
used  to  be  a  clerk  at  the  desk  in  the  House.  He  was  a 
true  man  and  a  true  friend  of  mine.  He  it  was  who 
gave  me  the  famous  and  devoted  dog,  Rio.  He  had 
hemorrhages  from  the  lungs.  I  fear  he  is  dead.  These 
Burch  boys  are  sons  of  the  Burch  who  was  Chief  Assistant 
Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  a  great  many 
years;  he  was  there  in  the  days  of  William  H.  Crawford; 
was  turned  out  by  McNulty  in  1843. 

Geary  brought  daily  papers.  Dinner  at  2.45:  Roast 
beef,  chicken,  beans,  turnips,  potatoes,  currant  pie, 
huckleberries  and  milk.  I  asked  G.  if  there  was  no 
pumpkin  pie;  he  went  and  brought  me  a  piece.  It  was 
cold  but  very  good.  I  left  the  other  pastry  for  that  and 
told  Geary  always  to  bring  me  pumpkin  pie  if  it  was  to 
be  had. 

6.15. —  Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Handed  him 
my  letters.  I  have  felt  very  weak  in  the  hips  and  loins 
to-day.  I  got  quite  tired  in  the  walk;  rested  twice. 


29o  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

This  day  seven  weeks  ago  I  was  arrested;  five  weeks 
ago,  I  entered  these  walls.  Sometimes  months  seem 
as  days  and  at  others,  days  as  months  or  even  years. 

June  30.  —  Very  warm.  Flies  very  annoying  before 
I  got  up.  Until  the  last  few  days,  there  have  been  none. 
This  morning  they  are  in  swarms.  Thermometer, 
when  I  rose  at  7.30,  was  80.  These  words  in  Job  in  my 
morning  reading  touched  every  chord  and  fibre  of  my 
heart : 

Oh  that  I  were  as  in  months  past,  as  in  the  days  when 
God  preserved  me;  When  his  candle  shined  upon  my 
head,  and  when  by  his  light  I  walked  through  darkness; 
As  I  was  in  the  days  of  my  youth,  when  the  secret  of  God 
was  upon  my  tabernacle.  When  the  ear  heard  me, 
then  it  blessed  me;  and  when  the  eye  saw  me,  it  gave  wit 
ness  to  me:  Because  I  delivered  the  poor  that  cried, 
and  the  fatherless,  and  him  that  had  none  to  help  him. 
The  blessing  of  him  that  was  ready  to  perish  came  upon 
me:  and  I  caused  the  widow's  heart  to  sing  for  joy.  I 
put  on  righteousness,  and  it  clothed  me:  my  judgment 
was  as  a  robe  and  a  diadem.  I  was  eyes  to  the  blind, 
and  feet  was  I  to  the  lame.  I  was  a  father  to  the  poor: 
and  the  cause  which  I  knew  not  I  searched  out.  And 
I  brake  the  jaws  of  the  wicked,  and  plucked  the  spoil 
out  of  his  teeth. 

Memory  recalled  the  first  time  the  substance  of  these 
verses  came  to  my  notice.  It  was  in  an  address  by 
Blair,  I  believe  [Scotch  author  and  divine],  on  charity. 
An  extract  from  this  address  was  in  a  book  which  fell  into 
my  hands  while  going  to  school  in  the  little  log  cabin 
that  stood  in  what  is  now  my  field.  This  was  in  1820. 
The  book  was  not  mine,  but  I  took  great  delight  in 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  291 

reading  in  it  at  playtime  and  during  other  hours  when 
not  engaged  on  my  regular  lessons.  The  school  was 
taught  by  my  father.  He  was  arranging  for  the  "  Exhibi 
tion,"  as  it  was  called.  At  exhibitions,  in  those  days, 
select  speeches  were  declaimed  by  the  boys,  and  plays 
and  dialogues  were  acted  on  a  stage  erected  in  front 
of  the  schoolhouse.  Large  audiences  attended.  Though 
a  small  boy,  I  was  required  to  take  part.  My  father 
permitted  me,  as  he  did  most  of  the  boys,  to  select  my 
piece.  I  was  to  appear  twice.  I  chose  one  piece  of 
gravity  and  one  of  humour,  the  latter  a  short  poem, 
"The  Cuckoo."  For  the  grave  piece,  I  selected  Blair's 
address  on  charity  which  contained  these  sentiments  of 
Job.  They  had  made  a  deep  impression  on  my  boyish 
mind,  and  have  followed  me  through  life.  As  I  read 
them  this  morning,  and  my  mind  went  back  through  all 
the  shifting  scenes  of  my  strange  life,  I  felt  that  I  could 
make  the  same  outcry  with  Job. 

When  did  the  voice  of  distress  reach  me  and  I  did 
not  relieve  if  I  could?  Was  I  not  willingly  eyes  to  the 
blind  and  feet  to  the  lame?  Did  I  not  at  all  times  act 
the  part  of  a  father  to  the  poor?  And  have  I  not  often 
searched  out  cases  of  distress?  It  is  a  consolation  to 
remember  these  things  in  the  midst  of  my  present  troubles. 

Geary  brought  breakfast  before  making  up  my  bunk. 
He  was  in  a  new  attire.  Upon  my  asking  him  how  this 
was,  he  said  he  had  to  go  to  muster;  these  were  his  mus 
tering  or  military  clothes. 

Read  Judge  Advocate  Bingham's  argument  before  the 
Military  Commission  in  Washington  in  reply  to  Hon. 
Reverdy  Johnson.  It  is  rhetorical  sophistry,  specious 
and  plausible  to  the  careless  or  uninformed  reader:  but 
it  is  utterly  fallacious.  It  affects  me  in  nothing  so  much 


292  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

as  in  the  sadness  it  produces  when  I  view  it  as  but  an 
additional   evidence    that    Power,    in   its   incipient   and 
dangerous   strides   in   trampling   on   the   liberties   of   a 
country,  is  never  wanting  in  able  and  brilliant  advocates 
and  defenders.     I  have  not  access  to  the  authorities  by 
which  to  expose  its  many  radical  errors.     It  is  no  answer 
to  Mr.   Johnson.     It  does  not  graze  a  single  position 
assumed  by  him.     Its  main  ground,  that  the  Constitution, 
with  its  guarantees  as  to  rights  of  persons  and  property, 
is  intended  and  was  made  for  peace  only  and  not  for  war, 
is  fundamentally  wrong.    The  Constitution  was  made  for 
war  as  well  as  peace.     To  the  various  questions  put  by 
the  Judge  Advocate :  Whether  in  war,  men  are  not  slain, 
prisoners  captured,  property  taken,  all  without  due  pro 
cess  of  law;  the  answer  is,  that  they  are  not;  no  more 
than  a  man  who,  in  peace,  puts  himself  in  defiance  of 
the  law  officers,  and  is  shot  down  by  the  sheriff  or  his 
posse:  that  is  due  process  of  law  in  such  case.     So  in 
war.     In   the     cases     of    rebellion     and    insurrection, 
the   only    military  forces    known    to    the    Constitution 
are   such   as  are  called   out   in   the  nature   and  char 
acter   of  the   posse  comitatus.     For   their   government, 
when  so    called    out,    laws  are    made,  as  well    as    for 
the    government  of  such  permanent   force  as  may  be 
kept  on  hand. 

What  a  soldier  rightfully  does  in  taking  life  in  battle 
he  does  according  to  law  prescribed,  and  orders  given  in 
accordance  with  that  law.  All  seizures  of  property 
are  wrongful  and  the  injured  party  is  entitled  to  redress 
before  the  courts  unless  the  seizure  be  in  pursuance  of 
law  allowing  just  compensation.  No  soldiers,  even  in 
war,  can  be  rightfully  quartered  on  any  man's  premises 
except  in  accordance  with  law  previously  prescribed. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  293 

This  is  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution.  The 
idea  that  the  Constitutional  guarantees  are  all  suspended 
in  war  and  that  during  war  martial  law  takes  the  place 
of  the  Constitution  is  monstrous.  The  Judge  Advocate's 
remark  about  the  natural  principles  of  self-defence, 
and  that  the  nation,  as  a  man,  may  resort  to  any  means 
to  save  its  life,  is  rhetoric  and  not  argument;  its  sentiment 
is  ruinous  to  liberty.  The  life  and  soul  of  the  United 
States  Government  is  the  Constitution  and  the  principles 
with  all  the  rights  therein  guaranteed.  Whoever  strikes 
at  them,  or  at  one  of  the  least  of  them,  strikes  a  deadly 
blow  at  the  life  of  the  Republic.  Nothing  can  be  more 
absurd  than  that  the  life  of  a  man  can  be  preserved  by 
an  extinction  or  suspension  of  all  the  vital  functions 
of  his  organism;  and  yet  this  is  no  more  absurd  than  is  the 
argument  of  those  who  speak  of  warding  off  a  blow  at 
the  life  of  the  nation,  by  a  suspension  or  violation  of  the 
guarantees  of  the  Constitution. 

Geary  has  brought  the  daily  papers.  I  see  an  article 
in  the  Tribune  on  Negro  franchise  at  the  South ;  with  its 
general  tone  I  am  pleased.  The  World  has  an  impres 
sive  editorial  on  the  question  of  the  extinction  of  the 
Negro  race.  To  return  to  my  thoughts,  which  Geary 
interrupted:  With  the  persons  on  trial  at  Washington 
I  have  no  sympathy  other  than  such  as  I  have  ever  had 
for  fellow-beings  in  suffering.  But  I  think  they  ought 
to  be  tried  by  the  Constitutional  tribunals  and  that  jus 
tice  should  be  meted  out  according  to  law  under  the 
Constitution.  In  trying  them  there  is  less  necessity 
for  creating  dangerous  precedent  than  in  almost  any 
other  case  that  could  arise.  The  crime  charged,  and 
nearly  proved  (as  far  as  I  have  seen),  against  several 
is  so  atrocious  and  appalling  that  no  fear  need  have 


294  ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

been  entertained  in  leaving  disposition  to  the  regular 
courts  of  the  District. 

2.30.  —  Dinner:  as  good  as  epicure  could  desire. 
The  salmon  (by  the  by,  the  best  fish  for  constant  diet 
I  have  ever  seen)  was  as  good  as  could  be.  Took  a 
little  of  all  the  good  things  except  the  pumpkin  pie;  I 
did  not  take  a  little  of  that  barely,  but  ate  all  of  it  except 
the  pastry.  Read  Cicero.  Walked  my  room.  Saw 
in  Boston  Journal  one  of  the  best  and  most  sensible  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's  friendly,  good  illustrations  by  jokes. 
General  Sherman  tells  it.* 

6.15. -- Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Paid  board 
bill,  $22.75  and  $5.00  making  $27.75.  All  up  to  date 
$95.98.  Tea  as  usual.  Geary  would  not  accept  the 
draft  I  drew  in  his  favour  for  $5.00;  so  my  expenses  are 
really  but  $90.98. 

*  Sherman  asked  Lincoln  if  he  must  capture  Jeff  Davis  or  let  him  escape.  Lincoln  replied  with 
an  anecdote  in  which  a  temperance  lecturer,  refusing  liquor  in  his  lemonade,  suggested  that  a  drop 
might  be  put  in  "unbeknownst"  to  him.  "  You  might  let  Jeff  escape  unbeknownst  to  me,"  Lincoln 
concluded. 


CHAPTER  XI 

JULY  i.  — Wrote  to  Lin  ton.     This  is  his  birthday. 
Inclosed  letter  to  Dr.  Willis,  of  Savannah,  request 
ing  him  to  forward.     Would  like  to  copy  it,  but 
have  not  space.     I  have  ordered  another  blank  book.     I 
am  compelled  to  shorten  entries.     Read  papers.     Read 
Cicero.     Dinner    at    2:30.     Better    appetite    than    for 
several    days.     The    lamb    was    a    choice    bit.     Geary 
usually  brings  the  most  select  parts  of  whatever  he  has 
to  choose  from. 

6:15.  —  The  rain  cut  my  walk  short.  Geary  brought 
a  clothes-brush,  62  J  cents,  the  blank  book,  §2,  and  a  cane- 
bottom  chair,  $3.50.  All  expenses  up  to  date,  $97.10^. 

Sunday.  —  Cloudy  and  raining.  Read  eleven  chap 
ters  in  Job  before  breakfast.  Finished  Cicero  on  "  Ora 
tory,"  and  commenced  his  conversations  on  orators. 
Felt  greatly  the  need  of  cyclopedias  which  are  ever  at 
my  elbow  at  home.  I  want  to  give  locality,  dates,  and 
proper  position  to  his  characters,  and  to  take  views  from 
these  various  standpoints  of  the  prominent  men  who 
figure  in  his  pictures.  Otherwise,  I  see  only  profiles; 
I  wish  to  examine  them  in  front  and  rear  as  well.  In 
this  way  only  am  I  accustomed  to  form  my  own 
estimate  of  character,  and  of  the  true  position  all 
celebrities,  ancient  and  modern,  should  occupy  in 
history. 

This  treatise  of  Cicero  upon  "Orators"  falls  in  style 

295 


296  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

below  everything  else  I  have  read  from  him.  In  some 
parts  it  is  but  slipshod  narrative  that  drags  limpingly 
along.  How  much  of  this  may  be  due  to  the  translation 
I  do  not  know.  His  " Oratory"  I  had  not  read  before 
since  I  read  it  in  the  original  at  college.  I  was  highly 
pleased  with  it  then,  and  am  much  more  so  now.  I  only 
regret  that  I  did  not  make  it  my  study  when  first  admitted 
to  the  bar.  With  all  its  gloss  and  tinsel  of  rhetoric,  I 
find  it  abounding  in  practical  good  sense  and  the  highest 
principles  of  wisdom. 

At  the  usual  hour  for  walking,  rain  came  down  in 
floods.  Just  before  expiration  of  hour,  I  ascended  the 
steps  and  looked  out,  but  was  driven  back  by  rain.  Tea 
as  usual.  This  volume  closes  with  the  record  of  a  gloomy 
day. 

July  3.  --The  sun  shines  and  all  nature  seems  cheer 
ful.  Still  reading  Job.  I  was  more  struck  this  morn 
ing  with  the  character  of  Elihu  than  ever  before.  He 
is  certainly  a  representative  man;  more  so  than  Job. 
Thousands  of  Elihus  are  to  be  met  with  to  one  Job.  I 
have  encountered  many.  Finished  Cicero's  "  Letters." 
The  reading  of  these  fragments  tends  to  produce  noth 
ing  so  much  as  a  sadness  —  not  at  all  lessened  by  sus 
picion  of  their  authenticity  thrown  out  by  the  editor. 
This  suspicion  but  gives  them  the  character,  to  some 
extent,  of  vague  and  indistinct  whispers,  overheard  in  the 
dark,  passing  between  uncertain  and  unknown  parties, 
concerning  the  fortunes  and  fate  of  those  in  whom  we 
feel  deep  interest.  With  some  of  these  letters,  whether 
genuine  or  spurious,  I  was  impressed.  This  first  from 
Cicero  to  his  brother  Quintus,  written  at  Thessalonica, 
after  his  first  exile,  touched  my  profoundest  sympathy. 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  297 

Whose  heart  is  so  dead  that  he  can  read  without  a  sign, 
if  not  without  a  tear,  this: 

Could  I  be  unwilling  to  see  you?  Nay,  I  was  rather 
unwilling  to  be  seen  by  you.  For  you  would  not  have 
seen  your  brother.  You  would  not  have  seen  him  whom 
you  had  left,  him  whom  you  had  known,  him  who  had 
attended  you  some  way  on  your  journey:  him  to  whom 
weeping,  you  had  bidden  farewell,  yourself  weeping  - 
of  whom  you  when  departing  had  taken  leave  after  he 
had  attended  you  some  way  on  your  journey:  you  would 
have  seen  not  even  a  trace  or  image  of  him  but  a  sort  of 
effigy,  a  breathing  corpse.  And  I  wish  that  you  had 
seen  or  heard  that  I  was  dead.  I  wish  that  I  had  left  you 
surviving  not  only  my  life  but  my  dignity. 

These  letters,  as  well  as  other  writings  acknowledged 
to  be  Cicero's,  show  for  Quintus  an  unusual  affection. 
These  brothers  seem  to  have  been  knit  together  by 
closest  and  tenderest  ties,  their  several  beings  almost 
blended  into  one.  Bearing  somewhat  similar  relation  to 
my  only  surviving  brother  as  Cicero  bore  to  Quintus, 
causes  me,  perhaps,  to  appreciate  his  fraternal  affection 
more  keenly  than  others  differently  situated  may  do. 
One  of  Cicero's  letters  to  Quintus  interests  me  in  its  deli 
cate  allusion  to  some  family  matters ;  he  refers  to  the  mar 
riage  of  his  daughter,  Tullia,  to  Crassipes,  and  remarks: 

On  the  6th  of  April,  I  gave  the  wedding  feast  to  Crassi 
pes,  but  at  this  banquet  that  excellent  boy,  your  and  my 
Quintus  [his  nephew,  son  of  Quintus],  was  not  present 
because  he  had  taken  some  offence;  and  therefore,  two 
days  afterward,  I  went  to  Quintus,  and  found  him  quite 
candid;  and  he  held  a  long  conversation  with  me,  full 
of  good  feeling  about  the  quarrels  of  our  enemies  - 
what  would  you  have  more  ?  Nothing  could  be  in  better 


298  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

taste  than  was  his  language.  Pomponia,  however,  made 
some  complaints  of  you;  but  these  matters  we  will  dis 
cuss  when  we  meet. 

So,  it  seems  that  men  and  women  then  were  subject 
to  like  passions,  whims,  caprices,  and  gossip,  even  in  the 
best-regulated  families,  as  they  are  now.  But  what 
could  have  been  more  brotherly  than  this  little  com 
munication,  and  how  could  the  matter  have  been  put 
more  delicately? 

ANOTHER  FANCY  SKETCH,  YET  NOT  ALTOGETHER 

FANCY: 

[R.  M.  Johnston  entering  prison  by  window  of  imag 
ination.] 

Johnston.  How  are  you  to-day,  my  good  friend  ?  We 
are  all  very  anxious  about  you.  Linton  and  I,  and  Jack 
Lane,  Simpson,  Ben  Harris,  and  Ben  Hunt  had  a  long 
talk  about  you  the  other  day.  Indeed,  I  see  nobody  but 
inquires  if  I  have  any  news  from  you. 

Prisoner.  I  am  truly  glad  to  see  you,  and  just  as  truly 
wish  it  were  under  different  circumstances.  I  wish  it 
were  even  just  as  it  was  at  Liberty  Hall,  when  you  and 
Jack  came  over  there  last  February,  arriving  at  night, 
dripping  wet  after  a  long  ride  on  horseback  through 
mud  and  rain.  I  am,  in  bodily  health,  quite  as  well 
if  not  better  than  then,  and  as  to  my  mental  anxiety,  etc., 
I  believe  I  am  as  well  off.  I  have  new  troubles,  but 
am  greatly  relieved  of  others  which  pressed  heavily 
then.  War  is  over;  the  issues  are  known;  there  is  to  be 
no  more  bloodshed  —  at  least,  in  the  field;  anxieties  for 
friends  are  removed. 

Though  I  was  prepared  for  it  —  nerved  for  it  as  you 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  299 

would  be  for  the  extraction  of  a  tooth  —  my  arrest  and 
close  confinement,  privations,  discomforts,  and  being 
cut  off  from  the  world  and  all  communication  with 
friends,  was  a  great  shock  —  crashing,  and  crushing. 

You  know  how  I  was  welded  by  strongest  and  ten- 
derest  ties  to  the  dear  ones  at  home;  how  I  was  linked 
in  sympathy  and  soul  with  Linton;  how  strongly  I  was 
attached  to  the  persons  and  scenes  about  my  home,  and 
to  the  old  homestead  with  its  cherished  associations; 
attached  not  only  to  my  relatives,  those  near  in  blood  to 
me  there,  but  to  my  servants,  my  dogs  —  my  ever-faith 
ful  daily  companions  —  my  gardens,  my  trees,  my  orchard, 
my  vineyards.  To  all  these  I  was  bound  by  such  cords 
as  you  know  bind  few  mortals.  But  that  shock  has,  to 
some  extent,  passed  off.  I  am  almost  as  cheerful  in  my 
solitude  here  as  I  was  at  home;  not  that  my  home  attach 
ments  grow  less  strong  (the  very  thought  of  that  result 
would  almost  kill  me!).  I  have  become  more  master 
of  myself;  better  able  to  discipline  emotions  according 
to  dictates  of  reason.  But  even  yet  —  as  was  the  case 
this  morning,  when  my  thoughts  in  their  wanderings 
embraced  Linton,  yourself,  and  other  dear  ones,  and 
dear  spots  at  home  —  suddenly  my  eyes  fill  with  the 
rising  flood-tide  of  the  heart. 

I  make  it  my  business,  under  a  system  I  have  instituted, 
to  occupy  my  thoughts  as  much  as  possible  with  sub 
jects  entertaining,  useful,  instructive,  and  amusing.  I 
have  access  to  a  good  Post  library;  I  get  the  daily  papers. 
I  read  a  good  deal,  write  a  good  deal;  so,  time  passes  off 
on  the  whole  much  more  pleasantly  than  when  I  was 
first  locked  in  these  walls. 

Johnston.  I  am  glad  to  hear  this.  Really,  I  cannot  see 
anything  here  that  could  amuse  me,  though,  as  you  know, 


300  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

I  like  to  laugh,  and  am  as  fond  of  fun  as  anybody.  What 
can  you  find  to  amuse  you? 

Prisoner.  Oh,  plenty.  Humour  can  be  found  in  almost 
anything,  in  men's  actions,  looks,  voices,  attitudes.  I 
have  a  guard  pacing  by  my  window,  night  and  day. 
Great  variety  of  countenance  and  manner  is  exhibited 
by  the  different  men  on  the  beat;  divers  little  conversa 
tions  are  heard,  which  present  elements  of  humour.  There 
is  a  family  living  in  the  rooms  over  me;  there  is  a  piano 
forte  up  there;  there  are  children;  and  there  is  a  cat;  of 
all  of  which  I  have  become  apprised  by  divers  sounds 
which,  if  I  were  to  take  off  as  I  could,  would  make  you 
laugh;  but  I  can't  do  it  because  there  is  no  knowing 
who  might  hear  me  nor  what  would  be  the  consequence. 
I  am  a  prisoner,  you  see;  and  nothing  in  the  world  do 
people  more  dislike  than  to  be  made  the  subject  of  fun 
or  jest.  Amusement,  however,  may  be  drawn  from  peo 
ple  and  their  doings  without  the  least  detriment  to  their 
characters  or  dignity,  just  as  honey  is  extracted  from  the 
flower  without  an  injury  to  it :  but  this  they  do  not  under 
stand.  I  used  to  think  that  even  Rio  [his  dog]  did  not 
like  to  be  laughed  at ;  nor  even  yet  Frank  —  that  little 
black  dog  of  mine  to  which  you  once  applied  harsh 
terms  because  he  gave  you  decided  demonstrations  that 
he  did  not  like  to  be  made  sport  of.  Do  you  remem 
ber  your  letter  to  me  afterward? 

Johnston.  Ha!  ha!  ha!  You've  made  me  laugh, 
though  I  little  expected  it  when  I  came  in.  I  had  forgotten 
my  row  with  Frank.  I  am  relieved  to  find  you  in  such 
spirits.  I  know  Linton  and  Lane  and  all  the  rest  will  be 
glad  to  hear  it,  but  really  I  don't  understand  how  you 
can  be  thus  in  your  situation. 

Prisoner.     My  situation  gives  me  no  uneasiness  except 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  301 

as  it  affects  others  and  subjects  me  to  personal  incon 
venience  and  discomforts;  and  except,  of  course,  as  to 
the  great  outrage  on  my  rights  and  my  indignation  on  that 
score  —  there  is  no  bounds  to  that ;  I  have  no  disquie 
tude  as  to  the  result  as  it  may  affect  me  personally,  if  it 
does  not  bring  on  disease.  As  for  my  character  or  repu 
tation,  or  the  agonies  of  the  extreme  penalty  of  a  con 
viction  for  treason,  such  reflections  disturb  me  little; 
not  half  so  much  as  the  smartings  I  feel  from  a  sense  of  the 
injustice  done  me. 

Johnston.     What  do  you  mean? 

Prisoner.  I  mean  this :  that  while  others  quite  as  much 
or  more  implicated  than  I  in  the  late  troubles,  are  at 
large  on  parole  —  some  honoured  with  high  official  posi 
tion  —  I  am  confined  in  this  cell.  Take  even  Johnson, 
of  our  State  —  for  whom  I  entertain  a  high  personal 
regard  —  did  not  he  advocate  and  vote  for  secession  can 
didates  when  I  was  opposing  secession  with  all  my  might  ? 
Look  at  Perry,  just  appointed  Provisional  Governor  of 
South  Carolina.  Did  he  not  accept  and  hold  the  office 
of  District  Judge  under  the  Confederate  Government, 
filling  the  vacancy  arising  by  the  resignation  of  McGrath 
when  elected  Governor?  Look  at  the  conduct  of  the 
officials  at  Washington  toward  Governor  Brown  of 
Georgia,  Governor  Smith  of  Virginia,  General  Cobb  of 
Georgia,  and  thousands  besides,  in  granting  them  par 
dons  or  paroles,  while  I  am  held  here.  I  am  gratified  that 
these  gentlemen  have  received  favours;  but  my  sense 
of  the  injustice  done  me  is  intensified  by  the  discrimination 
against  me. 

Johnston.  Have  you  any  reasons  for  the  Government's 
course?  What  do  you  think  they  really  intend 
to  do? 


302  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Prisoner.  I  have  no  idea.  Perhaps  they  have  no  defi 
nite  idea.  They  may  want  to  distress,  worry,  wear  me  out, 
and  impoverish  me  under  this  mode  of  imprisonment; 
or  they  may,  so  soon  as  the  Federal  courts  in  the 
Southern  States  are  again  regularly  established,  transfer 
me  for  trial,  conviction,  and  execution  as  an  example, 
I  being  a  leader  in  the  "rebellion,"  as  they 
term  it. 

Johnston.  What  has  become  of  your  special  applica 
tion  for  amnesty  ?  Have  you  received  any  answer  ? 

Prisoner.  No.  But  this  is  what  I  have  done.  [Shows 
his  letters  to  the  President  as  entered  in  this  Journal.] 

Johnston.  [Reads  both.]  Don't  you  think  you  acted 
too  soon  in  making  your  withdrawal  ? 

Prisoner.  No;  my  greater  doubt  has  been  as  to  the 
making  of  the  application. 

Johnston.  By  withdrawal  of  your  case  you  take  it 
from  their  consideration. 

Prisoner.  That  cannot  blot  the  facts  from  their 
memory.  I  was  and  am  willing  to  accept  the  fate  of  war 
and  to  abide  by  it,  but  to  supplicate  them  for  mercy  I 
never  shall. 

Johnston.  You  are  getting  too  serious  again.  I  would 
rather  have  your  humorous  vein. 

[Enter  Geary  with  Prisoner's  dinner.  Johnston  exits 
through  window  of  imagination,  causing  Prisoner  to 
laugh  at  the  anxiety  depicted  on  his  countenance  in 
his  hasty  retreat  lest  he  should  be  seen  by  Geary.] 

The  papers  were  brought;  nothing  of  interest  except  a 
letter  from  General  Ewell,  a  prisoner  here.  About 
5,  there  was  great  shouting  and  "  huzzaing  "  by  soldiers  on 
the  parade  ground.  Something  must  be  in  the  wind. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  303 

6:15.  — Usual  walk.  On  the  western  bastion,  took  a 
survey  of  Boston,  and  gazed  toward  Cambridge,  think 
ing  of  Linton  and  his  law-school  days  there;  wheeled 
about  and  kept  on  the  tramp  for  the  full  hour.  Lieut. 
W.  informed  me  that  the  " huzzaing"  I  heard  was  a  de 
monstration  upon  the  departure  of  two  companies  of  his 
Volunteer  Battalion  which  have  been  mustered  out  of 
service.  The  boys  were  going  home,  and  there  was 
jollification  generally.  Geary  brought  tea  at  the  usual 
hour,  that  is,  soon  after  my  return  from  evening  walk; 
with  it,  a  saucer  of  raspberries.  Made  my  supper 
mostly  of  raspberry  tea.  I  have  heard  of  raspberry  tea 
in  Confederate  times;  I  never  drank  any  before;  and  as 
Judge  Berrien  said  to  Cable  about  the  Hock  wine,  per 
haps  the  raspberry  tea  which  I  heard  of  was  not  of  the 
"  Hock  "  kind  which  I  partook  of  to-night.  That,  perhaps, 
was  a  concoction  of  the  leaves;  mine  was  juice  of  the 
berries  "straight"  with  a  little  sugar  and  milk. 


CHAPTER  XII 

JULY  4. —  The  ever-memorable  Independence  Day, 
an  anniversary  which  should  be  hailed  with  pro- 
foundest  emotions  of  gratitude  and  patriotism  by 
every  friend  of  Constitutional  liberty  and  representative 
government  the  world  over.  Great  celebration  will 
doubtless  be  made  throughout  the  North.  As  an  indi 
cation  of  its  spirit,  I  clip  an  editorial  from  the  Boston 
Journal,  which  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  genius  of  the  times 
now  rampant  in  this  section.  Would  I  could  see  in  past 
or  future  so  much  to  exult  over,  to  look  to  with  assurance, 
as  this  editor  seems  to  see!  The  war,  which  every  true 
friend  of  liberty  has  deeply  regretted,  has  been  terminated, 
it  is  true.  But  how?  By  maintenance  of  the  principles 
set  forth  in  Independence  Hall  on  this  day,  1776,  that 
governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed?  Has  it  not  been  terminated  rather  upon 
the  principle  that  might  gives  right  ?  that  the  weak  must 
yield  to  the  strong?  Have  not  the  States  South,  which 
joined  those  of  the  North  in  a  pledge  of  their  "  lives,  for 
tunes,  and  sacred  honour"  in  the  achievement  of  their 
separate  Independence  and  Sovereignty  from  King 
George  of  England,  been  completely  overrun,  and  sub 
jugated  to  the  rule  of  a  Ring  at  the  North?  Where  is 
the  boasted  liberty  that  makes  the  people  of  the  United 
States  the  freest  on  earth?  Why  am  I  here  without 
warrant,  or  charge  of  crime  ?  Why  are  the  forts,  prisons, 
and  bastilles  all  over  the  land,  this  day  filled  with  thou- 

304 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  305 

sands,  imprisoned  as  I  am?  How  is  it  that  no  man 
is  safe  in  the  utterance  of  his  sentiments  unless  they  be 
in  accordance  with  the  views  of  those  who  rule  in  almost 
absolute  sway  from  the  Canadian  to  the  Mexican  borders  ? 

This  liberty  and  freedom,  over  which  this  Boston 
editor  so  exults,  is  like  the  freedom  of  which  a  Ken- 
tuckian  once  boasted  in  Lexington,  according  to  a  story 
Judge  McKinley,  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court, 
used  to  tell:  a  Congressman  from  the  District  had  said 
something  or  had  cast  some  vote  offensive  to  parties  in 
the  city;  they  got  up  an  indignation  meeting.  The 
demonstration  was  at  night;  a  long  procession  with 
torches  and  drums,  tin  pans,  and  like  accompaniments, 
marched  through  town  bearing  the  delinquent  in  effigy,  to 
be  hanged  in  the  suburbs  with  all  possible  marks  of 
obloquy.  Some  one  on  the  sidewalk  said  in  undertone 
to  his  neighbour:  "This  is  a  d shame!"  Where 
upon,  one  in  the  crowd,  overhearing  the  remark,  stepped 
up  to  him  who  made  it  and,  seizing  him  by  the  collar, 
exclaimed:  "What  is  that  you  said,  sir?  I'll  let  you 
know  this  is  a  free  country,  and  we  will  do  what  we 
d—  -please,  and  you  shan't  say  anything  about  it!" 
This  is  the  sort  of  freedom  the  Boston  editor  exults  in. 

My  morning  Bible-reading  on  this  ever-memorable  anni 
versary  of  constitutional  law  and  liberty  brought  to  mind 
a  case  analogous  in  some  respects  to  mine.  "  Paul  [a  pris 
oner]  earnestly  beholding  the  council,  said,  "Men  and 
brethren,  I  have  lived  in  all  good  conscience  before  God 
until  this  day.  And  the  high  priest  Ananias  commanded 
them  that  stood  by  him  to  smite  him  on  the  mouth. 
Then  said  Paul  unto  him,  God  shall  smite  thee,  thou 
whited  wall:  for  sittest  thou  to  judge  me  after  the  law, 
and  commandest  me  to  be  smitten  contrary  to  the  law?" 


3o6  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Those  in  Washington  and  elsewhere  who  make  such  an 
ado  about  preserving  the  life  of  the  Nation,  should  be 
brought  to  know  that  no  more  fatal  blow  could  be  struck 
to  the  vitals  of  the  Republic  than  one  against  the  prin 
ciples  and  guaranteed  rights  of  the  Constitution.  These 
constitute  its  life  and  soul.  So  long  as  these  are  main 
tained,  we  shall  have  a  free  country,  whether  divided 
into  one  or  more  confederations,  of  which  we  may  well 
be  proud,  but  without  maintenance  of  these,  the  boast 
of  freedom  is  but  mockery.  We  may  in  name  be  free, 
but  in  fact  we  shall  be  nothing  but  serfs  and  slaves. 

Daily  papers  at  usual  hour,  10:30.  Wrote  Linton; 
enclosed  letter  to  Dr.  Willis,  of  Savannah.  Firing  of 
guns  shows  that  the  day  is  being  observed  here.  I  have 
been  perplexed  last  night  and  to-day  over  the  follow 
ing  charade;  cannot  find  the  key  to  the  answer* 

My  first's  the  last  destructive  foe 

Of  nature's  fairest  form  below; 

My  second  is  Albion's  boast, 

And  both  defends  and  decks  her  coast; 

My  whole  (such  change  from  union  flows) 

The  bitterest  boon  the  earth  bestows. 

Dinner:  an  elegant  one.  Geary  brought  the  volume 
requested  of  "American  Cyclopedia."  I  read  the  article 
on  Cicero,  but  did  not  get  the  information  desired.  I 
fell  into  my  second  daytime  nap  here.  Thermometer 
to-day  ranged  from  78  to  80.  I  never  before  was  in 
such  a  uniform  temperature,  day  and  night.  The  varia 
tion  is  seldom  more  than  four  or  five  degrees  in  any  twenty- 
four  hours;  the  greatest  since  I  have  been  here  has  not 
been  more  than  thirteen.  This  uniformity  is  main 
tained  by  constant  fire.  The  grate  has  not  been  with 
out  fire  since  I  came.  By  raising  or  lowering  the  windows, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  307 

I  preserve  uniformity;  this  can  be  done  until  the  external 
heat  shall  tell  upon  the  room,  or  until  it  penetrates  as  low 
down  as  I  am  —  in  a  sort  of  Mammoth  Cave. 

6:15.  --Took  usual  walk  with  Lieut.  W.  We  looked 
for  the  advertised  balloon  ascension  at  Boston,  but  it 
did  not  come  off.  To  south  and  southeast  there  was  a 
magnificent  rain-cloud  in  full  view. 

July  5.  —  My  circulation  is  too  sluggish;  I  do  not  like 
my  symptoms.  My  morning  reading  included  Paul's 
defense  before  Festus  and  Agrippa,  an  ingenious  and 
strong  speech.  What  fixed  itself  most  deeply  on  my 
mind  this  morning  was  the  reason  Festus  gave  Agrippa 
for  bringing  Paul  before  him.  His  own  investigation 
had  found  no  legal  charge  against  Paul.  He  brought 
Paul  before  Agrippa,  his  superior,  that  after  examina 
tion  by  Agrippa  he,  Festus,  might  have  somewhat  to  write 
in  sending  Paul  to  Rome:  "For  it  seemeth  to  me  unreason 
able  to  send  a  prisoner,  and  not  withal  to  signify  the  crimes 
laid  against  him."  There  is  good  sense  in  this  and  some 
regard  to  human  rights  and  liberty  that  the  screaming- 
eagle  orators  of  yesterday  might  have  done  well  to  con 
sider.  There  is  something  in  it  that  the  rulers  at  Wash 
ington  might  profit  by. 

This  morning,  after  breakfast,  Geary  brought  me  a 
lump  of  ice  and  put  it  in  my  pitcher. 

Daily  papers.  A  long  account  in  the  Herald  of  Mr. 
Davis's  flight  and  capture;  well  written  and  graphic. 
One  thing  it  would  imply,  that  the  writer  had  remained 
with  Mr.  Davis  until  his  capture,  and  had  then  escaped. 
Still,  how  could  such  a  party  know  what  occurred  in  Mr. 
Davis's  tent  ?  None  of  his  staff  were  in  the  tent  with  him, 
as  Reagan  told  me.  Reagan  told  me  he  knew  nothing  of 


308  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

what  occurred  in  Mr.  Davis's  tent.  Is  it  not  strange 
that  the  Herald  does  not  give  the  writer's  name  ? 

3  p.  M.  —  The  firing  of  a  salute  on  the  parapet  and  a 
band  of  music  playing  indicate  that  the  Post  is  hon 
oured  by  some  notable  visitor,  an  officer  of  rank.  A 
crowd  passed  in  front  of  my  cell ;  this  walk  is  much  higher 
than  my  windows,  though  there  is  a  space  of  some  eight 
or  ten  feet  between  the  prison  wall  and  the  wall  on  which 
it  runs;  in  this  space  the  guard  keeps  up  his  constant 
beat.  I  was  walking  my  room,  smoking  my  after-dinner 
pipe,  my  meerschaum.  Two  officers,  judging  from 
swords  and  other  insignia,  stopped  opposite  one  of  my 
windows  and  looked  down  upon  me.  I  paid  no  atten 
tion,  but  walked  on.  After  a  while  other  crowds  came 
and  stared  down.  I  did  not  again  glance  up  to  see  who 
they  were  or  what  they  looked  like.  I  got  a  glimpse  of 
the  first  party  only  as  I,  Diogenes-like,  looked  up  to  see 
what  obstructed  my  light.  When  I  was  tired  of  walking, 
I  resumed  my  seat  and  my  reading.  Again  a  crowd 
darkened  the  window.  I  then  took  up  this  Journal  and 
commenced  this  entry;  during  its  writing,  the  window 
has  been  repeatedly  darkened.  Once,  I  threw  up  my 
eyes  and  saw  quite  a  crowd  of  boys  squatted  down  to  get, 
I  suppose,  a  good  view  of,  or  a  peep  at,  the  rebel  ex- Vice- 
President. 

Have  again  been  thinking  of  the  charade  that  puzzled 
me.  An  answer  occurs  which  fits,  but  I  should  hesitate 
to  offer  it  in  a  company  in  which  there  were  ladies,  because 
it  might  be  thought  ungallant  in  such  a  presence.  I  will, 
however,  venture  to  put  down  here  what  I  think  was  in 
the  head  of  the  churly  propounder  when,  in  his  poetic 
ravings,  smarting  perhaps  under  rebuffs  from  a  certain 
quarter,  he  produced  this  enigma:  " Woman." 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  309 

6:15.  —  Took  usual  walk.  Lieut.  W.  informed  me  that 
the  salute  was  in  honour  of  General  Robert  Anderson  and 
Rear-Admiral  Farragut  who  visited  the  fort  with  a  party. 
He  asked  me  if  I  knew  Elder  Harmon  Lincoln,  of  Boston. 
Upon  my  saying  I  did,  he  asked  if  I  would  be  willing  to 
see  the  elder,  who  had  gotten  permission  from  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  to  visit  me,  but  not  knowing  whether  I  would 
recollect  him,  or  be  willing  to  receive  him,  had  requested 
the  Lieutenant  to  make  inquiry.  I  told  the  Lieutenant  to 
say  to  Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  remembered  him  very  well;  he 
boarded  for  a  while  in  our  mess  at  Mrs.  Carter's  in  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  Mrs.  Lincoln  with  him;  I  should  be  glad 
to  see  him,  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  also,  if  she  is  living.  If 
living,  she  must  be  very  old ;  he  must  be  aged ;  he  was  an 
old  man  when  I  knew  him  sixteen  years  ago.  Lieut.  W. 
said  he  is  over  eighty.  I  had  sciatic  pain  in  hip,  and  did 
not  walk  much.  Rested  under  the  arbour.  Geary 
brought  tea. 

July  6.  —  Have  been  quite  sick  since  breakfast ;  on  my 
bunk  a  good  part  of  the  time.  Read  Rev.  Jacob  M. 
Manning's  speech  on  the  Fourth  before  the  City  Govern 
ment  of  Boston.  It  is  a  fair  specimen  of  clerical  rhetoric 
and  political  sentiments  in  this  section,  I  suppose.  As 
far  as  my  observation  goes,  (preachers  have  less  charity 
and  magnanimity  than  any  other  class  of  men.j  These 
are  qualities  for  which,  as  a  class,  they  are  not  distin 
guished.  There  are  many  exceptions,  such  as  Henry 
Ward  Beecher  and  others  of  much  less  note.  Still,  what 
I  have  said  is  true  of  the  average  in  all  sects.  So  much 
have  I  been  impressed  with  this,  that  I  would  seldom  per 
mit  a  preacher  to  sit  on  a  jury  for  the  trial  of  any  person 
accused  of  crime,  when  I  was  counsel  for  the  defense,  if 


3io  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

I  could  prevent  it.  It  has  been  my  usual  course  promptly 
to  challenge  for  cause,  and  for  no  other  cause  than  that 
the  juror  presented  was  a  preacher.  In  some  instances, 
when  I  knew  the  preacher  personally  and  knew  him  to 
be  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  his  Master,  and  a  liberal, 
unprejudiced  mind,  capable  of  arguing  facts  and  of  act 
ing  justly,  I  announced,  "  Content."  Such  was  the  case 
with  old  Uncle  Bird,  Carlos  W.  Stevens,  and  others  I 
could  name. 

I  once  had  a  pointed  talk  with  a  reverend  gentleman  of 
my  own  church,  who  undertook  in  a  pious  way  to  lecture 
me  on  the  sin  of  defending  criminals.  I  was  engaged  in 
Richmond  Court  in  the  defense  of  Keener,  charged  with 
murder  of  Reese,  one  of  the  most  important  criminal  cases 
in  which  I  ever  appeared.  Excitement  against  Keener 
was  intense.  The  homicide  had  been  committed  at  a 
house  of  ill-fame.  Little  or  no  sympathy  was  felt  for  him 
in  any  quarter,  and  least  of  all  among  those  professing 
to  follow  the  teachings  of  Him,  who,  in  the  case  of  the 
Syrophenician  woman,  said  to  those  demanding  con 
demnation:  "Let  him  who  is  without  sin  cast  the  first 
stone."  Facts  clearly  showed  that  the  homicide  was 
not  murder  under  the  law;  that,  at  most,  it  was  man 
slaughter,  if  not  a  perfectly  justifiable  act  under  the 
State  Code.  But  the  reverend  doctor  of  divinity,  wholly 
incapable  of  weighing  these  facts,  with  the  usual  blood 
thirsty  propensity  of  his  calling,  demanded  to  know  if  I 
did  not  think  I  was  committing  a  sin  in  preventing  the 
execution  of  "justice?"  I  replied:  "No.  In  the  first 
place  I  do  not  consider  Keener  guilty  of  murder  under  the 
law;  the  law  requires  that  he  should  not  be  so  convicted 
or  punished.  In  the  second  place,  if  the  facts  were  dif 
ferent  and  he  were  guilty,  I  should  not  feel  myself  a 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  311 

sinner  in  endeavouring  to  procure  his  release.  If  we 
all  had  justice  done  us,  that  justice  which  with  your 
view  of  the  facts  and  the  law  you  are  so  anxious  should 
be  meted  out  to  Keener,  we  should,  according  to  your 
own  teaching,  have  been  in  hell  long  ago.  If  Christ  died 
to  save  the  guilty  from  damnation,  I  do  not  think  I  sin 
in  trying  to  prolong  their  lives  that  through  grace  they 
may  escape  hell.  Much  less  do  I  feel  that  I  commit 
a  sin  in  trying  to  save  one  who  is  not  guilty,  even  though 
I  oppose  a  multitude."  This  closed  our  conference.  He 
gave  me  up,  perhaps,  as  a  reprobate. 

But  I  did  not  abate  my  exertions  for  Keener.  Such 
was  the  feeling  against  him  inspired  by  clerical  advo 
cates  of  justice,  and  others  imbued  with  like  ideas,  that 
he  was  convicted  on  the  first  trial;  convicted  in  part  by 
judicial  wrong  rulings  to  which  I  took  exceptions :  the  case 
went  to  the  Supreme  Court;  a  new  trial  was  granted; 
and  Keener  was  acquitted.  The  judge  and  the  preachers, 
as  well  as  the  whole  tribe  of  Javerts,  were  scandalized  at 
the  escape  of  their  victim.  The  old  Aztec  Priests  could 
not  have  felt  more  rage  at  the  escape  of  one  stript  and 
bound  for  their  sacrificial  altars,  than  did  these  fanatical 
devotees  who  wanted  human  offering  made  to  their  idol 
of  human  justice.  But  I  rejoiced  in  the  successful  per 
formance  of  much  labour  and  in  a  result  that  was  a  nearer 
approximation  than  that  of  their  desire  to  the  standard 
of  Divine  Justice.  If  I  am  ever  to  be  tried  for  anything, 
may  Heaven  deliver  me  from  a  jury  of  preachers!  I  do 
mean  to  express  disrespect  to  ministers  of  the  Gospel. 
They  are  but  mortals  with  the  rest  of  us.  They  have 
their  weaknesses  and  faults;  and  their  most  striking 
defect  is  a  want  of  that  charity  which  they,  above  all 
men,  should  not  only  preach  but  practise.  They  are  too 


312  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

impressed  with  the  idea  that  they  are  God's  vice-gerents 
here  below,  especially  commissioned  to  deal  out  His 
wrath  and  vengeance. 

Eight  weeks  to-day  have  I  been  a  prisoner;  six  weeks 
in  this  place;  all  without  the  slightest  intimation  of  the 
cause.  Seized  by  an  armed  force,  sent  here  by  an  armed 
force,  kept  in  close  confinement,  guarded  by  an  armed 
force,  deprived  of  all  means  of  appealing  to  judicial  power 
for  redress;  and  yet  Eagle-orators  and  reverend  rhetoricians 
scream  and  shout  about  the  glorious  freedom  we  enjoy. 

P.  M.  —  The  article  on  naturalization  in  the  cyclo 
pedia  attracted  my  attention.  It  is  strange  what  errors 
have  crept  into  vogue  and  pass  without  scrutiny  or  ques 
tion;  especially  on  naturalization  and  its  sequence,  citi 
zenship  of  the  United  States.  The  subject  is  treated  as  if 
Congress  were  empowered  by  the  Constitution  to  confer 
upon  aliens  citizenship  of  the  United  States  distinct 
from  citizenship  of  particular  States  and  Territories. 
The  truth  is,  Congress  has  no  power  to  naturalize  or  to 
confer  citizenship  of  the  United  States.  Its  only  power 
is  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  to  be  pursued  by  the  respec 
tive  States  and  Territories  on  admitting  aliens  to  their 
own  citizenship.  Before  the  Constitution  was  adopted, 
each  State  possessed  the  right  as  an  Independent  Sov 
ereign  Power  to  admit  to  citizenship  whom  she  pleased, 
and  on  such  terms  as  she  pleased.  All  that  the  States 
did  on  this  point  in  accepting  the  Constitution,  was  to 
delegate  to  Congress  the  power  to  establish  a  uniform 
rule  so  that  an  alien  might  not  be  permitted  to  become 
a  citizen  of  one  State  on  different  terms  from  what  might 
be  required  in  another;  especially,  as  in  one  part  of  the 
Constitution  it  is  stipulated  that  the  citizens  of  each 
State  shall  be  entitled  in  all  the  rest  to  the  rights  and  privi- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  313 

leges  of  their  citizens.  But  no  clause  of  the  Constitution 
provides  for  or  contemplates  citizenship  of  the  United 
States  as  distinct  from  citizenship  of  some  particular 
State  or  Territory.  When  any  person  is  a  citizen  of  any 
one  of  the  States  united,  he  thereby,  and  thereby  only, 
becomes  and  can  be  considered  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States.  Errors  in  the  public  mind  on  this  question  are 
radical  and  fundamental,  and  have  the  same  source  as 
many  others  equally  striking. 

I  was  first  struck  with  these  on  the  annexation  of 
Texas.  How  could  her  representatives,  it  was  asked, 
take  their  seats  in  Congress,  not  having  been  citizens 
of  the  United  States  for  the  term  of  years  required  by  the 
Constitution?  The  answer,  upon  the  true  principles  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  only  citizenship  it  contemplates, 
was  plain :  members  and  senators  could  not  present  them 
selves  until  the  State  was  itself  one  of  the  United  States; 
then,  whoever  might  present  himself  as  a  member,  having 
been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  Texas,  would,  in  the  terms 
and  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  have  been  seven  years 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States  then  constituted;  so,  of  the 
senators  for  nine  years.  Just  as  was  the  case  of  the 
North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island  members  and  senators ; 
these  States  having  come  in  some  time  after  the  eleven 
others  had  put  the  Government  in  operation,  their  mem 
bers  and  senators  were  in  no  sense  citizens  of  the  United 
States  until  their  States  ratified  and  adopted  the  Con 
stitution;  and  in  no  other  view  of  the  subject  could  they 
have  been  properly  admitted. 

July  7.  —  When  I  woke  it  was  raining.  I  had  a  severe 
pain  in  my  foot;  could  hardly  walk.  Rheumatism,  I 
suppose.  Read  II  Timothy.  This  letter  of  Paul's  is 


314  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

written  with  spirit  and  energy.  Breakfast;  the  coffee 
was  cold.  Geary  went  at  my  request  and  brought  me 
another  cup,  hot  and  smoking. 

9:30.  —  The  sun  breaks  forth.  I  have  a  premonition 
that  I  shall  get  news  from  home  to-day. 

Morning  papers.  Telegram  from  Philadelphia,  pub 
lished  in  all,  is  important  if  the  country  were  in  con 
dition  to  hear  and  defend  the  truth.  It  is  that  "In  the 
Cozzens  habeas  corpus  case,  Judge  Thompson,  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  ordered  the  release  of 
Cozzens  and  delivered  an  opinion  that  the  right  of  the 
President  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  is  only  given 
him  by  Congress  during  the  continuance  of  war."  This 
little  item,  as  the  chronicled  cloud,  no  bigger  than  a  man's 
hand,  would  soon  spread  over  this  land  if  the  political 
atmosphere  were  only  in  proper  meteorological  condition. 
As  things  are,  perhaps  we  shall  hear  nothing  more  of  it. 

i  p.  M.  —  No  letters.  My  fire  is  nearer  out  than  on  any 
day  since  I  have  been  here,  yet  the  thermometer  stands 
at  79.  My  foot  still  pains;  I  can  limp  about,  but  my  sys 
tem  seems  out  of  order;  shooting  pains  in  left  wrist;  had 
them  in  right  hand  this  morning;  I  fear  a  general  attack 
of  rheumatism.  Read  Aristotle's  "Politics."  Dinner: 
turtle  soup,  etc.;  good  but  I  could  not  indulge. 

6:15.  — Lieut.  W.  called  for  the  walk.  I  doubted  if 
my  foot  would  bear  me,  but  concluded  to  try;  I  would 
have  an  airing,  if  nothing  more.  I  got  along  in  a  limping 
way  until  on  the  terreplein;  rested  under  the  arbour; 
took  a  turn,  but  made  so  bad  an  out  of  it  that  I  returned  to 
the  arbour.  Lieut.  W.  informed  me  that  his  full  name  is 
Wm.  H.  Woodman.  I  asked,  as  I  wanted  to  write  for 
some  tobacco  to  be  sent  me  in  his  care.  He  told  me  that 
Reagan  says  a  man  of  their  party,  named  Stewart,  escaped 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  315 

with  Colonel  Wood  from  the  Davis  camp  when  Mr. 
Davis  was  captured.  He  must  be  the  writer  of  the  Herald 
article.  Geary  brought  tea.  Darkness  is  approaching. 
I  had  looked  almost  confidently  for  some  news  to-day.  I 
will  betake  myself  to  my  pipe  and  Aristotle  until  bedtime. 

July  8.  —  Had  a  quiet  and  pleasant  sleep.  Woke  at 
dawn  in  a  dream,  my  eyes  streaming  with  tears.  I  was 
at  home,  down  at  the  Homestead,  at  one  time  in  Bob's 
house  [his  Negro  servant]  where  he  had  a  sumptuous 
dinner  prepared  for  me;  then  I  was  in  the  field  in  the 
midst  of  high  corn  loaded  with  large  ears  —  numbers 
on  each  stalk,  and  the  like  of  which  I  had  never  seen 
before.  Here  were  Bob,  Fountain,  George,  and  Harry, 
and  Charlton,  Bob's  little  son.  I  was  seated,  talking  to 
them  about  their  new  condition,  contrasting  it  with  their 
former;  pointing  out  some  of  the  evils  they  would  most 
probably  encounter,  advising  and  instructing  them  how 
to  act  so  as  best  to  guard  against  these  when  I  should  be 
gone;  impressing  upon  them  the  importance  of  industry, 
honesty,  economy,  obedience  to  the  laws,  with  as  few 
dealings  with  the  vicious  of  their  own  and  the  like  class 
of  the  white  race  as  possible.  I  was  telling  Bob  and 
Harry  how  to  bring  up  their  children.  It  seemed  as  if  I 
was  about  to  leave  them  forever,  never  to  see  them  again, 
and  was  giving  them  my  last  parting  words.  In  this  vale 
dictory,  the  fountains  of  the  heart  were  broken  up,  and 

I  was  lecturing  and  weeping  at  once. 

Read  I  Timothy;  not  so  connected,  clear,  or  able  as 

II  Timothy.     Some  parts  seem  to  have  suffered  in  trans 
lation;  for  instance: 

But  refuse  profane  and  old  wives'  fables,  and  exercise 
thyself  rather  unto  godliness.     For  bodily  exercise  profit- 


316  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

eth  little:  but  godliness  is  profitable  unto  all  things,  having 
promise  of  the  life  that  now  is,  and  of  that  which  is  to 
come. 

This  gives  the  impression  that  Paul  placed  little  esti 
mate  on  benefits  of  bodily  exercise.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
otherwise,  that  the  great  advantage  of  exercise  in  the 
development  of  the  physical  part  of  man  was  taken  by 
him  as  an  admitted  fact;  and  that  he  designed  to  show 
that  like  exercise  of  the  moral  or  spiritual  part  is  of  as 
much  higher  importance  as  the  soul  is  greater  than  the 
body.  His  idea,  it  seems  to  me,  was  that  bodily  exercise 
profits  only  in  a  limited  degree  and  for  a  limited  time 
while  exercise  of  the  spiritual  part  of  man,  leading  to 
"godliness,"  is  profitable  to  the  entire  man  in  all  things 
present  and  to  come.  Paul  was  a  close  reasoner,  and 
I  cannot  see  why  he  should  have  said,  "For  bodily  exer 
cise  profiteth  little,"  as  an  illustration  of  anything  he  had 
said  before. 

Wrote  Raymond  Burch  to  express  me  Savage's  book, 
"Representative  Men";  wrote  Travis,  at  Richmond, 
to  send  me  by  express  5  Ibs.  of  smoking  tobacco.  Geary 
brought  papers.  Read  account  of  the  execution  yester 
day  of  those  condemned  in  the  assassination  trial. 

While  I  was  lying  on  my  bunk,  still  glancing  over 
the  papers  to  see  if  I  could,  in  any  corner  or  nook,  find 
anything  of  interest,  Lieut.  W.  entered,  bringing  me  a 
letter,  stating  as  he  handed  it  to  me,  that  it  was  from  my 
brother  but  looked  as  if  it  had  gone  through  the  wars. 
I  reached  for  it  with  great  eagerness.  The  envelope 
was  worn  and  torn;  it  bore  no  marks  of  approval  from 
General  Dix  or  anybody  else.  The  letter  was  dated 
May  24th,  the  day  before  my  arrival  here,  the  day  on 
which  Myers  wrote  me.  This  seems  the  first  letter  Linton 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  317 

has  written  me.  Where  it  has  been  this  long  time  I 
can't  imagine.  I  have  an  idea  that  it  reached  here  yes 
terday,  but  was  kept  back  by  Major  Allen  because  of  its 
having  no  endorsement  of  approval.  When  I  opened 
it,  and  recognized  the  well-known  hand,  my  eyes  filled 
with  tears.  The  reading  did  me  great  good,  gave  me  great 
satisfaction.  Where  could  this  letter  have  been  kept  so 
long?  And  why  has  it  been  withheld?  May  not  the 
same  parties  have  other  letters  still  held  back  for  the  pur 
pose  of  torturing  me? 

6:15.  —  Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  My  foot  well 
enough  to  allow  me  to  limp.  Saw  the  two  balloons  that 
were  advertised  to  ascend  from  Boston  this  evening. 
Both  had  been  up  some  time,  and  both  aeronauts  were 
visible.  One  airship  was  off  to  the  southeast  in  which 
direction  it  finally  went  out  of  sight;  the  other  flew  over 
the  harbour  up  toward  the  city;  it  was  still  in  view  when 
I  came  down,  had  shifted  position  and  seemed  to  be 
going  somewhere  north  of  Cambridge.  Lieut.  W.  told 
me  General  Jackson  was  released  from  this  place  to-day  - 
the  order  came  this  morning,  and  he  left  this  evening.  I 
am  truly  glad  of  his  good  fortune.  But  why  he  should 
be  discharged  and  other  officers  kept,  I  do  not  under 
stand  ;  nor  do  I  understand  why  he  should  be  discharged 
and  I  held.  He  bent  his  energies  to  bring  about  seces 
sion  ;  I  strove  with  all  my  power  to  prevent  it.  I  addressed 
the  legislature  against  it;  he  opposed  me  in  speech  there 
and  then;  and  afterward  in  a  series  of  letters  published 
in  pamphlet  form.  I  doubt  not  his  patriotism  and  hon 
esty  in  it  all;  but  I  don't  see  why  justice  that  lets  him  go 
at  large  keeps  me  here.  I  have  a  high  personal  regard 
for  Jackson,  and  rejoice  at  his  liberation.  Geary  brought 
tea. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

SUNDAY,  July  9.  —  The  fife,  the  drum,  and  the 
drill  go  on  as  on  all  other  days.  No  more 
regard  is  paid  to  Sunday  here  than  in  Siam, 
Timbuctoo,  China,  or  the  Fiji  Islands,  and  yet  the  Fourth 
of  July  Eagle-screaming  preacher-orators  rant  lustily 
about  this  being  a  land  of  Christianity  as  well  as  liberty. 
It  is  as  much  one  as  the  other.  It  is,  very  much  mixed. 
There  are  in  it  many  devout  worshippers  of  the  true 
God;  there  are  many  who  enjoy  liberty.  Who,  how 
ever,  has  any  security  for  that  liberty  he  enjoys  ?  Rights 
without  securities  or  the  power  to  enforce  them  are 
little  less  than  mockeries.  Who  can  read  without  deepest 
indignation  the  daily  accounts  of  tortures  inflicted  by 
high  officials,  and  that,  too,  upon  the  poor  unfortunate 
race  to  whom  they  are  proclaimed  to  be,  under  God 
and  our  Christian  Government,  the  ministering  angels 
of  deliverance  and  liberty?  Such,  for  instance,  as  the 
thumbscrew  operation  the  other  day  at  Raleigh,  upon 
the  poor  Negro  who  died  from  it ;  and  that  other  infamous 
outrage  at  Fortress  Monroe  upon  another  poor  son  of 
Africa  who  sought  and  obtained  relief  by  drowning. 
Mrs.  Stowe  ought  to  write  another  book.  The  Legrees 
are  multiplying  fast  all  around. 

Finished  Hebrews.  Reviewed  simply  as  an  off-hand 
letter,  hastily  penned  to  be  sent  by  Timothy,  as  it  seems 
to  have  been,  it  is  a  wonderful  production;  in  learning, 
style,  vigour  of  thought,  and  form  of  illustration,  far 

318 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  319 

above  the  class  of  like  character  in  that  day  even  in 
Greece  or  Rome. 

Geary  brought  the  Sunday  Boston  Herald.  No  news. 
This  is  a  racy  paper.  The  column  devoted  to  "Fact 
and  Fancies"  is  generally  rich.  A  good  thing  in  it  to-day 
is  a  pass  of  some  years  ago  between  Saxe,  the  poet,  and 
Chief  Justice  Redfield,  of  Vermont.  Saxe  was  running 
for  Governor  of  Vermont  and,  being  a  Democrat,  had 
little  prospect  of  election,  as  his  party  was  largely  in  the 
minority.  The  Chief  Justice,  on  meeting  him,  said 
jocosely,  " So,  Saxe,  you  expect  to  be  Governor ? "  "Yes," 
said  the  latter,  "I  expect  to  govern  myself  under  the 
misfortune  of  a  defeat."  "Ah?"  said  the  Judge;  "it 
is  a  great  man  that  is  governor  of  himself."  "True," 
said  Saxe,  "but  he  is  greater  who  is  judge  of  himself." 
Another  good  thing  done  up  as  original,  is  this:  "When 
lenity  and  cruelty  play  for  power,  the  gentler  gamester 
is  soonest  winner."  This  is  by  no  means  original  with 
Messrs.  Baily  &  Co.,  the  publishers  of  this  spicy  journal. 
It  was  said  by  Shakespere,  and  there  is  a  philosophy 
in  it  that  some  high  officials,  now  playing  for  power  in 
this  country,  might  profit  by. 

Gleaned  everything  from  the  Herald]  read  it  to  the 
advertisements,  and  even  some  of  them.  Walked  my 
room.  Got  a  good  view  of  Reagan  as  he  returned  from 
his  evening  walk.  He  saw  me,  and  we  exchanged  bows 
for  the  first  time  since  we  parted  on  the  Tuscarora. 
Whether  such  salutations  are  against  prison  rules  or  no, 
I  do  not  know.  I  shall  inquire;  I  do  not  wish  to  violate 
any  of  the  rules,  though  I  am  clearly  convinced  that  my 
confinement  and  everything  pertaining  to  it  is  illegal, 
wrongful,  and  an  outrage  on  my  personal  rights. 

6-15 — Took  usual  walk.     Soon  after  I  mounted  the 


320  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

parapet  my  hat  blew  over  the  wall.  Lieut.  W.  called 
to  a  soldier  to  go  over  and  get  it.  Meanwhile,  I  stood 
bareheaded  in  wind  and  sun.  On  the  soldier's  coming 
to  me  with  the  hat,  I  said  " Thank  you";  he  replied 
in  the  old  vernacular,  "You  are  welcome,  sir."  I  told 
Lieut.  W.  of  my  having  bowed  to  Reagan  as  he  passed 
my  window,  and  asked  if  it  was  against  rules.  He  replied 
that  it  was  against  his  orders  to  allow  any  communica 
tions.  I  considered  this  equivalent  to  a  prohibition. 
Twinges  of  toothache;  threatened  with  neuralgic  head 
ache.  Came  in  from  walk  before  expiration  of  hour. 
Saw,  as  I  returned,  two  Confederate  prisoners  carrying 
buckets  of  water.  One  bowed  to  me.  I  did  not  recog 
nize  either.  They  were  under  guard.  They  must 
rank  as  high  as  major,  for  all  prisoners  under  that  grade 
have  been  released.  Wish  I  knew  who  they  were. 

July  loth  —  Did  not  sleep  well;  suffered  a  good  deal. 
As  Geary  was  late  bringing  breakfast,  I  read  both  Epis 
tles  to  the  Thessalonians,  written  in  the  names  of  Paul, 
Silvanus,  and  Timothy.  Evidence  from  style  is  strong 
to  my  mind  that  Paul  did  not  write  either.  They  were 
joint  letters,  perhaps  penned  by  Timothy;  and  Paul 
signed  them  as  did  the  others.  In  the  conclusion  of  the 
second,  he  says,  "The  salutation  of  Paul  with  mine  own 
hand,"  which  is  the  token  in  every  epistle.  From  this 
it  would  seem  that  he  actually  wrote  with  his  own  hand 
nothing  but  this  salutation  at  the  end,  which  was  token 
that  he  endorsed  what  had  been  drawn  up  by  others. 

8.30  —  Answered  Linton's  letter.  On  the  subject 
of  his  visit  to  me,  wrote  I  would  be  glad  to  have  him 
come  if  he  should  be  permitted:  how  to  advise  in  this 
matter,  I  hardly  knew;  I  supposed  that  special  applica- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  321 

tion  would  have  to  be  made  to  the  Secretary  of  War;  if 
he  were  to  make  an  application  stating  the  facts,  and  get 
it  approved  by  Governor  Johnson,  it  might  have  weight 
with  Secretary  Stanton.  I  added: 

In  no  event  do  I  wish  anything  in  such  application 
but  a  simple  statement  of  the  facts  of  the  case,  with  the 
reason  assigned  for  the  interview.  I  wish  nothing  like 
entreaty  or  adventitious  influence  brought  to  bear  in 
my  behalf.  You  understand  me.  I  wish  no  favours 
and  I  shrink  from  no  responsibility.  I  would  sooner 
die,  be  hanged,  quartered,  and  gibbeted  than  to  beg  for 
kindness  from  any  mortal  on  earth,  though  I  am  as  grate 
ful  as  any  one  ought  to  be  for  favours  given  with  that 
dignity  which  becomes  the  bestower  and  the  receiver. 

Took  up  Aristotle  on  "Economics."  His  views  on 
family  government  and  economy,  the  marriage  relation, 
the  duties  of  man  and  wife,  are  admirable.  His  treatise 
on  politics,  I  consider  of  little  value;  but  there  are  some 
good  ideas  in  it,  such  as  that  of  "quality  and  quantity" 
in  the  composition  of  States;  and  that  property,  popu 
lation,  and  virtue,  or  "riches,  number,  and  merit/7  are 
the  three  great  elements  to  be  looked  for  in  forming  a 
government  for  society.  But  the  true  idea  of  repre 
sentation  in  the  administration  of  the  supreme  power 
residing  in  all  commonwealths,  does  not  seem  to  have 
entered  his  head.  He  saw  clearly  the  evils  attending 
all  kinds  of  governments  —  monarchies,  oligarchies, 
aristocracies,  and  democracies  —  and  clearly  shows  pref 
erence  for  a  mixed  government  partaking  in  some 
measure  of  each  of  these  forms.  His  opinion  that  the 
ends  of  all  government  should  be  the  general  good,  or 
the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  all  the  individuals  of  the 


322  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

state  without  injury  to  any,  is  also  apparent.     This  is 
a  correct  and  great  idea  in  itself. 

But  he  excludes  slaves  from  this  consideration.  As  per 
sons  they  do  not,  in  his  view,  form  any  part  of  society. 
This  is  a  very  great  error.  Much  that  he  says  upon 
slavery  has  the  sanction  of  reason  and  justice,  but  a  great 
deal  has  not.  Though  slavery  be  justified  on  grounds 
stated  by  him,  slaves  enter  nevertheless  into  the  compo 
sition  of  society  as  constituent  elements,  and  the  interest 
and  rights  of  that  portion  of  society  should  be  looked 
to  and  guarded  in  its  laws  as  well  as  those  of  any  other 
part.  What  he  says  of  emancipation  being  held  out  to 
slaves  upon  their  proving  themselves  worthy,  meets 
my  full  endorsement. 

July  2. — Not  well.  Read  Colossians;  written  in 
better  style  than  either  Thessalonians.  I  think  Paul 
wrote  this  himself. 

9.15  —  Breakfast.     Took  little  of  anything. 

2  P.  M.  —  It  has  been  raining  all  day.  I  have  felt 
worse  physically  than  at  any  other  time  since  I  have 
been  here.  At  eleven  the  surgeon  called.  My  pulse 
was  then  about  eighty;  it  had  been  as  high  as  one  hun 
dred.  My  head  still  ached.  He  sent  me  some  pills 
and  a  small  bottle  of  buchu. 

Daily  papers;  nothing  to  interest  me,  but  I  whiled 
away  the  time  the  best  way  I  could,  reading  and  glean 
ing.  Had  hoped  for  a  letter.  It  cannot  be  that  my 
friends  have  forgotten  me.  Is  it  possible  that  my  letters 
are  withheld  by  the  authorities?  I  am  slow  to  believe 
this.  The  reason  I  receive  no  letters  from  home  is  prob 
ably  due  to  the  lack  of  mail  facilities  in  the  South. 

6.15 — Lieut.  W.  called  for  the  walk,  but  I  did  not 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  323 

venture  out.  I  was  too  weak.  I  have  been  reading 
Bacon's  " Essays"  and  looking  over  some  numbers  of 
Harper's  Weekly  Lieut.  W.  sent  me  last  night.  The 
thought  of  being  seriously  ill  here  preys  heavily  on  my  soul. 

July  12. —  Didn't  get  to  sleep  until  late.  Suffered 
much  pain.  Feel  better  this  morning,  but  prostrated. 
Read  Philippians;  another  of  Paul's  earnest,  clear,  and 
powerful  exhortations.  While  I  was  making  this  entry 
Lieut.  W.  and  Dr.  Seaverns  called. 

If  any  mortal  ever  existed  with  more  cause  than  I 
have  for  disquietude  of  mind  and  bodily  suffering,  I 
sincerely  pity  him.  Weak  and  frail  from  my  cradle, 
my  whole  life  has  been  one  of  constant  physical  pain. 
Health  I  have  never  known.  Yet  my  exertions,  from 
the  time  I  have  been  able  to  make  any,  have  been  directed 
more  to  the  benefit  of  others  than  to  my  own.  I  have 
thought  more  of  the  sufferings  of  others  than  of  my  own, 
and  have  done  more  for  the  relief  of  others  than  I  have 
ever  done  for  my  own  relief;  yet,  strangely,  misfortunes 
multiply  and  intensify  upon  me.  Here  am  I,  bereft 
of  friends,  cut  off  from  communication  with  them, 
deprived  of  those  needful  attentions  and  comforts  which 
even  such  means  as  I  have  been  able  to  procure  by  my 
own  labour  might  command  were  I  permitted  to  use 
them  in  paying  some  one  to  stay  with  and  wait  on  me, 
doing  such  things  for  me  as  I  am  unable  to  do  myself 
and  which  my  necessities  require.  And  all  for  what? 
What  have  I  done  that  I  should  receive  such  treatment  ? 
Did  I  bring  on  the  war?  Did  I  stir  up  men's  blood  to 
strife  ?  Did  not  I  do  everything  in  my  power  to  prevent 
it  ?  Are  not  thousands  who  did  exert  themselves  to  bring 
it  on  now  at  large  ?  Whatever  be  my  fortitude  to  bear, 


324  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

I  am  far  from  being  insensible  to  injustice.  I  feel  that 
I  am  wronged  deeply,  grievously.  I,  who  never  inten 
tionally  wronged  man  or  brute,  feel  myself  the  helpless 
victim  of  the  most  cruel  and  wanton  wrongs.  Against 
them  whatever  of  spirit  there  is  in  me,  so  far  from  being 
humbled  or  overwhelmed  by  such  treatment,  only  rises  with 
new  energies  in  protest.  Unable,  as  I  am  in  this  cell,  to 
do  anything  else,  I  can,  at  least,  and  do,  there  fore,  here  enter 
my  protest  against  such  gross  injustice  and  inhumanity. 

I  was  walking  my  room  when  Lieut.  W.  brought 
me  two  letters,  saying  one  contained  news  from  my 
brother.  With  great  anxiety,  I  read  them.  One  from 
Dr.  Willis,  of  Savannah,  of  the  6th,  stated  that  he  had 
received  a  letter  from  Linton,  of  2gth  June,  saying  all 
were  well,  but  that  he  had  heard  nothing  from  me.  The 
other,  from  Joe  Myers,  Augusta,  28th  June,  reports 
all  well,  rains  plentiful,  crops  good;  he  has  written  me 
three  letters;  Dr.  Paterson  got  the  one  I  wrote  him, 
and  took  two  out  of  the  office  for  Linton  from  me.  Both 
letters  did  me  a  great  deal  of  good,  but  somehow  before 
I  was  aware  of  it,  tears  were  dropping  on  the  pages. 

Geary  brought  papers.  In  the  New  York  Times  is  an 
interesting  article  in  the  form  of  a  circular  from  G.  W.  L. 
Bickley,  President  of  the  Order  of  the  Golden  Circle.* 
It  is  dated  from  this  Fort,  28th  June,  1865.  He  is  a  pris 
oner  here;  and,  bad  as  my  condition  is,  his  seems  to 
have  been  greatly  worse.  In  weighing  this  difference, 
his  physical  ability  to  stand  more  than  I  can  must  be 
taken  into  account.  I  could  not  have  stood  what  he 
has.  I  should  have  died.  The  other  evening,  I  men- 

*  According  to  the  circular,  it  comprised  men,  of  all  sections  and  creeds,  opposed  to  cruelty  in 
warfare,  and  radicalism  Northern  or  Southern;  Bickley  had  beeji  kept  in  close  confinement  from 
July,  1863,  and  carried  from  prison  to  prison  as  his  friends  would  discover  his  whereabouts  and 
seek  to  secure  his  release  or  trial, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  325 

tioned  that  on  returning  from  my  walk  I  saw  persons 
whom  I  took  to  be  Confederate  prisoners  going,  under 
guard,  with  buckets  for  water;  and  that  one  of  them 
bowed  to  me.  I  inquired  next  day  of  Lieut.  W.  who  they 
were.  He  said  one  was  a  Captain  Hunter  of  the  Navy, 
and  the  other  Dr.  Bickley  of  the  Golden  Circle.  Bickley's 
circular  is  an  able  paper.  Men  are  not  to  be  judged 
by  appearances.  Little  idea  had  I  that  either  of  the 
bucket-bearers  was  master  of  such  thoughts  as  are  found 
in  this  circular. 

6  P.  M.  —  I  ventured  out.  My  main  object  was  to 
let  my  room  have  an  airing  while  I  got  one  myself.  I 
did  not  feel  able  to  walk.  We  ascended  to  the  music 
arbour;  there  I  rested;  a  sprinkle  of  rain  kept  us  under 
the  shed  until  I  thought  it  best  to  return.  Lieut.  W. 
brought  to  my  notice  what  purports  to  be  an  extract 
from  my  speech,  in  the  Georgia  Secession  Convention. 
He  said  he  had  been  requested  to  ask  me  if  it  was  genu 
ine.  It  is  the  same  as  that  in  the  John  M.  Botts  letter, 
which  I  have  mentioned.  I  told  him  it  was  not  correct; 
when  or  how  it  ever  got  started,  I  did  not  know.  He 
said  there  was  lately  published  another  extract,  purport 
ing  to  be  from  a  speech  of  mine  in  Congress,  in  1859, 
about  which  there  is  some  question,  and  he  should  like 
to  know  if  that  was  genuine.  Upon  our  return  he  went 
and  got  it.  This  " extract"  is  utterly  false  and  was 
probably  fabricated  to  prejudice  the  public  against  me. 
Lieut.  W.  expressed  himself  as  highly  gratified  at  hearing 
what  I  said  about  it.  The  " extract"  represents  me  as 
indulging  in  a  tirade  of  abuse  of  the  North  generally. 
The  heading  introduces  it  as  a  specimen  of  what  Mr. 
Giddings*  used  to  call  "  plantation  manners." 

*  Joshua  Giddings  anti-slavery  leader  and  author. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

JULY  13.  —  I  clipped  from  the  Boston  Journal  a 
piece  headed  "The  Hero  of  the  British  Tories," 
copied  from  the  London  Herald.  The  Herald's 
appreciation  of  Mr.  Davis  is  as  much  over  the  true  mark 
as  the  Journal's  is  under  it.  Mr.  Davis  is  neither  the 
greatest  nor  the  worst  man  in  America,  in  the  United 
States,  nor  in  the  late  Confederate  States.  How  he 
will  tower  in  history  or  be  estimated  by  posterity,  I 
do  not  know.  It  certainly  is  not  my  object  to  detract 
from  Mr.  Davis,  but  the  truth  is  that  as  a  statesman  he 
was  not  colossal.  If  he  had  been  a  statesman  of  great 
stature  the  condition  of  this  country,  or  of  those  States 
which  put  him  at  the  head  of  their  affairs,  would  be  far 
different  from  what  it  is.  After  the  Government  was 
organized  at  Montgomery,  it  was  reported  that  he  said 
it  was  "now  a  question  of  brains."  The  remark  I  thought 
a  good  one. 

If  the  real  truth  of  history  in  relation  to  the  Southern 
Cause  shall  ever  be  written,  it  will  be  to  this  effect:  The 
Southern  mind  was  influenced  and  misguided  by  a  class 
of  public  men,  politicians  not  statesmen,  newspaper 
editors,  and  preachers,  who  possessed  far  more  ambi 
tion  and  zeal  than  wisdom  and  knowledge.  By  their 
power  over  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the  multitude, 
they  precipitated  the  Southern  people  into  reassumption 
of  their  independence  as  States,  more  as  an  escape  from 
anticipated  wrongs  than  from  actual  grievance.  These 

326 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  327 

people  were  as  patriotic,  as  true  and  loyal  to  the  principles 
of  the  Constitution  as  were  their  fathers,  in  1776,  by 
whose  acts  and  sacrifices  these  principles  had  been 
established.  They  were  led  to  believe  that  the  only 
way  to  maintain  and  preserve  these  principles  was  to 
take  the  course  they  did.  Independence  was  resorted 
to  by  them,  the  resumption  of  the  reserved  sovereignty 
of  each  State  separately,  and  the  formation  of  a  new 
confederation,  as  the  only  means  left  for  the  security 
and  perpetuation  of  the  great  principles  of  self-govern 
ment  established  by  their  ancestors  in  common  with 
the  ancestors  of  their  former  brethren  of  the  North, 
and  wrhich  were  set  forth  and  guaranteed  in  the  Consti 
tution  of  the  United  States.  It  was  through  their  devo 
tion  to  these  principles  that  the  Southern  masses  wrere 
precipitated  into  the  fatal  step  they  took.  If  the  states 
manship  of  the  leaders  had  been  equal  to  their  ambition 
and  zeal,  the  results  would  have  been  vastly  different. 
The  people,  the  masses,  even  those  who  opposed  seces 
sion  as  long  as  that  wras  an  open  question,  did  more 
than  their  part.  Never  did  a  people  exhibit  higher 
virtues  in  patriotism,  in  courage,  in  fortitude,  and  in 
patience  under  the  severest  trials  and  sacrifices.  The 
disasters  attending  the  conflict  are  chargeable  to  their 
leaders,  to  the  men  in  authority,  to  those  to  whom  the 
control  of  public  destiny  was  confided,  and  to  no  one  is 
it  more  duly  attributable  than  to  Mr.  Davis  himself. 
He  proved  himself  deficient  in  developing  and  directing 
the  resources  of  the  country,  in  finance  and  in  diplomacy, 
as  well  as  in  military  affairs.  To  specify  and  establish 
his  deficiencies  and  errors  in  each  of  these  particulars 
would  require  more  time  and  space  than  I  now  have, 
even  if  I  had  inclination.  His  greatest  failure  in  states- 


328  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

manship  was  either  in  not  understanding  the  popular 
aim  and  impulses,  or  in  attempting  to  direct  the  move 
ment  to  different  ends  from  those  contemplated  by  the 
people  who  had  intrusted  him  with  power.  If  he  did 
not  understand  the  purpose  of  the  people,  he  is  certainly 
not  entitled  to  any  high  rank  as  a  statesman.  If  he  did 
understand  them,  and  used  position  to  abuse  confi 
dence,  then  he  equally  forfeits  the  title  to  honest  states 
manship. 

Now  the  leading  object  of  the  Southern  masses  was 
the  security  and  perpetuation  of  Constitutional  Liberty. 
They  had  no  hostility  to  the  Union  per  se ;  on  the  contrary, 
their  attachment  to  it  was  strong;  had  grown  with  their 
growth  and  strengthened  with  their  strength.  It  was 
only  when  their  leaders  had  taught  them  that  they  should 
no  longer  remain  in  the  Union  and  preserve  their  rights 
and  liberties  that  they,  in  an  evil  hour,  resolved  to  quit 
it.  It  was  not  that  they  loved  the  Union  less  but  that 
they  loved  Constitutional  Liberty  more.  This  was  the 
spirit  that  animated  and  moved  the  masses,  improvised 
armies,  and  rendered  the  South  so  united,  so  enthusi 
astic  and  successful  during  the  first  years  of  the  war. 
It  owed  its  origin  to  the  apprehension  and  belief  impressed 
upon  them  by  their  leaders,  that  their  liberties  were 
endangered  from  disregard  for  constitutional  barriers 
by  the  authorities  at  Washington.  This  was  greatly 
increased  by  President  Lincoln's  proclamations  and 
orders  blockading  the  ports,  calling  out  the  militia  with 
out  authority  of  law,  and  assuming  the  royal  prerogative 
of  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  a  prerogative 
no  sovereign  in  England  in  this  day  would  dare  assume; 
these  acts  brought  the  border  States  to  the  side  of  the 
Confederacy;  and  it  was  these  acts  and  others  of  like 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  329 

character  that  rendered  the  Southern  people,  however 
before  divided,  almost  a  unit  in  the  cause,  as  they  sup 
posed,  of  the  maintenance  of  their  liberties.  These  acts 
were  heralded  as  confirmation  of  the  wisdom  of  their  lead 
ers  who  had  forewarned  them.  Those  who  had  opposed, 
not  only  now  ceased  opposition,  but  in  many  instances 
rushed  with  zeal  to  the  front  ranks  of  the  defenders  of 
the  Constitution.  The  Union  they  considered  gone, 
but  the  Constitution  must  be  saved. 

This  was  the  state  of  things  when  Mr.  Davis  went  to 
Richmond.  This  was  the  state  of  things  at  and  after 
the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run.  This  was  the  state  of  things 
up  to  his  inauguration  as  President  under  the  Consti 
tution  for  the  permanent  government.  At  that  time 
he  was  at  the  head  of  a  more  united  people  than  ever 
man  was  before  in  a  war  of  such  magnitude;  nay  more, 
he  not  only  had  the  cordial  support  of  his  own  people, 
but  he  and  they  had  the  sympathy  of  at  least  seven-tenths 
of  their  nominal  enemies.  More  than  half  the  North 
were  politically  hostile  to  the  dominant  party  at  Wash 
ington,  while  at  least  two-tenths  of  the  Republicans 
were  ominously  alarmed  for  their  own  liberties  because 
of  what  they  considered  usurpations  at  Washington. 
Under  these  circumstances,  if  Mr.  Davis  had  had  those 
high  qualities  that  mark  the  great  statesman,  how  easily 
he  could  have  controlled  events  for  the  safety,  honour, 
dignity,  and  glory  of  his  country,  instead  of  taking  that 
course  which  has  brought  disaster,  desolation,  and  ruin, 
not  only  on  that  country  but  upon  himself.  He  utterly 
ignored,  or  did  not  understand,  the  popular  sentiment 
which  was  not  directed  so  much  to  disunion  as  to 
security  of  right.  The  Southern  masses  would  have  been 
satisfied  with  a  settlement  of  the  strife  upon  any  terms 


330  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

giving  security  to  their  rights  under  the  Constitution; 
they  had  no  desire  for  separate  independence  except 
as  a  last  resort.  Had  Mr.  Davis  possessed  any  states 
manship,  can  anybody  doubt  that,  under  the  circum 
stances,  he  could  have  shaped  events  so  as  to  effect  a 
settlement  that  would  have  been  satisfactory  to  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  of  both  sections,  making 
more  secure,  as  it  might  have  done,  the  liberties  of  both 
sections  or  the  entire  country? 

But  he  was  no  sooner  established  in  office  under  the 
permanent  Constitution,  than  he  began  to  exhibit  total 
disregard  for  the  principles,  aims,  objects,  and  views 
of  the  masses  of  his  own  people.  One  of  the  first  things 
he  asked  of  Congress  was  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus.  He  asked  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  do 
the  very  thing  the  doing  of  which  by  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
brought  thousands  and  thousands  to  the  Southern  armies. 
Then  came  his  demand  for  conscription,  the  first  great 
fatal  step  he  took.  That  act  by  Congress  struck  the 
Confederate  cause  a  stunning  blow  upon  the  brain-cap 
from  which  it  never  recovered.  Had  Mr.  Davis  been  a 
statesman  he  would  have  understood  the  people.  They 
were  fighting  for  rights,  not  for  dynasty.  Every  indica 
tion  of  a  sympathizing  movement  on  the  part  of  the 
Northwest  or  the  North  toward  making  a  common 
cause  for  the  maintenance  of  a  common  liberty  for  a 
common  country  he  repelled.  He  looked  to  nothing 
but  independence  or  separate  nationality.  His  internal 
policy  thoroughly  impressed  many  people  with  the  con 
viction  that  the  only  independence  he  was  looking  for 
was  the  establishment  of  an  irresponsible  despotism  of 
which  he  was  to  be  the  head.  Whether  such  was  his 
real  object  or  not,  such  at  least  many  at  first  feared; 


ALEXANDER  H.    STEPHENS  331 

and  the  people  very  generally  toward  the  close  believed 
such  to  be  his  object.  Hence,  that  sudden  letting  down, 
that  wonderful  collapse,  that  unexpected  "  falling  out  of 
the  bottom  of  the  bucket"  of  the  Confederate  Cause, 
which  has  been  the  subject  of  so  much  surprise.  I  cannot 
extend  these  remarks.  I  only  wish  here  to  say  that 
whatever  else  may  be  said  of  Mr.  Davis  it  cannot  be 
correctly  said  that  he  was,  or  is,  a  statesman  in  any 
exalted  sense  of  that  term.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find 
in  the  history  of  the  world  a  man  with  such  resources 
at  his  command  who  made  such  poor  use  of  them. 

Never  was  there  such  a  body  of  people  as  those  of 
the  Southern  States,  possessed  as  they  were  of  so  many 
high  qualities  of  mind  and  soul,  to  say  nothing  of  mate 
rial  powers  and  resources,  so  miserably  misled,  mis 
directed,  and  misgoverned  as  they  were.  It  would  be 
hardly  less  just  to  claim  statesmanship  for  him  of  a  high 
order  when  the  case  was  as  it  was,  he  holding  the  posi 
tion  he  did.  It  is  with  no  ill  will  to  him  I  thus  express 
myself.  It  is  from  a  profound  conviction  that  if  he  had 
been  a  man  equal  to  the  crisis,  a  man  with  the  right 
head  and  heart  for  the  occasion,  a  man  of  real  ability, 
patriotism  and  wisdom,  we  should  now  have  peace  and 
liberty  on  a  much  better  basis  and  securer  footing  than 
the  country  now  has,  ever  had,  or  will  have.  Whether 
the  old  Union  would  have  been  restored  under  the  Con 
federate  States  Constitution,  or  whether  some,  or  what, 
modifications  might  have  been  made  in  it,  looking  to  the 
best  interests  of  all  parties  concerned,  it  is  useless  now 
to  speculate. 

The  above  remarks  are  penned  as  if  I  were  a  disinter 
ested  spectator,  a  bare  "looker-on  in  Vienna,"  one  simply 
conversant  with  all  the  facts  without  taking  any  active 


332  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

part  in  making  them.  Indeed,  such  chiefly  has  been 
my  situation.  I  have  been  a  close  observer,  but  in  no 
way,  not  to  the  least  extent,  a  controller  of  events.  The 
lack  of  wisdom  on  the  part  of  the  leaders  who  brought 
about  the  " precipitation,"  I  saw  from  the  first,  or  thought 
I  saw.  My  opinion  then  was,  and  was  expressed,  that 
some  of  them  were  influenced  more  by  passion,  impulse, 
and  ambition  than  from  any  strong  motive  of  patriot 
ism. 

Should  Mr.  Davis  be  executed,  this  will  also  go  a  long 
way  in  giving  him  name  and  place  high  on  the  roll  of 
martyred  heroes  and  statesmen.  His  present  imprison 
ment  has  made  him  thousands  of  friends  and  sympathizers 
where  there  were  few.  This,  too,  is  the  way  history  is 
made  up.  All  this  I  know;  but  it  does  not  change  my 
opinion,  nor  modify  its  expression  to  the  extent  herein 
made.  Men's  acts  and  policies  often  tend  to  produce, 
and  are  efficient  in  producing,  just  what  they  profess 
to  desire  to  prevent.  So  it  was  in  his  case.  A  desire  to 
maintain  Southern  institutions  was  the  object  professed, 
but  these  institutions  were  safe  enough  for  all  practical 
purposes.  There  had  been  no  positive  aggression  on 
them,  or  violation  of  the  Constitution  in  respect  to  them 
by  the  Federal  Government,  though  there  had  been  breach 
of  faith  by  several  Northern  States.  It  was,  however, 
apprehended  that  some  such  violation  would  be  made, 
and  to  guard  and  provide  against  apprehended  danger, 
the  counsel  of  these  leaders  was  instantly  to  abandon 
the  Union  and  take  position  outside  of  the  Constitution, 
not  trusting  to  its  proper  barriers.  This  was  done 
while  there  were  decided  majorities  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress  in  favour  of  sustaining  all  the  guarantees  of 
the  Constitution.  The  people  followed  this  advice  and 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 


333 


in  their  new  position  lost  everything.  The  advice  and 
the  result  are  as  if  the  commander  of  a  fort  should  counsel 
its  inmates  to  leave  their  position  behind  its  walls  and 
sally  forth  to  repel  an  approaching  attacking  party, 
lest  if  they  should  remain  where  they  are,  to  receive 
the  assault,  they  may  all  be  cut  to  pieces. 

Apprehensions  may  have  been  well  founded ;  Southern 
institutions  may  have  been  doomed  anyhow;  but  in  no 
possible  event  could  the  people  of  the  South  have  suf 
fered  worse  than  they  have;  in  no  probable  event  could 
they  have  suffered  one- tenth  what  they  have,  even  if 
their  peculiar  institution  had  been  swept  away  by  an  open 
and  palpable  breach  of  the  Constitution.  But  the 
truth  is  this:  by  following  the  advice  of  their  leaders, 
they  put  the  whole  machinery  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  with  all  its  claims  and  powers,  in  the  hands  of  a 
small  party  at  the  North,  comparatively  a  very  small 
portion  of  the  population  of  that  section.  What  wise 
man,  now  looking  at  the  past,  can  doubt  that  if  the  South 
ern  people  had  remained  in  their  strong  position  behind 
the  ramparts  of  the  Constitution,  the  assaults  of  that  party 
would  have  been  harmless;  and  that  long  before  this, 
it  would  have  been  impotent  to  do  any  injury  to  those 
thus  fortified?  Their  leaders  suggested  and  they  fol 
lowed  the  very  course  above  all  others  their  enemies 
would  have  had  them  take. 

It  is  one  thing  to  look  at  matters  after  they  have  occurred 
and  a  very  different  thing  to  judge  of  what  would  have 
happened  under  a  different  line  of  policy.  With  politi 
cians  it  is  as  it  is  with  quacks  in  medicine :  if  the  patient 
survives,  the  great  work  of  cure  is  claimed  to  the  credit, 
honour,  and  skill  of  the  doctor  who  almost  killed  him  in 
spite  of  nature :  while  if  the  patient  dies  from  the  prescrip- 


334  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

tion  of  the  quack,  it  is  all,  with  due  submission  and 
resignation,  turned  over  to  the  score  of  Providence.  So, 
I  suppose,  it  will  be  with  the  Southern  States,  their  cause, 
their  institutions,  their  ruin,  and  their  leaders.  These 
Southern  leaders  were  certainly  short-sighted;  they 
evinced  no  wise  forecast  of  statesmanship.  Mr.  Davis, 
in  my  opinion,  ranks  with  the  rest  of  them.  If  he  had 
been  a  real  statesman,  he  would  have  opposed  seces 
sion. 

With  several  of  these  leaders,  whose  names  I  need 
not  mention,  I  was  intimate.  A  few  were,  and  are, 
men  of  great  ability,  equal  to  any  of  their  generation 
on  the  continent,  with  native  genius  of  a  high  order, 
thoroughly  cultivated;  practised  on  the  hustings,  in  the 
forum,  and  in  the  public  councils.  In  eloquence  and 
the  power  of  swaying  the  passions  of  the  masses,  they 
had  no  superiors  in  any  age  or  country.  Some,  I  believe, 
wrought  themselves  up  into  a  misguided  patriotic  fervour ; 
like  some  religious  enthusiasts,  they  exhibited  zeal  with 
out  knowledge;  yet  I  believed  them  to  be  honest  in  it. 
Of  others  I  had,  and  have,  a  different  opinion.  These 
latter  were  influenced  more  by  ambition  than  by  impulses 
of  patriotism.  Still,  I  believe  even  these  mistook  their 
ambition  for  patriotism.  They  aimed  at  nothing  but 
good  government  under  their  own  administration.  All 
were  more  or  less  blinded  by  passions,  prejudices,  or 
zeal.  They  had  but  little  of  that  cool  calculating  wisdom 
that  marks  the  true  and  generous  statesman.  Such 
will  be  the  language  of  history  if  the  record  is  ever  rightly 
made.  Mr.  Davis  belonged  to  neither  of  these  classes. 
I  doubt  if  he  really  favoured  secession.  He  simply 
went  with  the  crowd.  He  made  no  secession  speeches 
that  I  ever  heard  of.  He  is  a  man  of  good  character, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  335 

well  educated,  of  more  than  fair  ability,  and  of  agreeable 
manners,  but,  in  my  judgment,  far  from  being  a  states 
man. 

Lieut.  Woodman  brought  me  a  letter  from  Dr.  Berck- 
mans,  Augusta,  July  i.  This  was  a  real  treat,  and  I 
feel  greatly  obliged  to  the  doctor.  Wish  I  could  feel  as 
sanguine  of  my  early  release  as  he  expresses  himself  to 
be.  He  sends  me  a  photograph  of  Marshall  P.  Wilder,  of 
Boston,  President  of  the  American  Horticultural*  Society 
of  1857.  I  should  like  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  Mr. 
Wilder  on  the  doctor's  account. 

This  day  completes  the  ninth  week  since  my  arrest, 
the  seventh  of  my  incarceration  here  without  accusation, 
warrant,  or  notification  of  the  cause,  and  yet  it  is  claimed 
that  this  is  a  free  country. 

I  see  in  the  Boston  Journal  an  editorial  on  a  speech 
by  Wendell  Phillips ;  t  and  the  report  of  an  interview 
between  President  Johnson  and  a  Richmond  delegation,  t 
Such  pieces  cause  me  deep  pain  and  mortification  from 
the  clear,  vivid  view  they  present  of  the  complete  sub 
jugation  and  degradation  of  my  country.  How  more 
abject  could  any  people  be,  and  dependent  on  the  mercy 
of  another  than  are  now  the  people  of  the  South  on  the 
people  of  the  North.  The  evening  paper  says  it  was 
decided  in  Cabinet  meeting  to  keep  in  abeyance  for  the 
present  the  question  of  pardon  of  the  Confederate  gen^ 
erals  and  others  of  high  official  station. 

6.15 — Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.     I  was  too  weak 


*  Perhaps  The  American  Pomological  Society  is  meant.  The  encyclopedias  give  no  account 
of  any  horticultural  society  of  this  date  of  which  Mr.  Wilder  was  president. 

t  Urging    measures   to   protect    Congress   against   the   seating  of  Southerners  in  that  body. 

%  Leading  citizens  asking  Johnson  to  amend  the  "820,000  Clause"  in  the  Amnesty  Proclamation 
(excluding  owners  of  this  much),  as  it  tied  up  capital  and  so  worked  hardship  on  the  poor. 
Johnson  replied  insultingly  that  the  rich  men  at  the  South  had  brought  on  the  war,  etc. 


336  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

to  walk  much.  I  rested  twice,  and  returned  before  time 
was  up.  Lieut.  W.  has  just  come  and  handed  me  a  book, 
entitled  the  "  Rebellion  Record."  I  expect  to  find 
much  in  it  to  entertain  me.  I  am  truly  obliged  to  him 
for  it,  and  so  told  him. 

Geary  brought  tea  as  usual.  I  took  a  few  sips  and 
asked  what  would  be  the  prospect  of  my  getting  milk 
instead.  He  said  I  could  have  as  much  milk  as  I  wanted, 
and  proposed  to  go  and  get  some.  I  replied,  if  it  would 
not  be  too  much  trouble  to  him,  I  wished  he  would. 
He  brought  me  a  glass  of  rich,  cool  milk. 

Until  lights  were  extinguished,  looked  over  the  "  Rebel 
lion  Record."  I  see  my  letter  on  Martial  Law  to 
Mayor  Calhoun  of  Atlanta. 

July  14.  -  -  Read  Galatians,  a  letter  written  by 
Paul's  "own  hand."  It  is  firm,  earnest,  and  zealous, 
of  great  power  and  clearness.  One  expression  in  it 
has  given  rise  to  a  great  misconception  concerning  the 
doctrine  of  "  falling  from  grace,"  that  is,  the  possibility 
of  one  who  has  once  been  regenerated,  or  "born  again" 
of  the  spirit,  falling  back  into  his  original  condition, 
and  becoming  a  reprobate.  Now,  without  saying  any 
thing  on  this  point  of  controversy,  I  mean  only  to  give 
my  opinion  that  the  text  has  nothing  to  do  with  that 
doctrine.  The  words  are,  "Ye  have  fallen  from  grace," 
but  the  whole  verse  reads :  "  Christ  is  become  of  no  effect 
unto  you,  whosoever  of  you  are  justified  by  the  law; 
ye  are  fallen  from  grace."  The  meaning,  taken  with 
the  context,  is,  as  it  appears  to  me,  simply  this:  those 
who  look  to  the  law  for  justification  and  not  to  Christ 
through  faith,  rely  on  themselves,  on  works  alone  and 
not  on  grace,  for  their  salvation.  You  who  do  this, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  337 

says  Paul,  rely  on  something  other  than  grace;  you 
abandon  grace.  The  whole  epistle  seems  to  have  been 
written  to  eradicate  a  certain  misconception  amongst  the 
Galatians,  who  seemed  to  think  that  the  Mosaic  cere 
monies  were  not  done  away  with  in  Christ's  dispensation. 
Some  amongst  them  taught  that  circumcision  was  to  be 
continued.  What  Paul  says  of  his  interview  with  Peter 
is  worthy  of  note  as  it  exhibits  the  characters  of  the 
two  men  in  striking  contrast  and  shows  the  spirit  and 
temper  in  which  Paul  dealt  with  a  co-labourer. 

Read  in  " Rebellion  Record"  Toombs's  speech  before 
the  Georgia  Legislature  in  November,  1860.  This  is 
an  able  speech;  but  it  is  not  exactly  as  delivered;  he 
wrote  this  out  after  my  speech  in  reply  to  his  was  reported. 
I  never  wrote  mine  save  to  the  extent  of  correcting  the 
notes  of  Mr.  Marshall's  report.  Mr.  Toombs's  written 
speech  contains  replies  to  views  presented  by  me  in 
answer  to  portions  of  his  delivered  speech.  The  speech 
as  delivered  by  him  was  much  more  eloquent,  animated, 
and  soul-stirring  than  this,  prepared  for  the  press  after 
the  ardour  and  fire  of  the  occasion  had  passed  off.  The 
ideas  in  the  main  are  the  same,  save  on  the  few  points 
excepted,  but  the  language,  strong  and  powerful  as  it 
is,  is  not  equal  to  that  he  used  in  delivery.  It  is  not  so 
concentrated,  does  not  hurl  his  thoughts  in  such  burn 
ing,  blazing,  irresistible,  Jove-like  bolts  as  did  his  words 
when  prompted  by  his  huge  brain  all  aglow. 

Geary  brought  the  morning  Boston  paper,  and  New 
York  Tribune,  Times,  and  Herald  of  yesterday.  I  see 
confirmation  of  yesterday's  telegram  that  the  Cabinet 
does  not  intend  to  make  decision  on  special  appeals  for 
amnesty  in  the  case  of  Confederate  generals  or  other 
high  officials  for  the  present;  these  cases  are  to  be  held 


338  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

in  abeyance.  The  Times  has  an  editorial  to  the  effect 
that  Mr.  Davis,  and  the  other  high  civil  officials  now  in 
custody,  will  before  long  be  put  on  trial  before  a  civil 
tribunal.  Boston  Post  gives  definition  of  "  Amnesty," 
as  accepted  by  all  writers  of  authority:  "A  sovereign 
act  of  clemency  by  virtue  of  which  the  past  is  consigned 
to  oblivion  and  the  victor  and  the  vanquished  are  placed 
on  an  equal  social  and  political  footing."  Would  it 
not  be  better  to  say  "  placed  on  their  former  (ante-bellum) 
social  and  political  footing?" 

ii  a.  m.  — Lieut.  W.  and  Dr.  Seaverns  called  to  see 
how  I  am  getting  along.  Told  the  doctor  I  was  free 
from  pain  and  doing  well,  After  a  short  stay  they  left. 
When  they  came  in,  they  found  me  spreading  out  my 
silk  underwear  before  the  fire  to  dry  thoroughly.  Ever 
since  I  have  been  here,  my  clothes  have  been  sent  in  rather 
damp,  particularly  silks.  I  find  that  silk  is  the  most 
difficult  of  all  cloth  to  dry;  it  seems  to  have  a  stronger 
affinity  than  any  other  for  water. 

Have  nearly  finished  Bacon's  "  Essays."  Am  dis 
appointed  in  them.  They  are  nothing  but  loose  sayings 
on  divers  subjects.  They  are,  in  some  respects,  not  unlike 
Solomon's  Proverbs.  The  best  is  on  "Friendship"; 
there  is  much  worth  reading  in  that. 

6.15  —  Did  not  walk  much.  Felt  weak.  Had  but 
little  conversation.  Stopped  once  at  the  eastern  bastion 
and  looked  over  the  parapet  upon  the  sea  —  the  quiet, 
deep,  mysterious  ocean,  emblem  of  time,  of  eternity, 
of  the  soul,  and  of  God.  My  eyes  filled  with  tears;  why, 
I  could  not  tell.  A  deep,  sad  voice  seemed  to  come  up 
from  its  silence,  responsive  to  the  melancholy  brooding 
in  my  heart.  To  me  all  things  in  nature  looked  sad. 
The  ships  out  at  sea,  with  their  flapping  canvas,  looked 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  339 

sad.  The  prisoners  on  the  opposite  bastion,  walking 
to  and  fro  in  pairs,  looked  sad.  The  soldiers,  sitting 
about  their  quarters  in  the  fort  below,  looked  sad.  The 
very  chirping  of  the  swallows  held  a  note  of  sadness. 
Indeed,  all  nature  —  earth,  sea,  sun,  and  sky  —  looked 
sad. 

Geary  has  just  brought  me  a  glass  of  milk,  which, 
with  some  bread,  made  my  supper.  Lieut.  W.  has  just 
brought  me  another  "  Rebellion  Record.'7 

July  15.  —  Rose  as  usual  at  7.30.  Read  in  Corin 
thians.  Geary  brought  breakfast  at  8.30.  Lieut.  W. 
and  Dr.  Seaverns  called  while  I  was  eating.  No  new 
directions.  Wrote  to  Governor  Johnson  of  Georgia: 

Governor:  Please  excuse  me  for  addressing  you  offi 
cially  a  few  words  in  my  own  behalf.  I  am  now  a  pri 
soner,  as  you  may  know,  in  this  place.  I  have  been  here 
upward  of  seven  weeks.  My  health  is  far  from  good. 
My  privations  are  telling  upon  the  energies  of  a  consti 
tution  at  all  times  weak.  I  am  becoming  more  enfeebled. 
On  this  account  I  wish  for  release  on  parole,  or  for  a 
mitigation  of  the  rigour  of  my  present  confinement, 
so  as  to  be  allowed  to  take  such  moderate  out-door  exer 
cise  as  I  am  able,  in  walking  at  pleasure  on  the  grounds 
during  the  day,  and  to  be  allowed  to  procure  the  ser 
vices  of  some  one  to  be  with  me  at  all  times  to  render 
such  attention  as  my  condition  requires.  Besides,  I 
am  anxious  for  release  on  parole  for  other  considerations. 
Much  business  in  my  hands  at  home  requires  immediate 
and  prompt  attention;  business  affecting  not  my  private 
interests  alone  but  the  interests  of  others;  of  a  profes 
sional  character  as  well  as  of  a  more  fiduciary  nature. 
I  have  the  management  of  several  estates,  and  am  guar 
dian  of  a  number  of  minors,  as  well  as  of  persons  of  colour, 
under  our  late  laws.  It  is  important  for  the  interests 


340  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  welfare  of  others,  therefore,  that  I  be  permitted  to 
explain,  arrange,  adjust,  and  turn  over  these  trusts.  I 
have  asked  the  President  for  release  on  parole  in  con 
sideration  of  these  things.  It  has  not  been  granted. 
From  what  I  have  keen  able  to  hear  in  my  present  situa 
tion,  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  perhaps  such  matters 
depend  to  some  extent  upon  the  recommendation  of  the 
Provisional  Governors  of  the  States,  who  are  presumed 
to  be  better  acquainted  than  others  with  the  facts  of  each 
case.  In  this  view  of  the  subject  I  now  address  you. 
You  have  known  me  from  our  college  and  classmate 
days.  My  whole  life,  or  my  public  acts,  at  least,  are 
known  to  you;  therefore,  upon  them  I  make  no  comment, 
further  than  to  state  what  you  yourself  know,  that  my 
utmost  exertions  to  prevent  the  troubles  that  have  come 
upon  the  country,  were  put  forth  at  the  critical  time  when 
like  exertions  to  bring  them  on  were  made  by  many  who 
are  now  at  large,  some  on  parole  and  some  with  amnesty 
fully  granted.  I  think  I  may  be  excused  in  alluding 
to  this  as  a  reason  why,  upon  the  principles  of  equal 
justice,  release  on  parole,  under  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  of  my  case,  should  be  granted  to  me. 

Now,  if,  in  view  of  these  matters,  and  from  your  own 
sense  of  what  is  right  and  proper  and  not  prejudicial  to 
the  public  interest  in  the  premises,  you  feel  at  perfect 
liberty  to  call  the  attention  of  the  authorities  at  Washing 
ton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  the  Secretary  of  State,  or 
the  President,  or  whoever  may  be  the  proper  one  to 
address,  to  the  facts  as  you  know  them,  with  a  recom 
mendation  for  release  on  parole,  etc.,  I  need  not  state 
that  I  should  consider  it  a  great  personal  favour  and 
should  appreciate  it  exceedingly.  I  simply  present  my 
case  to  your  notice  and  ask  that  you  act  upon  it  accord 
ing  to  your  sense  of  public  duty.  I  ask  for  myself  indi 
vidually  nothing  that  may  not  be  approved  fully,  cordially, 
and  cheerfully  by  the  dictates  of  your  own  judgment, 
looking  as  well  to  public  interest  as  to  the  accommodation 
of  private  individuals,  I  should  like  very  much  to  hear 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  341 

from  you  and  to  know,  at  least,  that  this  communication 
is  received  by  you. 

Yours   most   respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

After  sending  this  to  Lieut.  W.  to  be  mailed,  I  wrote: 

Governor:  It  is  but  proper  to  state  for  your  informa 
tion,  that  in  case  I  should  be  released  on  parole  I  would 
say  or  do  nothing  tending  to  thwart,  obstruct,  or  oppose 
the  policy  of  the  Administration  in  restoring  and  read 
justing  the  relations  between  the  States  and  the  Federal 
Government;  on  the  contrary,  if  permitted,  I  would  do 
all  in  my  power  in  aid  of  the  speediest  restoration  of 
harmony  and  prosperity  on  that  line  of  policy.  But  I 
have  no  desire  to  take  any  part  in  public  affairs.  What 
I  earnestly  wish,  and  all  I  ask  for,  is  to  be  permitted  to 
look  after  my  health  and  private  matters.  I  am  perfectly 
willing  to  abide  by  any  terms  or  conditions  restricting 
my  intercourse  with  the  people,  that  may  be  imposed. 
My  word  of  honour  may  be  relied  upon  in  any  pledge 
that  I  may  give  upon  this  or  any  other  subject. 
Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

In  the  papers  I  see  an  account  of  Governor  Brown's 
arrival  in  Macon  on  his  return  home.  He  was  arrested 
two  days  before  I  was,  and  has  been  released  on  parole. 
Looking  over  the  " Rebellion  Record"  I  see  reports  of 
my  speeches  in  Richmond  on  the  23d  April,  1861,  and 
in  Atlanta  on  the  3oth  June  and  the  23d  May,  which 
do  me  great  injustice,  especially  that  of  the  Richmond 
speech.  I  used  no  such  language  at  Richmond;  I 
spoke  strongly  against  unconstitutional  use  of  power 
in  blockading  Southern  ports,  calling  out  the  militia 
without  authority  of  law,  and  other  stretches  of  authority 


342  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

by  the  Administration  at  Washington,  as  foreshadowing 
the  breaking  down  of  all  the  safeguards  of  liberty  under 
the  Constitution,  and  the  ulitmate  consolidation  of  the 
Government  into  an  absolute  despotism;  and  I  urged 
union  of  effort  by  all  friends  of  Constitutional  liberty 
everywhere,  as  the  surest  hope  for  the  present  and  the 
future;  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  our  fathers  was  with 
us;  the  fate  of  American  Constitutional  liberty,  the 
light  and  hope  of  mankind,  was  with  us.  But  I  used 
no  epithet  or  term  of  personal  disrespect  toward  Mr. 
Lincoln  then  or  on  any  other  occasion.  The  reporter 
wrote  out  such  an  account  as  suited  his  purpose.  I 
have  often  been  provoked  by  similar  liberties.  So  much 
so,  that  for  the  last  two  years  I  have  almost  invariably 
refused  to  make  a  speech  unless  I  could  revise  the  report. 
There  seemed  to  me  from  the  beginning  a  fixed  design 
on  the  part  of  the  Richmond  press  to  keep  me  in  a  false 
position  before  the  public.  My  general  views  and 
feelings  in  1861  can  be  known  by  reference  to  my  speech 
in  the  Virginia  Secession  Convention.  It  was  in  a 
secret  session;  it  was  off-hand,  but  it  set  forth  clearly 
the  views  I  entertained;  it  was  published  with  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention.  The  Convention  had  a 
reporter  in  their  secret  sessions,  but  of  this,  I  knew  nothing 
at  the  time. 

Reports  of  the  Atlanta  speeches  are  such  sketches 
of  my  remarks  as  it  suited  the  reporters  to  make.  I 
have  no  idea  that  there  was  intention  to  misrepresent, 
but  any  writer  who  undertakes  to  reproduce  from  memory 
what  he  hears  another,  and  particularly  a  public  man, 
say,  will  be  apt  to  give  to  it  the  colouring  of  his  own 
thoughts.  There  was,  for  instance,  no  boasting  in  my 
speech.  My  heart  was  filled  with  sadness.  My  appre- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  343 

hension  was  that  what  I  had  to  say,  when  I  was  called 
out  and  almost  forced  to  speak  against  my  will,  would 
disappoint  the  people.  I  did  not  say,  "Well,  let  them 
come  on;  we  are  prepared  for  them."  After  speaking 
of  the  threatening  prospects,  I  said,  "We  must  prepare 
to  meet  the  crisis.  Argument  is  exhausted  and,  if  needs 
be,  we  must  now  stand  upon  our  arms."  This,  I  know, 
was  the  form  of  expression  used;  for  I  was  called  on 
for  a  speech  at  almost  every  depot  on  the  road,  and  I 
have  reason  to  remember  this  expression  from  repetition, 
if  nothing  more.  I  used  no  gasconade.  Nor  did  I  say 
that  Mr.  Davis  would  head  our  armies.  All  this  colour 
ing  was  added  by  the  reporter,  either  from  what  others 
said,  or  from  a  misconception  of  what  I  really  did  say 
about  the  removal  of  the  Government  and  Mr.  Davis 
to  Richmond.  The  idea  that  we  "could  call  out  a  mil 
lion  of  people,  and  then  another  million  when  these  were 
cut  down"  never  entered  my  head. 

The  Milledgeville  speech  against  secession,  November, 
1860,  as  in  the  "Record,"  is  in  the  main  correct.  It 
was  an  off-hand  address.  Mr.  Marshall's  report,  taken 
from  the  Georgia  papers  doubtless,  was  copied  in  the 
New  York  Times  from  which  the  "Record"  got  it.  The 
"Corner-stone"  speech,  which  I  made  in  Savannah, 
appears  in  the  "Record."  The  report  was  taken  from 
the  Savannah  Republican]  how  it  was  made  I  have 
before  stated;  I  see  in  this  report  several  errors;  for 
instance,  in  the  estimate  of  the  property  of  the  Southern 
States.  But  in  the  main  it  is  correct.  The  item,  in 
the  "Diary"  part  of  the  "Record"  from  the  New  York 
Post,  of  my  having  been  tendered  a  place  in  Mr.  Lincoln's 
Cabinet,  is  without  foundation  in  fact. 

The  item  about   Linton's  approval  of  the  Ordinance 


344  ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

of  Secession  in  Georgia  is  also  without  foundation.  He 
greatly  disapproved  it.  Thus  it  is  that  records,  histories, 
and  biographies,  in  most  instances,  are  made  up.  Some 
truths  with  more  fictions  strangely  interwoven,  and  all 
so  transcribed  as  to  make  such  a  figure  of  a  man  that 
he  could  never  recognize  it  as  intended  for  him  if  it  were 
not  duly  labelled,  marked,  and  laid  away  with  his  name 
superscribed. 

6.15  — Took  usual  walk  with  Lieut.  W.  He  was  up 
to  Boston  to-day  and  my  letters  did  not  get  off.  On 
request,  he  has  returned  them;  and  I  have  copied  them 
into  one,  making  a  postscript  of  the  second.  It  is  now 
nearly  the  hour  to  extinguish  lights. 


s 


CHAPTER  XV 


UNDAY,  July  16.  -  -  Dreamed  of  Dick  John 
ston,  his  wife,  and  daughter,  Mary  Walton; 
of  the  whole  family;  I  was  at  his  house.  It 
would  be  as  impossible  by  language  to  convey  an  idea 
of  the  effect  of  this  dream  as  it  would  be  for  me  to  repro 
duce  in  symbols  strains  of  music  which  had  just  swept 
by,  producing  the  sweetest  harmony  and  the  most  sooth 
ing  melody.  Read  both  Corinthians.  Became  absorbed 
in  study  of  these  letters  by  Paul;  new  ideas,  new  views, 
latent  force  and  beauty  disclosed  themselves,  as  the 
outlines  and  just  perspective  of  a  picture  by  a  master 
hand  opens  up  on  close  and  studied  gaze.  Adversity 
has  compensations.  But  for  my  present  confinement, 
I  might  never  have  enjoyed  as  I  do  these  masterly  pro 
ductions.  And  perhaps  Paul  spake  not  of  himself  but 
by  commandment  when  he  said,  "For  our  light  affliction, 
which  is  but  for  a  moment,  worketh  for  us  a  far  more 
exceeding  and  eternal  weight  of  glory." 

I  think  that  if  many  of  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
would,  on  the  Sabbath,  read  to  their  congregations  one 
of  Paul's  Epistles,  instead  of  giving  their  own  comments 
on  particular  texts,  such  exercise  would  be  attended  with 
infinitely  more  good'  than  the  sermons  usually  preached. 
Few  people  read  connectedly  these  Epistles,  the  best 
sermons  ever  produced  except  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount. 
The  real  doctrine  presented  in  the  whole  argument  is 
lost  by  looking  only  at  fragmentary  scraps.  Much  of 

345 


346  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

the  preaching  of  these  days,  to  say  nothing  of  the  manner 
of  reading  the  Scripture  in  families,  or  by  individuals, 
is  of  the  same  kind  as  the  dilating  upon,  or  the  reading 
of,  "garbled  extracts"  from  speeches. 

Read  Sunday  Herald.  See  that  Mr.  Orr,  late  Mem 
ber  of  Confederate  Congress  from  Mississippi,  has  been 
pardoned.  Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  Saw  ship 
coming  in  and  going  out  of  the  harbour.  The  tide, 
that  emblem  of  fortune  and  of  the  fluctuations  of  the 
soul,  was  at  full  flow.  Lieut.  W.  told  me  that  General 
DuBose  is  becoming  homesick.  Another  prisoner  was 
pardoned  to-day,  Postell,  of  Savannah,  Ga;  a  blockade 
runner;  would  have  been  discharged  some  time  ago, 
but  refused  to  take  the  oath. 

July  17.  -  -  Dreamed  of  being  at  my  sister  Cather 
ine's.  It  did  not  occur  to  me  that  she  was  dead.  The 
dream  was  like  my  visits  to  her  years  ago,  when  most 
of  her  children  were  small.  It  was  an  exceedingly 
pleasant  dream,  notwithstanding  I  was  weeping  while 
talking  to  little  Mollie  in  my  lap.  My  tears  were  of 
pleasure,  or  at  least,  not  of  grief,  when  I  woke.  The 
time  of  my  dream  was  when  Mollie  was  about  seven 
years  old.  She  is  grown.  So  far  back  on  the  dial- 
plate  of  time  was  my  spirit  in  its  rovings.  To  give 
another  an  idea  of  my  dream  would,  as  I  said  yesterday, 
be  as  impossible  as  to  reproduce  in  symbols  the  strains 
of  a  melody  which  had  refreshed  the  spirit.  Let  none 
who  may  read  these  jottings  suppose  that  when  I  note 
dreams,  now  and  then,  these  are  my  only  dreams.  I  seldom 
sleep  without  dreaming.  For  the  most  part  my  dreams 
seem  nothing  but  the  aberrations  of  my  own  mind. 
Again,  they  seem  special  visitations;  visitations  of  two 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  347 

kinds:  social  or  every-day  visits,  and  visits  portending 
something  that  impress  as  presentiments. 

It  was  raining  torrents  when  I  got  up.  Geary  was 
late  coming  in.  He  usually  makes  the  fire  a  little  after 
6;  I  was  up  before  he  had  it  going. 

Much  has  been  said  on  friendship.  Goldsmith  asks, 
What  is  it?  And,  in  poetic  reverie,  answers,  "A  phan 
tom,  a  shade  that  follows  wealth  and  fame."  Burns, 
in  like  strain,  makes  a  better  suggestion.  Cicero  has 
written  a  book  on  it.  But  Bacon's  short  essay,  which 
I  have  again  read,  embodies  in  a  nutshell  more  true 
philosophy  than  all  else  I  have  seen  upon  this  subject. 
Intercourse  with  his  kind  is  almost  essential  to  man's 
existence.  The  ties  that  bind  him  to  his  fellows,  the 
cords  of  friendship,  are  the  sympathetic  nerves  through 
which  communication  is  kept  up  between  himself  and 
outside  humanity.  According  to  Bacon,  the  cultivation 
of  friendship  is  essential  to  the  development  of  the  affec 
tions  and  the  understanding;  and  these  are  necessary 
to  all  success.  Every  one  needs  some  congenial  spirit 
to  whom  he  can  unbosom  himself;  the  stoutest  of  hearts 
requires  such  relief.  This  "  communicating  of  a  man's 
self  to  his  friends"  does  indeed  work  "two  contrary 
effects."  "It  redoubleth  joys  and  cutteth  griefs  in  halves, 
for  there  is  no  man  that  impart eth  his  joys  to  his  friend 
but  he  joyeth  the  more,  and  no  man  that  imparteth  his 
griefs  to  his  friend  but  he  grieveth  the  less."  What 
Bacon  says  of  the  effect  of  conversation  in  the  develop 
ment  of  the  understanding  is  true.  As  well  said  is  this: 
"A  man  were  better  reciting  himself  to  a  statue  or  a  pic 
ture  than  to  suffer  his  thoughts  to  pass  in  a  smother." 

Judge  Collamer,  of  Vermont,  now  in  the  U.  S.  Senate, 
then  member  of  the  House,  used  to  tell  an  anecdote 


348  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

of  a  man  who  was  in  the  habit  of  talking  to  himself, 
which  anecdote  greatly  amused  Judge  Story,  one  of  our 
mess  at  Mrs.  Carter's  in  Washington  in  the  winter  of 
1844-45.  Judge  Story  had  quite  a  taste  for  humour; 
it  was  a  common  saying  with  him  that  a  man  should  spend 
one  hour  every  day  in  laughing.  In  Collamer's  anecdote, 
a  man  caught  in  the  awkward  predicament  of  talking 
aloud  to  himself  and  asked  why  he  did  it,  replied  that 
he  had  two  good  reasons:  " First,  he  always  liked  to  talk 
to  a  sensible  man;  and  second,  he  always  like  to  hear 
a  sensible  man  talk."  According  to  Bacon  he  might 
have  given  one  reason  better  than  the  two  assigned. 

The  Tribune  has  a  good  article  against  military  usurpa 
tion  and  a  strong  appeal  for  restoration  of  the  writ  of 
habeas  corpus;  but  arguments  on  such  subjects  before 
the  people  or  their  rulers  is  much  like  casting  pearls 
before  swine. 

Walked  out  with  Lieut.  W.  He  informed  me  that  his 
battalion  will  be  mustered  out  of  service  in  about  two 
weeks.  This  was  disagreeable  news.  I  doubt  if  any 
body  will  fill  his  place  who  will  be  so  kind  to  me.  He 
expressed  a  desire  that  all  prisoners  here  might  be  dis 
charged  before  he  left;  in  which  I  cordially  united.  I 
rather  think  all  the  military  prisoners  will  be,  but  not 
Reagan  and  myself.  He  brought  the  six  other  volumes 
of  the  "Rebellion  Record." 

July  1 8.  -  -  Soon  after  breakfast,  had  a  severe  par 
oxysm  of  pain.  It  grew  worse.  Saw  Lieut.  W.  pass 
the  window,  called  to  him,  and  asked  him  to  send  Dr. 
Seaverns.  I  was  apprehensive  of  an  attack  of  calculus. 
The  pulse  was  100.  The  Doctor  came,  and  returned 
to  his  office  to  bring  something,  which  he  applied  exter- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  349 

nally.     I  remained  for  some  time  quiet  on  my  bunk  and 
the  paroxysm  passed  off. 

Last  night,  before  extinction  of  lights,  now  at  ten, 
I  looked  over  the  volumes  that  Lieut.  W.  brought  me. 
The  little  in  them  relating  directly  to  myself  is  of  the 
same  sort  as  that  before  referred  to:  for  instance,  my 
Charlotte,  N.  C.,  speech  of  1863,  as  reported  in  a  Char 
lotte  paper,  is  a  complete  distortion  of  my  tone,  temper, 
and  sentiment.  I  complained  of  the  misrepresentation 
soon  after  I  saw  it.  This  report  in  conjunction  with 
that  in  a  Columbia,  S.  C.,  paper  of  a  speech  I  made  soon 
after,  caused  me  to  decline  further  to  address  the  people. 
I  could  not  get  what  I  said  truthfully  published.  The 
leading  idea  of  my  Charlotte  address  was  to  arouse  the 
public  to  a  proper  appreciation  of  Constitutional  liberty 
and  a  determination  to  direct  all  their  energies  to  its 
maintenance.  I  called  attention  to  the  popular  tendency, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Richmond  press,  to  give  up 
all  liberties  in  the  delusive  hope  of  thereby  being  the 
better  enabled  to  preserve  them.  I  had  become  alarmed, 
at  the  tone  of  our  press  at  the  seat  of  government  and 
under  the  eye,  if  not  the  direction,  of  the  President  and 
his  Cabinet.  I  knew  that  our  people  had  gone  into  the 
struggle  with  no  other  view  than  to  maintain  and  pre 
serve  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  as  established 
by  their  fathers,  and  if  this  great  object  should  be  aban 
doned  by  the  Government,  our  cause  would  be  hopeless. 
If,  however,  Government  and  people  should  prove  true 
to  this  cause,  I  doubted  not  that,  finally,  after  great 
sacrifices,  much  tribulation  and  suffering,  war  would 
be  brought  to  a  close  upon  some  settlement  securing  the 
rights  and  sovereignty  of  the  States  and  perpetuating 
the  principles  of  self-government. 


350  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

I  held  out  no  prospect  of  early  termination  of  war; 
made  no  appeal  to  the  country  to  sustain  the  author 
ities  at  Richmond  and  put  down  croakers.  "Croakers" 
were  not  named  by  me.  I  rather  endeavoured  to  impress 
the  people  with  the  importance  of  bringing  public  senti 
ment  to  bear  upon  the  authorities,  thus  keeping  them 
upon  the  only  line  in  which  I  saw  how  success,  even 
after  the  severest  and  most  prolonged  suffering,  could 
be  won.  I  thought  the  movement  of  General  Lee  into 
Pennsylvania  a  most  ill-advised  measure.  I  did  not 
openly  arraign  or  condemn  it;  no  good  could  be  thus 
accomplished.  But  by  pointing  out  the  course  we  should 
pursue,  I  must  have  left  the  impression  on  all  thinking 
minds  that  I  did  not  approve  that  expedition  and  much 
less  Morgan's  expedition  into  Ohio.  Our  policy  was 
to  husband  our  resources,  act  on  the  defensive,  keep 
the  people  alive  to  the  real  cause,  and  zealous  in  its 
maintenance.  If  this  should  be  done,  I  doubted  not 
that,  sooner  or  later,  a  reaction  would  take  place  at  the 
North  (perhaps  in  the  change  of  administration  if  not 
before),  and  in  that  way,  the  true  friends  of  Constitu 
tional  liberty,  North  and  South,  could  and  would  adjust 
the  questions  at  issue  upon  the  basis  looking  to  the  real 
interest  of  all  parts  of  the  once  prosperous  and  happy 
country. 

"  Reconstruction,"  that  is,  abandonment  of  our  cause 
and  return  to  the  Union  in  hopes,  or  with  the  expectation 
by  the  States,  of  being  received  and  treated  as  before 
secession  (this  was  the  idea  of  reconstruction  as  the  term 
was  then  used),  I  looked  upon  as  utterly  delusive.  The 
idea  that  the  old  Union  and  the  old  Constitution  (as  it 
had  been)  with  all  its  comeliness  of  proportions,  its  gov 
ernment  of  united  and  delegated  powers  with  the  reserved 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  351 

rights  of  the  States,  could  ever  in  that  way  be  restored 
I  regarded  as  vain  and  hopeless.  But  I  at  no  time  had 
any  opposition  to  any  such  Union  or  Unions  as  might 
be  effected  by  reason  upon  the  same  principles  as  those 
upon  which  the  old  Union  had  been  formed.  My  whole 
soul  was  enlisted  in  the  establishment  of  the  principles 
of  self-government  as  we  had  received  them  from  our 
fathers,  both  of  the  South  and  the  North.  The  only 
object  I  earnestly  looked  to  as  the  final  result  of  the 
deplorable  struggle  was  the  recognition  and  establish 
ment  of  these  principles  throughout  the  continent. 

The  Richmond  letter,  in  the  "Record,"  to  the  Tribune, 
pretending  to  state  the  objects  of  the  mission  to  Wash 
ington  which  I  proposed  in  July,  1863,  is  without  founda 
tion  in  this  respect.  These  objects  were  set  forth  in  my 
letter  to  Mr.  Davis,  proposing  the  mission.  My  note 
to  Rear  Admiral  Lee,  as  published  in  the  Record,  is 
incorrect;  the  true  sense  is  marred  by  punctuation.  The 
report  of  my  speech  in  Augusta,  July  n,  1861,  is  in  the 
main  correct,  though  there  are  several  egregious  errors 
in  it:  as,  for  instance,  the  amount  of  taxable  property 
in  New  York;  and  my  stating  that  I  was  not  particular 
in  my  statistics.  The  truth  is,  I  was  exact.  I  had 
prepared  them.  Here,  they  are  given  correctly  in  hardly 
a  single  instance.  I  never  saw  the  report  of  this  speech 
until  after  it  was  printed,  when  too  late  to  correct  it. 
I  never  spoke  of  myself  as  a  "Southern  orator";  "chroni 
cler"  was  the  word  I  used.  I  resented  this  report  the 
more  from  the  fact  that  I  had  requested  the  reporter  to 
submit  it  to  me  before  giving  it  to  the  press.  When  I 
saw  him  on  the  stage,  I  regretted  his  presence  there. 
It  caused  me  to  omit  one  topic  I  fully  discussed  in  all 
my  speeches  about  the  produce  loan:  that  was  the  point 


352  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

on  which  I  differed  with  the  Government  about  the 
cotton  loan;  and  my  policy  for  raising  the  blockade 
with  cotton. 

The  Government  plan  was  to  receive  the  product  of 
the  sale  of  cotton  as  a  loan ;  mine  was  for  the  Government 
to  buy  cotton  with  bonds;  and  then  with  the  cotton, 
as  an  element  of  power  greater  than  money,  to  raise  the 
blockade.  I  did  not  wish  these  views  to  reach  the  enemy, 
and  as  I  saw  a  reporter  present,  I  did  not  give  them. 
These  views  I  later  presented  at  Crawfordville  in  vindi 
cation  of  myself,  when  my  plan  had  been  ignored  and 
rejected,  myself  unjustly  assailed  and  my  views  misrep 
resented.  When  I  was  in  Augusta,  on  this  cotton  loan 
agency  in  the  summer  of  1861,  I  was  in  strong  hopes, 
as  I  stated  on  all  occasions,  that  after  the  assembling  of 
Congress  in  Richmond,  the  Government  would  change 
its  policy  on  this  subject,  and  adopt  some  such  scheme 
as  I  was  in  the  habit  of  presenting  to  the  people.  If 
I  had  not  had  such  hopes  I  should  never  have  raised  my 
voice  in  behalf  of  the  Cotton  Loan;  there  is  hardly  any 
thing  in  my  past  life  that  I  have  looked  upon  with  so 
much  chagrin  and  regret  as  my  hopes  connected  with 
that  matter.  When  I  spoke  in  Augusta,  I  was,  as  I 
afterward  found,  influenced  by  illusive  hopes,  not  only 
as  to  the  cotton  business  but  as  to  the  general  views 
of  our  Government  officials  on  the  war,  both  as  to  the 
manner  of  conducting  it  and  the  ends  aimed  at.  I 
thought  I  was  speaking  for  them  in  giving  my  own 
views  on  these  subjects.  In  this,  I  later  found  out,  or 
thought  I  did,  by  their  acts  and  policy,  that  I  was  sadly 
mistaken. 

Daily  papers.  In  the  Herald,  an  address  by  Governor 
Brown  to  the  people  of  Georgia.  I  like  its  general  tone, 


ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS  353 

style,  and  views  as  I  do  most  that  comes  from  him.  I 
have  differed  with  him  on  many  important  matters, 
and  on  none  other  so  important  as  secession;  yet  I  have 
ever  regarded  him  as  a  man  of  unquestionable  ability 
and  patriotism.  In  his  address,  I  see  he  has  been  released 
upon  the  ground  of  his  being  at  the  head  of  the  State 
forces,  and  entitled  to  a  parole  on  surrendering  them, 
under  the  same  conditions  as  generals  in  command. 
Rather  a  fictitious  ground,  I  think;  but  I  am  glad  of  his 
release.  There  is  much  in  luck.  Some  seem  to  have 
been  born  under  propitious  stars,  and  by  nature  to  be 
lucky.  He  is  of  this  class.  I  have  often  remarked  it. 
In  the  greatest  difficulties  that  threaten  him,  when  one 
sees  hardly  any  chance  for  his  escape  or  for  his  surmount 
ing  them,  some  little  lucky  incident  turns  up  in  his  behalf. 
With  me,  the  contrary  has  been  true.  Luck  never  was 
my  forte.  I  am  curious  now  to  know  on  what  grounds, 
fictitious  or  real,  Governor  Letcher  [of  Va.]  has  been 
released. 

Read  in  the  Record  Andrew  Johnson's  speech  in  the 
U.  S.  Senate,  July  1861.  It  is  the  ablest  paper  I  have 
seen  from  any  quarter  against  the  Confederacy.  Johnson 
does  not  argue  the  right  of  secession,  the  constitutionality 
of  the  suspension  of  habeas  corpus,  etc. ;  he  reviews  the 
objects  aimed  at  by  many  leading  men  in  the  secession 
movement  in  terms  able,  eloquent,  and  true.  This 
country's  great  misfortune  is  that  it  was  thrown  into  the 
ridges  or  waves  of  party  like  a  ship  between  two  seas. 
The  controlling  parties  were  only  a  small  portion  of  the 
people  on  either  side  —  the  extremists,  North  and  South ; 
but  these  few  held  the  lever  and  shaped  destiny.  Johnson 
did  not  belong  to  either.  In  political  association,  he 
was  connected  with  the  extremists  of  the  South;  in  sentio 


354  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

ment  and  sympathy,  with  the  great  mass  in  both  sections 
who  were  devoted  to  the  Union  as  the  embodiment  of 
the  principles  of  good  government,  and  who  believed 
that  good  government  depended  on  its  preservation. 
This  address,  I  have  no  doubt,  did  more  to  arouse  the 
North  and  excite  the  war  spirit  than  any  other  one  speech. 
Delivered  when  and  where  it  was  and  by  whom,  a 
Senator  from  Tennessee  and  a  Breckinridge  Democrat, 
it  struck  a  tremendous,  a  terrible,  if  not  a  fatal  blow,  to 
the  Confederate  cause,  in  allaying  inquiry  into  usurpa 
tions  at  Washington  and  exciting  indignation  and  resolute 
determination  to  put  down  at  the  South  what  is  described 
as  unprovoked,  actrocious  rebellion  prompted  by  dis 
appointed  ambition  without  pretext  of  justifying  cause. 
Such  was  doubtless  the  impression  made  upon  the 
Northern  masses  by  this  speech:  no  doubt  it  was  spread 
broadcast.  Thousands  rushed  to  war,  animated  by  the 
mcst  patriotic  motives;  just  as  thousands  at  the  South, 
so  animated,  rushed  to  the  same  bloody  fields.  What 
a  strange  spectacle!  brother  not  only  fighting  brother, 
but  for  the  same  object  —  to  perpetuate  their  liberties 
achieved  by  their  common  fathers.  Is  there  a  parallel 
in  the  history  of  the  world?  Yet  such  is  the  truth,  the 
truth  as  to  the  great  majority  in  the  armies  on  both  sides. 
The  extremists  North,  the  few  that  held  the  lever,  were, 
it  is  true,  looking  to  other  and  ulterior  objects;  they  availed 
themselves  of  the  powerful  aid  of  Johnson  and  a  few 
others  over  the  South  of  like  sentiments  though  of  less 
ability;  and  of  the  high  and  generous  patriotic  sentiments 
of  their  own  people  to  effect  their  sinister  object,  which 
the  extremists  at  the  South  had  given  them  opportunity 
to  effect:  that  is,  to  break  down  State  institutions  by  the 
war  power. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

JULY  19.  —  Sun  shining  in  my  room.  I  feel 
very  weak.  I  lay  down  on  my  bunk,  and  took 
up  the  Bible.  Just  as  I  had  finished  Revela 
tions,  Geary  brought  the  daily  papers.  I  read  General 
Dix's  order  retiring  from  command  of  the  District  of 
the  East,  and  Gen.  Hooker's  assuming  command.  While 
I  was  looking  over  the  papers,  Lieut.  W.  brought  me 
Linton's  letter  of  the  6th.  This  letter  did  me  a  great 
deal  of  good,  but  not  so  much  as  it  might  have  done  if 
he  had  gone  more  into  particulars:  if  he  had  told  me 
how  my  crop  was,  how  much  wheat  had  been  made, 
how  the  oats  had  turned  out,  how  the  corn  had  held  out; 
and  such  information  as  I  think  he  might  have  got  from 
John  A.  Stephens  and  Mary  Reid,  who  were  with  him. 
He  speaks  of  two  previous  letters ;  that  of  the  24th  of  May, 
and  another  that  has  not  arrived.  I  hope  I  will  soon 
receive  it. 

Have  been  resting,  reading  nothing  in  particular. 
The  newspapers  I  glanced  over,  then  walked  the  room 
a  while,  then  took  the  bunk;  alternating  repeatedly, 
allowing  the  mind  as  much  relaxation  as  possible.  If 
I  had  some  friend  to  join  me  in  a  game  of  piquet,  or 
something  of  the  kind,  to  divert  the  mind  from  cares 
that  oppress  it,  how  much  good  it  would  do  me!  Much 
is  said  in  the  papers  about  the  treatment  of  prisoners 
at  Andersonville  and  other  places,  where  I  doubt  not 
conditions  were  bad  enough,  but  my  opinion  is  that 

355 


356  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

the  severest,  most  cruel  punishment  that  can  be  inflicted 
upon  a  rational,  intelligent  being  is  solitary  confinement. 
If  it  was  an  act  of  inhumanity  in  the  Confederate  authori 
ties  to  keep  prisoners  at  Andersonville,  where  there  was 
so  much  bodily  suffering  from  necessity,  what  sort  of 
act  is  it  in  the  U.  S.  authorities  to  keep  me  here  ?  Punish 
ment  was  not  intentional  at  Andersonville;  the  sufferings 
there  necessarily  attended  the  situation.  No  better 
provision  could  be  made,  and  it  was  not  the  fault  of  the 
Confederate  authorities  that  prisoners  were  held,  but 
of  the  authorities  at  Washington  who  refused  to  let  them 
be  exchanged  though  fully  apprised  of  their  condition. 
But  in  my  case  and  that  of  a  number  similarly  situated, 
the  suffering  is  inflicted  intentionally  as  a  punishment, 
and  that,  too,  without  any  conviction  of  offense. 

Walked  out  as  usual.  Lieut.  W.  told  me  he  had  sent 
off  General  Ewell  and  Major  Brown,  of  Ewell's  staff, 
to-day.  Right  glad  am  I  that  the  General,  lame  as  he 
is,  has  been  discharged.  Major  Brown  is  related  to 
Mrs.  Ewell.  Saw  notice  in  evening's  paper  of  Mr. 
Davis's  ill  health.  Also,  a  remark  that  Mr.  Seward  is 
reported,*  by  some  Georgia  persons,  to  have  made 
about  me.  I  see  it  stated  that  G.  B.  Lamar  has  been 
released  from  the  Old  Capitol  Prison. 

July  20.  -  -  Thor's  Day,  as  our  ancestors  called  it, 
the  Day  of  Thor.  I  am  not  so  versed  in  their  mythology 
as  to  know  if  they  looked  to  Thor  as  a  good  and  propi 
tious  deity  or  the  genius  of  bad  luck.  On  Thursday 
I  was  arrested,  ten  weeks  ago  to-day;  Thursday,  I  was 

*  An  Atlanta  paper  of  July  8  publishes  this:  "Two  gentlemen  from  Georgia  made  an  appeal  to 
Mr.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  to  the  effect  that  some  privileges  promotive  of  his  comfort  should 
be  bestowed  upon  the  Hon.  A.  H.  Stephens.  The  Secretary  kindly  assured  them  that  he  would 
investigate,  and  if  it  could  be  done,  the  privileges  solicited  would  not  be  withheld." 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  357 

imprisoned  in  these  walls  eight  weeks  ago.  It  is  a  day 
of  the  week  which  will  not  be  forgotten  by  me  while  mem 
ory  lasts. 

Lieut.  W.  has  just  called  to  see  me  and  to  say  that  he 
is  going  to  Boston  to-day  if  he  can  get  off,  and  that 
Lieut.  Newton  will  attend  me  in  his  absence.  I  requested 
him  to  see  what  a  single  bedstead  and  mattress  and  a 
large  feather  pillow  could  be  got  for  in  Boston.  My 
bunk  is  uncomfortable;  I  must  get  some  other  sort  of 
bedding  if  I  can.  Also  requested  him  to  ascertain  if 
I  may  be  allowed  a  screen;  and,  if  so,  the  probable  cost. 
I  want  a  folding  paper-screen  to  protect  me,  when  stript 
and  bathing,  from  the  gaze  of  passers-by. 

Lieut.  W.  brought  in  Lieut.  Newton  and  gave  him  an 
introduction.  Lieut.  Newton  approached  me  and  shook 
hands.  This  was  the  first  civility  of  the  sort  extended 
to  me  since  I  have  been  in  this  cell.  When  I  saw  him 
approaching  with  the  evident  intention  of  offering  his 
hand,  I  arose  and  met  him,  cordially  responding  to  the 
courtesy.  I  permitted  the  advance,  however,  to  come 
from  his  side.  My  first  introduction  to  any  one  here 
was  to  the  surgeon,  I  believe,  when  there  was  no  offer 
of  this  sort,  or  anything  indicating  a  disposition  to  enter 
tain  such  civilities.  I  have  felt  here  at  times  much  as 
I  have  often  imagined  a  well-bred  Negro  in  our  country 
felt  toward  those  who  set  themselves,  in  their  own 
estimation,  above  him.  I  stood  quite  as  much  upon 
my  dignity  as  those  who  seemed  to  think  that  it  would 
be  a  condescension  on  their  part  to  take  my  hand  or 
offer  theirs.  The  first  advance,  I  thought  it  proper, 
should  come  from  the  other  side.  I  had  no  idea  of  sub 
jecting  myself  to  the  mortification  of  having  my  offered 
hand  rejected  or  reluctantly  taken.  My  habit  was  always 


358  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

to  shake  hands  with  persons  of  all  colours,  races  and 
conditions  whose  actions  displayed  modesty,  respect 
and  good  bearing;  my  instructions  to  my  servants  on 
this  point  of  manners,  so  far  as  concerned  white  people, 
was  to  be  always  ready  to  shake  hands  when  the  offer 
was  made  by  the  white  person,  but  never  to  make  the 
advance  in  that  form  of  salutation.  This  I  thought  the 
best  rule  to  be  governed  by:  the  superior,  or  whoso  con 
siders  himself  such,  whether  in  bare  position  or  other 
wise,  should  always  make  the  advance.  Officers  never 
shake  hands  with  men  of  the  line,  and  I  suppose  they 
look  upon  a  prisoner  as  no  better  than  one  of  their  men 
of  the  line.  This  was  not  the  case  with  Lieut.  Newton. 

ANOTHER  FANCY  SKETCH,  YET  NOT 
ALTOGETHER  FANCY: 

Visitant.  [Entering  through  the  window  of  imagina 
tion.]  Well,  how  are  you  to-day? 

Prisoner.     Not  so  well  as  when  you  were  last  here. 

Visitant.     What   is   the   matter?   anything   special? 

Prisoner.  This  cold  stone  floor  and  damp  atmosphere 
do  not  agree  with  me.  I  am  growing  weak  -  -  losing 
flesh  —  can't  balance  myself  in  walking  —  haven't  the 
right  use  of  my  legs.  I  have  sat  here  in  this  chair  until 
the  hip-bones  are  sore,  and  it  seems  as  if  the  hips  them 
selves  have  become  weak.  There  is  exceeding  weakness 
in  the  region  of  the  loins  when  I  go  to  walk.  Sometimes 
I  almost  stagger.  From  some  cause,  I  know  not  what, 
I  am  not  so  well  by  far  as  when  you  were  here  last. 

Visitant.  Maybe  your  mind  -  -  your  confinement 
and  brooding  —  has  something  to  do  with  it. 

Prisoner.  If  I  could  but  have  the  free  use  of  myself  as  I 
please,  go  in  and  out  when  I  please,  take  exercise  in  walk- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  359 

ing  or  driving  when  and  as  I  might  please,  and  confer 
with  friends  here  and  elsewhere  without  restraint,  I 
think  my  mind  would  be  as  much  at  ease  as  it  has  been 
for  many  long  years. 

Visitant.  Do  you  feel  no  anxiety  as  to  your  fate  ?  When 
I  was  last  here,  I  thought  you  would  have  been  discharged 
before  now.  I  must  confess  that  I,  and  your  friends 
generally,  have  become  much  more  uneasy  than  we 
were.  What  is  your  idea  as  to  the  intention  of  the 
authorities  ? 

Prisoner.  In  my  judgment,  the  authorities  have  no  set 
tled  purpose.  I  and  others  are  held  only  as  political  capital 
out  of  which  they  will  make  the  most  they  can.  They 
have  probably  not  reached  any  conclusion  as  to  the 
best  market  to  operate  on.  We  are  kept  as  hostages  for 
the  good  conduct  of  our  friends  and  sympathizers  at  large, 
and  as  an  example  in  terrorem  over  them.  That  is  the 
present  political  market  in  which  we  are  speculated  upon. 
When  that  closes,  what  new  enterprises  may  open  up  for 
bold  strokes,  time  must  determine.  All  th^t  is  certain  is 
that  we  are  political  capital  to  be  made  the  most  of  accord 
ing  to  times,  circumstances,  and  exigencies.  We  are  held, 
as  captives  were  by  the  old  Aztec  tribes,  to  be  disposed 
of  in  such  way  as  will  most  promote  the  interest  of  the 
captors.  The  main  thing  is  the  ransom,  the  political 
advantage  to  follow  the  disposition  determined  upon. 
Little  thought  or  care  about  the  captives  is  indulged  in. 
Whether  they  shall  be  graciously  set  at  large,  or  be  piously 
delivered  over  as  victims  tc  the  eager  priest  at  the  public 
sacrificial  altar,  is  a  matter  which  depends  upon  which 
course  will  pay  best.  I  feel  intensely  the  wrong  of  my 
confinement  as  well  as  its  privations  and  discomforts, 
but  I  trust  my  fortitude  will  not  fail  to  sustain  me 


360  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

throughout;  and  even  to  the  end,  let  that  be  what  it  may. 
It  is  my  earnest  wish  that  no  friend  of  mine  shall  be 
influenced  in  any  degree  in  his  course  by  my  treatment 
or  fate,  but  that  all  will  act  from  their  own  conscientious 
sense  of  duty  to  themselves  and  the  country.  What 
in  my  opinion  that  duty  is,  I  have  told  you. 
[Enter  Lieut.  Newton.  Exit  Visitant.} 

Lieutenant.     Here  is  a  letter  just  come  by  the  mail. 

Prisoner.     [Rising  and  receiving  it.]     Thank  you,  sir. 
[Lieut.  N.  exit.] 

Letter  from  Hidell,  Memphis,  Tenn.  Dinner  at  usual 
hour.  The  syrup  is  excellent.  At  first,  I  thought  from 
its  thinness,  it  had  been  watered.  It  is  maple  syrup, 
quite  thin  but  well  prepared.  It  stays  in  my  room  and 
I  use  it  when  I  please,  and  I  have  a  fancy  for  it. 

Lieut.  Newton  called  at  6.30  to  walk  with  me; 
said  he  could  not  find  the  key  to  my  room  and  was  detained 
thereby.  I  was  not  able  to  walk  much.  Staid  out  only 
a  short  time. 

July  21. — Had  a  bad  dream  last  night;  it  was 
about  Eliza  at  home :  she  was  badly  hurt,  the  hurt  inflicted 
by  Harry,  not  intentionally.  Judge  Cone  figured;  it 
did  not  occur  to  me  in  my  dream  that  he  was  dead. 

Before  breakfast  I  glanced  over  Romans.  I  is 
written  with  great  ability,  but  there  are  parts,  as  Peter 
says,  "hard  to  be  understood."  The  letter,  it  seems, 
was  not  written  by  Paul;  this  occurs  in  the  conclusion: 
"I,  Tertius,  who  wrote  this  epistle,  salute  you  in  the 
Lord."  Did  Tertius  copy,  or  write  at  Paul's  dictation? 
The  argumentative  strain  is  characteristic  of  Paul,  -but 
the  style  in  some  particulars  is  not  his.  The  repeated 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  361 

questions  with  the  answer,  "God  forbid/'  is  not  seen  in 
his  other  letters.  One  thing  remarkable  in  all  his  writ 
ings  is  that  they  say  so  little  about  the  life  and  teachings 
of  Jesus  while  in  the  body.  They  embody  the  Christian 
teachings,  yet  seldom  refer  to  anything  Christ  did  or 
said  while  on  earth.  Paul  alludes  to  the  Lord's  Supper, 
the  resurrection,  and  to  the  persons  by  whom  Christ  was 
seen ;  but  he  makes  no  mention  of  the  miracles,  parables, 
Sermon  on  the  Mount,  or  any  of  the  general  principles 
inculcated  by  Christ.  The  same  is  true  of  the  other 
apostolic  letters.  Peter  makes  a  brief  reference  to  the 
transfiguration.  It  is  singular  that  all  the  apostolic 
letters  say  so  little  about  the  sublime  and  divine  teach 
ings  of  Christ  himself.  Paul  seems  to  rest  all  his  super 
structure  of  Christian  principles  upon  his  own  miraculous 
conversion  and  the  teachings  of  the  Divine  Spirit  in  his 
own  breast  together  with  the  precepts  of  the  Prophets. 
He  seems  to  have  been  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
Old  Testament;  he  often  quotes  from  it.  But  he  seems 
not  to  have  known  much  of  the  actions  and  sayings  of 
Christ  when  in  the  flesh  except  what  was  imparted  to 
him  in  his  own  spiritual  development  and  through  the 
agency  of  the  Spirit. 

Lieut.  W.  brought  letters  from  Joe  Myers,  Gip  Grier,  and 
my  old  friend,  J.  A.  Stewart.  I  answered  all,  and  wrote 
to  John  A.  Stephens.  I  was  right  glad  to  see  Lieut.  W. 
I  was  not  expecting  him  before  Monday.  He  has  got  to 
be  a  sort  of  familiar  acquaintance,  the  only  one  I  have 
here.  Reread  all  my  letters.  Spent  the  evening  on 
my  bunk  in  silent  meditation.  Walked  at  usual  hour. 
Was  weak  but  better  than  yesterday.  Lieut.  W.  with 
me.  This  has  been  the  closest  and  sultriest  day  since  I 
have  been  here.  The  thermometer  has  not  been  higher, 


362  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

not  above  82,  but  there  has  been  no  breeze,  no  draught 
in  my  room  except  that  produced  by  the  fire,  which  is 
the  only  way  the  smoke  from  my  pipe  escapes.  For 
supper,  bread  and  milk.  Opened  the  Bible  and  the  eye 
fell  on  Job  x.  —  its  every  line  applicable  to  me! 

Saturday,  July  22. --This  day,  thirty-one  years  ago, 
I  rose  at  dawn.  I  had  slept  but  little.  It  was  the  22d 
of  July,  1834;  a  day  of  intense  interest  to  me.  I  was  to  be 
examined  for  admission  to  the  bar  in  Crawfordville. 
I  had  been  reading  law  for  a  short  time  only,  not  much 
over  six  weeks  in  all.  I  had  had  no  instructor;  had 
bought  and  applied  myself  to  such  books  as  I  had  been 
informed  were  necessary:  Blackstone's  Commentaries, 
Chitty's  Pleadings,  Starkie  on  Evidence,  Maddox's 
Chancery,  the  Statutes  of  the  State,  and  the  Rules  of  the 
Court.  All  these  I  had  read  and  reread,  and  had  got 
the  general  principles  well  fixed  in  my  head.  But  how 
I  should  be  able  to  stand  the  ordeal  of  a  legal  examina 
tion,  I  did  not  know.  I  had  never  witnessed  one.  All 
I  knew  about  it  was  what  my  friend,  Swepston  C.  Jeffries, 
a  lawyer  in  the  village,  had  told  me.  Should  I  be  rejected, 
my  prospects  and  fortunes  would  be  blasted.  My  anxiety 
and  agitation  as  the  time  grew  near  were  great.  The 
night  before  examination  was  spent  in  reviewing,  in 
systematizing  and  arranging  in  my  mind  the  principles 
of  each  text-book,  under  the  various  heads,  in  the  best 
order  and  method  I  could.  It  was  nearly  day  when  I 
got  through  and  lay  down  to  rest.  I  am  not  certain 
that  I  slept  any.  When  it  was  light  enough  to  see  how 
to  read,  I  was  up  and  at  my  books  again.  Examination 
was  to  be  at  eight  in  the  court-room.  I  was  in  my  place 
at  the  appointed  time.  I  remembered  my  examination 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  363 

for  college  and  how  I  had  been  mistaken  in  all  my  special 
preparations. 

The  examining  committee  were :  Joseph  Henry  Lump- 
kin,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men  in  the  State  as  well 
as  one  of  the  best  lawyers.  He  has  been  a  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  since  the  organization 
of  that  tribunal  in  1846.  He  was  to  examine  me  on  the 
Common  Law.  Wm.  C.  Dawson,  then  one  of  the  most 
prominent  members  of  the  bar,  was  to  examine  me  on 
the  Statutes  of  the  State,  the  Rules  of  the  Court,  etc. 
He  was  afterward  in  Congress  and  the  Senate;  he  was 
a  man  of  great  amenity  of  manners,  a  wit  and  humourist; 
his  personal  popularity  for  several  years  was  greater 
than  that  of  any  other  man  in  the  State.  Daniel  Chandler, 
then  Solicitor  General,  was  to  examine  me  on  the  Criminal 
Law.  He  was  considered  the  most  eloquent  and  prom 
ising  of  the  rising  young  men  of  the  State.  Two  years 
later  he  moved  from  Washington,  Ga.,  where  he  then 
resided,  to  Mobile,  Ala.,  where  in  connection  with  the  Hon. 
John  A.  Campbell,  his  brother-in-law,  he  attained  great 
eminence  but  not  so  great  as  was  expected.  He  still 
resides  in  Mobile.  In  grace  and  beauty  of  declamation, 
flow  of  language  and  energy  of  expression,  he  had  few 
superiors.  The  presiding  judge  was  the  famous  Wm. 
H.  Crawford.  Jeffries  had  informed  me  of  a  remark 
reported  of  the  Judge  upon  some  similar  occasion,  which 
gave  me  about  my  only  consolation.  It  tended  to  show 
that  he  was  not  very  exacting.  Jeffries  said  that  the 
Judge,  after  an  examination  to  which  he  paid  little 
attention,  ordered:  " Swear  him,  Mr.  Clerk;  if  he  knows 
nothing  he  will  do  nothing."  I  thought  if  he  would  take 
but  the  same  course  and  do  the  same  by  me,  I  would 
be  satisfied ! 


364  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Examination  began,  Judge  Lumpkin  leading  off  on 
Blackstone,  with  which  four  books  I  was  perfectly 
familiar;  I  had  in  my  mind  an  analysis  of  every  chapter. 
He  also  had  in  his  a  distinct  outline  of  the  whole  method 
and  system  of  these  Commentaries.  With  the  first  question, 
"What  is  law  in  its  most  general  sense  and  application 
of  the  term?"  promptly  answered,  he  went  on  in  the 
regular  order,  which  suited  me  exactly.  He  had  but  to 
name  the  subject  of  a  chapter,  and  I  gave  the  whole 
substance  without  a  balk.  He  seemed  surprised  and 
pleased.  Only  one  question  I  missed:  "What  is  neces 
sary  for  the  validity  of  a  plea  in  abatement?"  I  paused. 
He  stated,  "It  must  be  sworn  to."  This  I  knew  well, 
but  it  had  not  occurred  to  me  that  it  would  answer  his 
question.  When  through,  he  turned  to  Judge  Crawford 
and  said  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  examination, 
had  never  heard  better.  That  was  very  gratifying  to 
me.  Mr.  Dawson  followed  with  questions  in  his  depart 
ment.  So  with  Mr.  Chandler.  Both  used  complimen 
tary  terms  of  me  in  reporting  to  the  Judge.  The  Judge, 
I  noticed,  was  paying  attention  all  the  time  to  the  exam 
ination.  When  the  last  report  was  made,  he  said: 
"Take  an  order  for  the  admission,  Mr.  Solicitor,  and 
have  the  oath  administered.  I,  too,  am  perfectly  satisfied." 
Thus,  the  ordeal  was  over. 

Several  members  of  the  bar,  the  Examining  Committee 
first,  came  up,  giving  me  a  congratulatory  welcome  into 
the  fraternity;  then  others,  particularly  my  old  friend, 
Jeffries,  who  had  taken  deep  interest  in  the  examination, 
and  was  profuse  in  commendation.  After  these,  while 
the  clerk  was  preparing  to  issue  the  license  and  the  oath, 
and  I  was  still  on  the  outer  circular  bench  where  I  had 
sat  during  the  examination,  other  manifestations  were 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  365 

made  which  were  equally  gratifying.  These  were  by 
old  rustic  acquaintances,  some  of  my  schoolmates  in  early 
days,  and  some  old  farmers  in  the  vicinity,  neighbours 
and  friends  of  my  father,  who,  from  the  interest  they  took 
in  me,  had  come  that  morning  to  see  how  I  would  acquit 
myself.  While  the  examination  was  progressing,  they 
had  been  silent  but  deeply  agitated  spectators,  equally 
moved  and  agitated  with  myself.  When  it  was  over, 
and  they  could  do  so  without  attracting  attention,  they 
came  up,  one  after  another,  to  where  I  was  sitting,  and 
leaning  over  the  railing,  with  smiling  countenances, 
expressed  profound  gratification  in  their  own  homely 
way.  For  from  what  they  saw  and  heard,  though  they 
knew  no  law,  they  knew  that  all  had  passed  off  well. 

Such  were  incidents  and  scenes  of  my  life  on  this  day, 
thirty-one  years  ago.  How  different  from  my  present 
surroundings!  Judge  Crawford  held  but  one  court 
after  that  at  which  I  was  admitted.  Next  week  he  went 
to  Wilkes;  and  on  his  way  to  Madison  court,  was  taken 
ill  and  died.  Aline  was  the  last  lawyer's  license  he  ever 
signed.  Jeffries  died  three  years  later  in  the  prime  of 
manhood.  Dawson  rose  to  great  eminence;  he  died  in 
1855.  Chesley  Bristow,  the  old  clerk  who  made  out 
my  license  and  who  was  one  of  my  best  friends,  lived 
until  1845,  when  he  too  passed  away.  Quinia  O'Neal, 
then  Clerk  of  the  Inferior  Court,  who  took  great  interest 
in  my  success,  and  had  spent  much  time  in  my  room 
during  my  studies,  witnessed  the  examination  with  great 
pleasure.  He  is  still  living,  or  was  when  last  I  heard 
from  him.  His  head  is  white  with  age ;  he  is  near  seventy. 
For  thirty  years  he  held  some  of  the  clerkships  of  our 
courts,  and  for  several  years,  all  of  them.  He  lived 
with  me  for  some  time  after  his  wife  died.  Two  years 


366  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

ago,  he  resigned  all  his  offices  in  consequence  of  the 
infirmities  of  age,  and  moved  to  Dougherty  County  to 
reside  with  his  daughter.  Last  summer,  he  came  up 
to  Liberty  Hall  and  spent  the  hot  months  with  me.  He 
is  a  most  remarkable  man.  Few  excel  him  in  propriety 
and  virtue.  He  was  known  for  years  in  our  village  by 
the  sobriquet  of  "The  Parson." 

Did  not  rise  this  morning  till  eight.  Found  the  Bible 
open  as  I  left  it  last  night.  Again  read  Job  x.  Took 
a  cup  of  coffee.  At  eleven  Lieut.  W.  called.  I  was 
reading  the  daily  papers.  He  sat  down  and  talked 
with  me  for  some  time —  the  first  time  he  has  sat  down 
and  talked  with  me  since  I  have  been  here.  He  talked 
about  my  health,  and  asked  about  such  modifications  of 
confinement  as  I  thought  would  be  more  conducive  to  it. 
I  told  him  the  privilege  of  going  out  and  in  when  I  pleased 
and  taking  exercise  at  will  would  be  an  advantage;  also 
having  the  locked  door  of  my  room  open  so  as  to  allow 
free  passage  of  air  through  my  quarters.  The  main 
thing  was  to  be  released  from  close  custody  and  to  have 
the  privilege  of  getting  some  one  to  stay  with  me  and 
attend  to  my  wants.  If  I  had  some  one  to  rub  me  when 
I  bathe,  it  would  strengthen  me.  I  am  not  able  to  rub 
myself.  At  this  point,  recollections  of  home,  and  remem 
brance  of  kind  attentions  I  have  ever  had  when  sick, 
rushed  upon  me  so  suddenly  and  with  such  force  that 
before  I  was  aware  of  it,  I  was  weeping.  I  bowed  my 
head  and  wept  in  anguish,  the  more  from  the  fact  that 
I  could  not  restrain  myself  in  his  presence. 

He  retired,  and,  after  awhile,  brought  Dr.  Seaverns. 
They  found  me  walking  my  room,  smoking  my  meer 
schaum,  and  trying  to  allay  disquietude.  The  Doctor 
took  a  seat;  so  did  I.  He  talked  for  some  time  on  the 


ALEXANDER    H.   STEPHENS  367 

same  subject  that  Lieut.  W.  had  conversed  on.  But 
I  was  not  in  condition  to  converse.  I  could  not  talk  with 
out  betrayal  of  emotion.  He  did  not  talk  to  me  as  if 
he  had  any  sympathy  with  me  in  my  condition,  bodily 
or  mental;  made  no  examination  of  the  pulse,  and  asked 
no  such  questions  as  physicians  usually  do  who  have 
any  inclination  to  inquire  into  or  prescribe  for  disorders. 
He  seemed  to  act  as  if  he  thought  that  all  that  was  the 
matter  with  me  was  lowness  of  spirits.  Perhaps  in  this 
he  was  partly  right,  yet  lowness  of  spirits  is  a  formidable 
disease  when  its  effects  are  telling  upon  all  bodily  func 
tions.  I  do  myself  think  my  present  debility  is  attribut 
able  in  part  to  mental  causes,  to  the  mind's  being  deprived 
of  its  accustomed  stimulants  of  social  and  friendly  inter 
course.  I  greatly  need  that  recreation  which  an  hour 
or  two  of  social  conversation  daily  with  some  friend  or 
acquaintance  would  furnish.  This  natural  nourishment 
which  the  mind  requires  and  for  which  mine  is  famished, 
would  add  nourishment  and  strength  to  my  body. 

The  Doctor,  in  a  light  and  agreeable  manner,  advised 
stimulants:  asked  about  my  whisky  and  recommended 
it.  I  told  him  I  had  some  yet  (all  of  Harry's  bottle  is 
not  gone;  I  have  besides  the  gin  Lieut.  W.  gave  me), 
but  that  I  do  not  like  alcoholic  stimulants;  I  did  not 
feel  that  they  would  do  me  any  good  in  my  present  con 
dition,  though  ale  or  lager  or  some  such  drink,  tonic 
as  well  as  slightly  stimulating,  might  possibly  benefit 
me.  The  conversation  lasted  ten  minutes,  when  he  and 
Lieut.  W.  retired,  the  Doctor  saying  he  would  recom 
mend  to  the  commanding  officer  some  modification  of 
my  confinement;  what,  I  do  not  know. 

I  stretched  myself  on  my  bunk  with  Cicero  on  "Moral 
Duties."  I  commenced  reading,  but  soon  found,  myself 


368  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

weeping.  Read  I  could  not.  The  crevasse  was  broken 
and  the  current  continued  to  flow  in  spite  of  all  my 
efforts  to  stop  it.  I  walked  the  room,  and  the  tears 
still  came.  I  washed  my  face  again  and  again,  and  still 
the  tears  would  not  cease.  Everything  around  seemed 
sad.  I  looked  out  upon  the  far-off  sky;  the  fogs  and 
clouds  are  now  gone;  but  the  sky  looked  as  sad  as  all 
things  else. 

Dinner  at  usual  hour.  I  had  no  appetite.  I  did  not 
seem  sick  or  in  any  pain,  but  I  felt  that  heavy  load  upon 
the  mind  that  we  feel  when  some  dear  one  is  dead  in 
the  house.  My  soul  is  sick,  and  I  have  no  one  to  whom 
I  can  impart  my  griefs.  I  took  a  few  mouthfuls  of  food 
-  the  tears  rolled  down  upon  my  plate.  I  set  the  things 
aside,  and  resumed  my  "walk  about  the  room. 

Walked  out  at  usual  hour  with  Lieut.  W.  Rested 
in  the  shade  of  the  wall.  Saw  a  curious  seashell.  Picked 
it  up.  Lieut.  W.  said  it  was  a  sea-snaiPs.  Supper  was 
brought  by  a  new  orderly;  Geary  has  gone  to  town  to 
be  absent  until  Monday.  The  new  hand  at  the  bellows 
does  not  do  as  well  as  Geary.  My  fire  was  nearly  out. 
He  did  not  know  how  to  manage  it.  Before  it  was  started, 
all  the  coals  had  to  be  taken  out  of  the  grate  and  wood 
added.  I  fear  I  shall  greatly  miss  Geary. 

As  I  returned  from  the  evening  walk,  a  little  girl  handed 
me  a  bunch  of  flowers.  They  were  sweet  and  pretty. 
I  have  put  them  in  a  tumbler  of  water  on  my  table. 

July  23.  -  -  Read  in  Psalms.  Breakfast  8.15,  before 
fire  was  made.  New  orderly  does  not  know  how  to  get 
the  fire  going.  Lay  on  my  bunk.  Lieut.  W.  brought 
Harper's  Weekly.  The  Boston  Herald  says  order  has 
been  issued  for  release  on  parole  of  all  Confederate  officers 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  369 

on  their  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Good  news  to 
DuBose  and  all  officers  confined  here  and  elsewhere. 
I  requested  Lieut.  W.  to  send  the  Surgeon  to  see  me. 
He  said  Dr.  Seaverns  was  away  but  would  call  on  his 
return.  He  brought  letters  from  John  A.  Stephens  and 
F.  T.  Bristow,  both  dated  July  10.  Their  perusal  did 
me  much  good. 

Lieut.  W.  and  the  Surgeon  called.  I  submitted  to 
the  latter  a  paper  in  writing  touching  my  case,  as  I  did 
not  feel  able  to  talk  about  it.  Spent  the  evening  reading 
Cicero  on  Moral  Duties.  At  6.30  walked  out  with  Lieut. 
W.  It  was  so  hot  we  kept  in  the  shade  of  the  wall  below. 
As  we  passed  Dr.  Seaverns's  quarters,  he  came  out  and 
offered  me  a  chair  to  rest  a  while.  I  accepted.  Mrs. 
Seaverns  soon  appeared,  and  he  gave  me  an  introduction 
to  her.  This  was  unexpected;  she  remained,  and  talked 
with  me  some  time.  She  seemed  to  be  an  exceedingly 
agreeable  lady,  easy  to  become  acquainted  with.  I  saw 
the  little  girl  who  handed  me  the  flowers  yesterday. 
It  was  Mrs.  Seaverns's  little  daughter,  Annie,  a  pleasant- 
looking,  kind-hearted  little  girl.  After  spending  about 
twenty  minutes  in  conversation  with  Mrs.  Seaverns, 
which  really  did  me  a  great  deal  of  good,  I  walked  on 
with  Lieut.  W.  We  went  upon  the  terreplein  and  looked 
over  the  parapet.  The  tide  was  low.  We  saw  a  good 
deal  of  shipping.  The  Lieutenant  said  they  had  had 
quite  a  sight  a  few  hours  before  in  the  passing  of  the 
VanderbUt  and  the  Dictator]  if  he  had  seen  them  in  time, 
he  would  have  brought  me  out  to  get  a  view.  I  told  him 
I  should  have  liked  to  see  the  Dictator  though  I  did  not 
like  her  name.  If  there  is  anything  in  the  world  I  detest, 
it  is  the  idea  of  a  dictator;  the  ship  I  might  have  admired, 
but  her  name  I  never  could.  We  remained  until  sun- 


370  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

down.  I  looked  for  the  new  moon  in  the  clear  sky  but  she 
was  not  visible;  too  young  and  new,  changed  only  yester 
day. 

Baily,  the  new  attendant,  brought  tea  and  bread.  I 
feel  much  better  than  for  several  days.  The  letters  from 
home  did  me  good,  and  the  conduct  of  the  Doctor  this 
evening,  and  the  conversation  with  Mrs.  Seaverns,  small  as 
that  little  incident  was,  did  me  good.  I  feel  the  effects  yet. 

July  24th.  —  Did  not  sleep  much.  Was  quite  ill  in 
the  night.  Soon  after  breakfast,  Dr.  Seaverns  and  Lieut. 
W.  called.  I  was  writing  to  Linton  and  John  A. 
Stephens. 

Lieut.  W.  called  again  and  brought  me  a  bouquet  of 
flowers,  from  Mrs.  Captain  Livermore,  I  believe  he  said. 

At  the  usual  hour  for  walking,  Lieut.  Newton  called 
for  me.  While  memory  lasts  I  can  never  forget  the 
unutterable  pang  that  struck  my  heart  when  I  saw  him 
instead  of  Lieut.  Woodman.  Lieut.  W.  had  gone  to 
Boston  with  the  released  officers.  We  walked  out  but, 
oh  how  badly,  badly,  badly  did  I  feel,  and  do  now  — 
sick  in  body  and  sick  in  heart.  I  expected  to  see  Lieut. 
W.  before  he  went  off  with  the  officers.  I  was  sadly 
disappointed  in  this.  I  did  not  think  they  would  get 
off  before  to-morrow. 

July  25.  —  Slept  more  last  night.  This  is  the  begin 
ning  of  dog  days,  The  sun  rose  very  hot.  Read  several 
Psalms;  these  verses  did  me  good:  "I  had  fainted,  unless 
I  had  believed  to  see  the  goodness  of  God  in  the  land 
of  the  living.  Wait  on  the  Lord:  be  of  good  courage, 
and  he  shall  strengthen  thine  heart:  wait  I  say,  on  the 
Lord."  Wrote  Secretary  Seward  as  follows: 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  371 

Dear  Sir:  I  take  the  liberty  of  addressing  you  a  few 
lines  in  my  behalf.  This,  I  have  intended  to  do  for 
several  days  but  have  not  been  in  that  condition  physically 
or  mentally  to  do  it  as  I  wished.  In  both  respects  I 
have  been  almost  completely  prostrated.  I  have  been 
induced  to  address  you  partly  because  you  are  the  only 
member  of  the  Cabinet  with  whom  I  have  any  personal 
acquaintance,  but  mainly  because  I  suppose  the  subject 
matter  relates  properly  to  your  Department.  One 
thing  especially  that  I  wish  to  say  to  you  is  in  reference 
to  the  Hampton  Roads  Conference. 

But  in  the  first  place,  allow  me  to  say  that  I  have  lately 
seen  a  circular  from  the  Attorney  General,  dated  1 2th  June, 
requiring  all  special  applications  for  amnesty  to  be  accom 
panied  with  the  prescribed  oath  of  allegiance.  It  has 
occurred  to  me  that  perhaps  the  absence  of  that  oath, 
or  the  omission  of  it,  in  my  application  is  the  reason  I 
have  heard  nothing  from  it,  or  on  the  minor  requests  in 
it  anterior  to  my  second  letter  to  the  President.  Will 
you  be  kind  enough  to  have  me  informed  if  this  is  the 
case?  Is  this  asking  too  much?  I  did  not  know  at 
the  time  mine  was  sent  on  that  such  was  the  require 
ment  before  any  such  application  would  be  considered. 
My  attention  has  been  called  to  it  only  within  the  last 
few  days.  If  this  be  a  defect  in  my  application,  you  may 
assure  the  President,  as  I  hope  you  will,  that  the  omission 
arose  entirely  from  my  not  knowing  of  any  such  require 
ment,  and  if  the  paper  shall  be  returned  to  me,  I  will 
most  cheerfully  and  in  the  most  perfect  "good  faith," 
as  I  stated  in  my  first  letter  to  the  President,  supply  the 
omission:  or  without  its  being  returned,  will,  upon  being 
notified  that  that  is  lacking  for  its  consideration,  take 
the  oath  before  any  officer  who  may  be  directed  to  admin 
ister  it.  Due  allowance,  I  trust,  will  be  made  for  one 
situated  as  I  am,  being  cut  off,  as  I  am,  from  communica 
tion  with  the  world  to  a  great  extent,  and  being,  more 
over,  so  much  enfeebled  by  disease  as  I  am. 

I  take  this  occasion,  also,  to  state  to  you  my  earnest 


372  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

desire  to  be  at  least  released  on  parole,  or  on  bond  in 
any  amount  that  may  be  thought  sufficient.  There  are 
reasons  of  very  great  importance  why  I  should  be  thus 
released,  relating  not  only  to  myself,  to  the  preservation 
of  my  health  and  perhaps  of  my  life,  but  to  the  interest 
of  others.  On  this  point,  I  refer  you  to  my  letter  to  the 
President.  You  will  allow  me  to  say,  moreover,  that 
I  do  not  think  if  I  were  permitted  to  see  the  President 
and  to  confer  with  him  face  to  face,  as  others  equally 
complicated  with  myself,  if  not  more  so  from  the  posi 
tions  they  held,  in  the  late  Confederate  organization, 
have  been  permitted  to  do,  I  would  quickly  satisfy  him 
that,  upon  public  consideration  alone,  without  reference 
to  those  of  a  private  nature,  I  am  equally  entitled  to  such 
release.  I  know  that  no  man  more  true,  more  loyal, 
or  ardently  devoted  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty 
it  embodies  than  I  am,  ever  breathed  the  vital  air  of 
Heaven;  and  no  one  can  rejoice  more  heartily  than  I  do 
at  the  prospect  of  seeing  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity 
once  more  restored  to  this  whole  country  under  its  benign 
influences. 

On  the  question  of  restoration,  I  have  some  views 
that  I  would  take  pleasure  in  communicating  to  you  and 
the  President,  particularly  on  the  subject  of  suffrage  so 
far  as  that  relates  to  the  coloured  race.  This  I  regard 
as  a  question  of  not  less  importance  than  that  of  emanci 
pation  itself.  Upon  its  wise  and  proper  solution  depend 
the  future  interests  of  both  races.  I  have  thought  a  great 
deal  upon  this  subject,  and  may  be  excused  in  saying 
that  I  think  the  question  can  be  adjusted  upon  the 
principles  on  which  all  representative  governments  should 
be  based.  These  principles  require  such  a  structure 
of  society  as  will  secure  the  rights  of  all  without  injury 
to  any.  While  I  have  no  desire  ever  to  mingle  in  public 
affairs  again,  yet  I  should  take  pleasure  in  giving  these 
views  to  the  President  and  the  people  of  my  State.  You 
and  the  President  may  be  assured  that  these  counsels, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  373 

if  I  were  permitted  to  give  them,  would  tend  to  nothing 
but  the  speedy  restoration  of  harmony  and  prosperity 
upon  a  permanent  and  lasting  basis. 

My  object  in  making  these  remarks,  I  trust  will  not 
be  misconstrued.  I  wish  only  to  make  myself  better 
understood.  It  is  far  from  my  intention  thereby  to  pro 
pitiate  favour.  I  know,  in  the  extraordinary  and  wonder 
ful  events  through  which  we  have  passed,  I,  with  the 
wisest  and  best  men,  may  have  committed  errors  in  judg 
ment  as  to  the  best  means  to  be  used,  or  the  best  course 
to  be  taken,  for  the  preservation  and  perpetuation  of 
the  liberties  of  our  fathers.  But  I  do  know,  whatever 
error  I  may  have  committed  in  this  respect  was  of  the 
head  and  not  of  the  heart.  And  if  to  err  in  the  wisest 
and  the  best  is  but  human,  it  is  some  consolation  to  know 
that  to  excuse  and  forgive  is  divine.  On  the  point  of 
amnesty  and  pardon,  therefore,  in  my  own  case,  I  have 
no  further  argument  or  appeal  to  make.  I  wish  the 
President  to  act  upon  it,  if  he  be  pleased  to  consider  it,  as 
he  may  think  best  under  his  own  sense  of  duty  to  me  and 
the  country.  But  what  I  do  ask  and  entreat  upon  the 
subject  of  release  on  parole  or  bail  is,  at  least,  a  mitiga 
tion  of  the  rigour  of  my  present  confinement.  I  consider 
it  as  due  to  humanity.  For  I  assure  you  that  continued 
close  confinement  with  its  necessary  privations,  is,  in 
the  complication  of  disorders  with  which  I  am  afflicted, 
equivalent  to  death.  I  cannot  believe  that  such]  a  result 
is  the  object  of  my  imprisonment.  But  it  is  due  to  you 
and  the  President  to  let  you  know  that  in  my  belief  such 
will  be  the  effect. 

What  I  wish  to  say  to  you  upon  the  subject  of  the 
Hampton  Roads  Conference  is  this:  I  have  lately  seen 
a  publication  taken  from  the  Chronicle  and  Sentinel, 
Augusta,  Ga.,  purporting  to  be  my  version  of  the  Con 
ference  and  what  transpired  at  it.  You  may  have  seen 
this  publication.  Be  assured  that  I  authorized  no  such. 
Where  the  editor  got  his  materials  from,  I  know  not. 
I  have  not  seen  him  since  the  Conference  and  have  had 


374  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

no  communication  with  him.  Some  things  in  the  publi 
cation  are  true,  but  in  it  are  many  errors,  and  even  the 
truths  are  so  stated  as  to  make  a  very  erroneous  impres 
sion  on  several  points.  I  felt  much  annoyed  at  the  pub 
lication,  and  I  desired  to  have  it  denied  in  the  papers 
that  I  had  any  knowledge  of  it.  This,  however,  I  could 
not  have  done.  I,  therefore,  avail  myself  of  this  oppor 
tunity  to  make  denial  as  I  thus  do  to  you.  It  is,  perhaps, 
a  matter  of  but  little  consequence  any  way,  but  I  wish 
you  to  know  that  that  publication  was  without  my  know 
ledge  or  sanction.  (Upon  the  subject  of  that  Conference, 
I  made  no  report  for  the  public  but  that  which  was 
joint  with  the  other  Commissioners  and  which  was  pub 
lished  in  the  Richmond  papers.  Upon  the  main  points 
in  that  Conference,  those  upon  which  it  was  sought,  I 
have  never  even  in  private  made  any  statement  that  could 
reach  the  public.  For  great  public  reasons,  I  abstained 
from  it.l 

To  you  in  this  communication  it  is  also  proper  to 
state  that  this  Hampton  Roads  Conference  was  not  such 
a  one  as  I  desired  at  that  time  and  was  striving  to  obtain. 
I  consented  to  it  from  the  hope  that,  from  what  I  had 
heard,  an  armistice  might  possibly  be  effected  upon  the 
"exterior"  question  to  which  you  referred  in  your  letter 
to  Mr.  Adams.*  To  the  extent  of  an  armistice  only  did 
that  policy  meet  my  approbation.  Under  an  armistice 
I  was  strongly  in  hopes  that  such  a  Conference  as  I  desired 
would  take  place,  and  that  a  restoration  of  peace  upon 
some  satisfactory  basis,  without  the  further  effusion 
of  blood,  would  speedily  follow.  From  the  beginning, 
I  had  been  of  the  opinion  that  if  reason  should  once  be 
permitted  to  get  control  of  the  questions,  peace  and 
harmony  would  soon  be  restored.  It  was  with  these 
views  only,  looking  to  objects  not  embraced  in  any  power 
or  instructions  given  to  the  Commissioners,  that  I  con 
sented  to  be  a  party  to  the  Conference.  Hence,  the  free 
interchange  of  views  we  had  upon  the  whole  subject  of 

*  Reference,  perhaps,  to  Seward's  idea,  expressed  before  the  war,  to  Charles  Francis  Adams,  that 
prospect  of  a  foreign  war  would  unite  the  sections. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  375 

the  war.  I  was  in  strong  hopes  that  good  would  result 
from  that  interchange  of  views,  as  I  assured  Gen.  Grant 
on  our  return;  that  while  nothing  definite  or  satisfactory 
had  been  effected,  yet  I  was  in  strong  hopes  that  good 
would  result  and  that  peace  might  be  the  consequence. 
While  it  is  far  from  my  wish  or  intention  to  cast  blame 
or  censure  upon  any  person  whatever,  it  is  but  due  to 
myself  to  say  that  no  one  could  have  been  more  chagrined 
and  mortified  than  I  was  at  the  course  adopted  at 
Richmond  after  the  report  of  the  Conference  was  made. 
This  much,  by  way  of  explanation  on  this  subject,  I 
have  thought  it  due  to  you  and  myself  to  state. 

All  of  which,  without  any  regard  to  method  or  order, 
but  with  much  feebleness,  is  submitted  to  your  considera 
tion.  Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

I  requested  Corporal  Geary  to  give  the  letter  to  Lieut. 
Newton  to  be  mailed.  I  was  much  exhausted  after 
copying  it.  It  was  not  to  my  liking  but  I  was  too  weak 
and  feeble  to  better  it.  I  sent  it  as  it  was.  It  thus 
throws  out  something  upon  which  the  mind  can  look  and 
hope  for  a  week,  perhaps,  at  least.  This  may  keep  me 
from  sinking,  as  I  feel  I  should  do  without  something 
on  which  to  hang  hope.  To  such  extremity  am  I  reduced. 
After  getting  through  with  the  copy,  I  got  up  to  walk 
but  it  was  with  difficulty.  The  legs  seem  to  have  lost 
their  proper  use. 

While  I  was  writing  above  entry,  Lieut.  Newton  brought 
me  three  letters:  from  S.  J.  Anderson,*  of  i8th  July,  and 
Raymond  W.  Burch,  i6th  July,  and  Miss  Elizabeth  R. 
Nichols,  igth  July,  Washington,  D.  C.;  she  is  sister  of  J. 
Nichols. t  All  these  letters  had  been  sent  here,  and  then 


*  S.  J.  Anderson  was  a  clerk  in  the  House  when  Mr.  Stephens  was  a  Member. 
tThe  name  rendered  Nichols  may  be  "  Echols." 


376  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

back  to  General  Hooker  for  inspection.  Hence  my  delay 
in  getting  them.  Their  perusal  did  me  good.  It  shows 
me  that  I  am  not  forgotten.  Yesterday  and  to-day 
have  been  two  of  the  most  miserable  days  I  have  passed. 
Why,  I  do  not  know.  But  with  weakness  and  pains  of 
the  body,  the  mind  seems  to  have  sunk  under  the  appre 
hension  that  if  I  remain  here  much  longer  I  shall  be 
bedridden,  and  that  thought  is  harrowing.  I  do  my 
best  to  drive  it  off. 

The  doctor  called  while  I  was  writing  to  Mr.  Seward. 
He  asked  if  I  had  been  able  to  use  the  catheter  he 
sent.  I  told  him  I  could  not  give  it  such  bend  as  was 
necessary  for  introduction  without  much  pain.  If  I  had 
something  that  was  round  and  smooth,  I  might  give  it 
such  bend.  He  suggested  a  glass  tumbler.  That  I 
shall  try. 

If  any  one  shall  ever  see  these  pages  and  feel  surprise 
at  such  an  entry,  or  curious  to  know  why  I  make  it,  let 
this  explanation  suffice:  I  am  writing  now  simply  to 
stamp  here  as  far  as  I  can,  the  full  impression  of  my 
present  situation  and  surroundings,  and  also  to  occupy 
the  mind,  to  give  it  any  other  direction  rather  than  let 
it  brood  over  matters  that  it  can  neither  change  nor  con 
trol.  There  is  nothing  so  essential  in  keeping  the  spirits 
up,  or,  if  that  is  impossible,  to  keep  them  from  utter 
collapse,  as  to  keep  the  mind  employed  at  something, 
and  to  draw  it  away  from  reflections  on  its  cares,  anxieties, 
and  disquietudes.  This  journal  thus  far  has  been  of 
great  service  to  me  in  this  particular.  Had  I  not  had 
access  to  books  and  stationery,  and  something  thus  to 
divert  the  mind,  I  believe  I  should  have  died  or  gone 
crazy  before  now. 

6.15.  —  I    was    unusually  weak   this    evening:    more 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  377 

so  than  in  my  previous  walk.     Geary  brought  me  tea 
and  toast.     I  took  some  of  each. 

I  omitted  to  state  in  its  right  place  a  little  incident  of 
to-day.  A  little  girl  brought  me  some  flowers:  she  got 
the  guard  to  hold  her  up,  and  gave  them  to  me  between 
the  bars. 

[The  impression  made  upon  Mr.  Stephens  by  small 
acts  of  kindness  is  indicated  in  his  "War  Between  the 
States"  by  the  following  reference  to  this  flower-giver, 
the  child  of  Major  and  Mrs.  Appleton: 

"Their  charming  little  daughter,  Mabel  (not  four 
years  old),  brought  me  flowers  almost  daily.  She  would 
get  the  guard  to  raise  her  up,  and  would  put  them 
herself,  with  her  little  tiny  hand,  between  the  bars  of 
the  iron  grate  of  the  window,  where  was  placed  a  vase 
to  receive  them  when  I  was  unable  to  take  them  my- 
self."— Editor.] 


CHAPTER  XVII 

JULY  26.  —  A  clear,  bright  morning.     I  slept  little 
last  night,   not  an    hour  of   good    sleep.  Waited 
anxiously  for  Geary.     He  came  at  7.20.     I  soon 
got  up,  weak,  weary,   and  unrefreshed.     Read  Hosea. 
Took  cup  of  coffee.     Succeeded  in  using  catheter;  it  was 
painful  and  weakened  me  very  much. 

Had  a  sort  of  row  with  bedbugs.  Was  certain  last 
night  I  felt  one.  Examined  my  bed  to-day  and  found 
several.  What  I  am  to  do  to  get  rid  of  them,  I  do  not 
know. 

i  p.  m.  —  Feel  better.  Read  the  daily  papers.  Saw 
Governor  Johnson's  address  in  Macon,  Ga.,  and  his 
proclamation  for  an  election  in  October.  See  announce 
ment  of  prisoners  released  from  this  fort.  It  is  not 
correct,  I  think,  in  the  statement  that  Judge  Reagan 
and  myself  are  the  only  ones  left.  Lieut.  Newton  told 
me  yesterday  that  there  are  two  others.  These,  I  think, 
are  Dr.  Bickley,  of  the  Golden  Circle,  and  Captain  Hun 
ter,*  the  two  I  saw  going  for  water.  The  most  import 
ant  item  to  me  is  that  Mr.  Seward  leaves  Washington 
to-day  for  Cape  May.  If  so,  he  will  not  -get  my  letter. 
Another  instance  of  the  bad  luck  that  attends  me.  It 
so  happened  that  when  my  application  was  sent  on, 
it  was,  according  to  report,  turned  over  to  him;  and  just 


*  Whether  this  prisoner  is  the  same  as  "  Vernon,  "  hereafter  named  in  connection  with  Bickley, 
the  Journal  does  not  indicate.  Inquiries  to  the  War  Department  as  to  whether  there  were  a  Hunter 
and  a  Vernon  in  prison  at  Fort  Warren  with  Bickley,  or  as  to  Bickley,  have  been  returned  with  the 
statement  that  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  rules  of  the  Department  to  answer. 

378 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  379 

about  that  time,  Mrs.  Seward  died;  he  was  called  away, 
and  perhaps  has  never  given  any  consideration  to  it. 
And  now,  just  as  I  send  him  a  special  letter,  he  leaves 
before  it  reaches  him.  Surely  I  am  unlucky! 

Dinner  at  the  usual  hour.  I  felt  better  than  for  five 
days  past.  For  the  first  time  in  that  period,  I  was  hungry. 
The  heavy  gloom  that  has  rested  over  me  for  several 
days  seems  to  be  lifting  from  the  soul  as  a  fog  rises  from 
the  bottom  of  a  lake. 

Dr.  Seaverns  and  Lieut.  Newton  called  to  see  how 
I  was.  Lieut.  Newton  took  some  of  my  Chanticleer 
brand  of  smoking  tobacco  as  a  sample  for  Lieut.  [Cap 
tain?]  Livermore.  It  is  the  best  I  ever  used.  I  gave 
him  a  pipeful  yesterday  while  he  was  sitting  with  me 
after  our  early  return  from  walk.  He  liked  it  very  much 
and  so  to-day  took  some  for  his  friend  to  try.  The 
doctor  sat  some  minutes  after  the  Lieutenant  left. 

Finished  the  first  book  of  Cicero  on  "Moral  Duties." 
I  can  hardly  believe  the  translation  does  Cicero  justice 
in  this:  "All  who  follow  mechanical  pursuits  are  mean." 
I  cannot  think  his  idea  was  that  there  was  any  moral 
deficiency  in  this  class;  their  pursuits  were  simply  not 
those  of  high  ambition :  that  he  meant  to  speak  of  them 
selves  as  viciously  low  or  to  be  regarded  with  scorn  is 
inconsistent  with  what  he  says  elsewhere  of  the  estimate  in 
which  even  slaves  should  be  held,  and  how  they  should 
be  treated. 

I  see  in  the  evening  paper  that  the  Macon  Telegraph 
has  an  article  expressing  apprehension,  endorsed  by  the 
Atlanta  Intelligencer,  of  a  Negro  insurrection.  I  cannot 
think  there  is  any  real  foundation  for  this. 

6.15  —  I  was  truly  glad  to  see  Lieut.  Woodman  enter 
my  room  for  the  evening  walk.  He  is  the  only  man  I 


380  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

have  met  here  who  begins  to  fill  the  place  of  an  acquain 
tance.  He  even  begins  to  fill  that  of  a  friend,  or  I  begin 
to  give  him  such  a  place  in  my  feelings.  Walked  on  the 
terreplein.  Was  weak,  but  stronger  than  I  have  been. 
I  rested  a  while;  as  the  sun  was  sinking,  I  got  a  view 
of  the  new  moon  in  perfect  crescent  form.  If  there  is 
anything  in  signs,  I  shall  certainly  have  good  luck  this 
moon;  for  I  got,  directly  over  the  right  shoulder,  a  clear 
view  of  her  in  an  unclouded  sky.  So  we  shall  see  how 
it  will  turn  out.  Perhaps  I  may  be  as  unfortunate  in 
this  sign  as  Dave  Holt  was  in  his  sign  of  a  wet  moon. 
The  story  Dave  told  of  himself  was,  that  after  losing 
all  his  money  gambling  in  Kentucky,  he  had  to  foot  it 
home  to  Georgia.  In  Tennessee  he  could  go  no  further 
without  money  and  had  no  way  of  raising  it  except  by 
work.  A  farmer  offered  him  ten  dollars  and  board  for 
a  month's  work  at  splitting  rails;  it  was  about  dark; 
Dave  had  no  other  hope  for  lodging.  He  happened  to 
glance  at  the  new  moon;  all  signs  portended  much  rain. 
He  said  he  would  accept  if  he  should  not  be  required  to 
work  in  the  rain.  The  farmer  agreed.  Dave  expected  he 
would  not  have  to  work  half  his  time,  for,  he  said,  it  was 
a  " perfectly  dripping  new  moon."  To  his  mortification, 
twenty-six  of  the  driest  days  he  ever  saw  succeeded. 
This  Dave  Holt  was  author  of  the  letters  signed  "Ned 
Bucket,"  and  published  by  papers  all  over  the  country. 
Who  "Ned  Bucket"  was,  nobody  for  a  long  time  knew. 
The  letters  were  humorous,  witty,  and  sometimes  scur 
rilous.  Anonymous  letters  came  to  be  called  "Bucket 
letters."  This  is  the  Dave  Holt  who  made  the  cele 
brated  speech  at  Montgomery,  Ala.,  on  the  departure  of 
volunteers  to  aid  Texas  in  1834  or  '35 ;  Dave,  again  broken 
in  fortune,  was  one  of  that  band  of  patriots.  Funds 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  381 

had  been  raised  to  equip  the  volunteers ;  a  boat  chartered 
to  take  them:  a  flag  with  a  lone  star  was  to  be  presented, 
an  orator  was  appointed.  A  crowd  assembled  to  bid  the 
soldiers  adieu.  The  presentation  speech  was  made  on 
the  banks  of  the  river.  To  this  Dave  responded,  from 
the  deck,  in  behalf  of  his  comrades.  His  speech  was 
short  and  pithy: 

Fellow  citizens,  ladies  and  gentlemen: 

This  great  cause  is  little  understood: 

We  patriots  here  form  a  noble  band 

Who  quit  our  country  for  our  country's  good. 

He  was  at  the  Alamo,  but  escaped  from  the  massacre. 
When  asked  how  he  got  away,  and  if  he  did  not  run  he 
said,  he  did  "some  tall  walking."  Dave  was  a  character. 

After  my  sight  of  the  new  moon,  I  descended  with 
Lieut.  W.  to  the  plane  below,  and  paid  a  visit  to  Dr. 
Seaverns's  office;  sat  with  him  a  while,  and  made  the 
acquaintance  of  the  hospital  steward,  a  curious  character. 
He  keeps  a  register  of  the  weather.  Told  me  that  he 
used  to  be  at  Old  Point.  Knew  my  friend,  Judge  Wayne, 
and  his  son-in-law,  Dr.  Cuyler.  Returned  at  sundown 
to  my  cell.  For  supper,  took  a  glass  of  milk,  and  some 
blackberries,  the  first  I  have  seen  this  year.  I  ate  more 
for  supper  than  for  several  days.  I  feel  a  great  deal 
better  than  for  a  week.  Oh,  if  I  could  only  keep  my 
health. 

Thursday  —  Did  not  rest  well  in  the  night.  I  was 
still  feverish.  The  flies,  which  have  become  numerous 
in  my  room  and  very  annoying,  prevented  me  from 
sleeping  after  daylight.  Read  in  Job.  My  spirits  under 
went  the  changes  of  the  tide.  At  low  ebb,  they  chimed 


382  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

in  with  the  sentiments  of  the  third  chapter;  and  they 
rose  to  the  point  of  fortitude,  patience,  hope  and  faith 
as  I  reached  the  close  of  the  fifth.  Breakfast:  Geary 
brought  plain  cornbread  for  the  first  time.  I  have 
asked  for  this  but  the  cook  did  not  know  how  to  prepare 
it.  I  gave  directions  and  she  has  succeeded  pretty  well. 

I  am  sitting  in  a  quiet  meditation,  smoking  my  second 
pipe,  free  from  pain  except  the  uneasiness  that  accom 
panies  weakness.  This  is  the  ninth  round  of  seven  days 
since  I  have  been  in  this  prison.  This  too  is  the  27th  of 
July,  a  day  ever  memorable  to  me  as  the  anniversary  of 
important  epochs  in  my  life.  On  this  day  in  1827,  a  boy, 
I  quit  my  then  home  at  my  uncle  and  guardian's,  and 
started  to  school  at  Washington,  Ga.  That  was  a  great 
turning  point  in  my  life.  Thursday,  27th  July,  1843, 
when  32  years  old,  I  started  from  home  on  my  first  elec 
tioneering  tour  in  a  canvass  for  Congress.  That,  too, 
was  another  great  turning  point.  These  points,  their 
turns,  and  the  roads  taken  in  both  cases,  led  me  here. 
Perhaps  it  is  best  for  me  that  I  am  here.  Believing  in 
the  providence  of  God,  I  so  accept  it. 

I  delivered  to  Geary  four  short  letters  for  mailing. 
One  was  to  Linton  by  way  of  Augusta,  one  to  Raymond 
Burch,  one  to  Miss  Nichols,  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  one 
to  S.  J.  Anderson,  New  York.  This  is  a  sultry  morning. 
The  sun  shines  hotly  in  my  room.  There  is  no  air  stir- 
ing.  From  appearances,  it  will  be  one  of  the  hottest 
days  of  the  season.  It  is  now  only  9  a.  m.  My  room, 
however,  is  always  warmest  in  the  forenoon;  it  fronts 
southeast. 

Have  been  reading  Cicero's  second  book  on  "Moral 
Duties."  His  standard  of  morality,  honour,  and  virtue 
was  very  high.  I  know  of  none  higher  taken  by  Chris- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  383 

tian  philosopher.  Paley's  [English  divine  and  moralist] 
is  not  so  high.  If  writings  can  be  taken  as  index  of  the 
mind,  I  should  think  Cicero  a  better  man  than  Paley. 
I  feel  disposed,  however,  to  condemn  one  point  he  makes 
speaking  of  advocates:  "The  duty  of  a  judge  in  all 
trials  to  follow  truth;  that  of  a  pleader  sometimes  to 
maintain  the  plausible  though  it  may  not  be  the  truth. " 
But  he  is  not  so  objectionable  as  Dr.  Paley  on  the  same 
point.  Paley  says,  "There  are  falsehoods  which  are 
not  lies;  that  is,  which  are  not  criminal,  as  when  no  one 
is  deceived,  as  is  the  case  in  parables,  fables,  novels, 
jests,  compliments  in  the  subscription  of  a  letter;  or  a 
servant's  denying  his  master;  or  a  prisoner's  pleading 
not  guilty;  or  an  advocate  asserting  the  justice  of,  or  his 
belief  in  the  justice  of,  his  client's  cause.  In  such 
instances,  no  confidence  is  destroyed  because  none  was 
reposed ;  no  promise  to  speak  the  truth  is  violated  because 
none  was  understood  to  be  given."  Now,  in  some  of 
these  instances,  the  doctrine  laid  down  is  monstrous. 
It  so  seemed  to  me  when  a  boy  at  college  and  it  has  so 
seemed  to  me  through  life. 

I  could  never  justify  the  practice  of  having  a  servant 
say  his  master  or  mistress  is  not  at  home  when  the  reverse 
is  true.  Such  practice  lessens  the  regard  of  servants 
for  the  truth  for  the  truth's  sake;  it  instills  the  principles 
of  prevarication.  They  cannot  discriminate  between  a 
lie  of  this  sort  and  any  other  told  to  answer  convenience ; 
if,  indeed,  there  can  be  any  discrimination,  which  I  doubt. 
How  much  more  conducive  to  good  morals,  to  let  the 
servant  say  that  the  master  or  mistress  is  engaged,  or 
cannot  receive  company.  Cicero  tells  a  good  story  illus 
trating  the  absurdity  of  this  polite  custom  of  "denying." 
Some  Roman  of  distinction,  calling  to  see  his  friend, 


384  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

was  told  by  the  servant  that  the  master  was  not  at  home, 
when  the  visitor  knew  otherwise.  Soon  after,  this  friend 
called  on  him.  Hearing  inquiry  made  of  his  servant, 
he  spoke  out,  telling  the  visitor  he  was  "not  at  home." 
"But,"  said  the  visitor,  "don't  I  see  you  and  know  that 
you  are  at  home?"  The  other  replied,  "Why,  I  had  to 
believe  your  servant  the  other  day,  and  can't  you  believe 
me?" 

What  Paley  says  of  a  pleader  being  justified  in  assert 
ing  the  justice,  or  his  belief  in  the  justice,  of  his  client's 
cause,  leaving  inference  that  he  may  rightfully  do  this 
when  he  does  not  believe  as  he  asserts,  seems  wrong 
in  principle  and  highly  immoral.     It  goes  further  wrong 
than  Cicero,  who  says  only  that  the  pleader  may  main 
tain  the  plausible,  that  is,  I  suppose,  present  the  plaus 
ible  view  to  judge  and  jury  without  declaration  of  belief 
in  its  truth.     Even  to  that  extent,  the  rule  cannot  receive 
my  sanction,  if  the  advocate  knows  the  fact  to  be  con 
trary  to  his  view.     When  he  is  in  doubt  as  to  how  the 
fact  really  is,  then  I  hold  that  he  is  not  only  justified  in 
presenting  the  case  of  his  client  in  as  fair  and  plausible 
light  as  possible,  but  that  it  is  his  duty  to  do  so.     When 
he  is  convinced  of  the  truth  or  justice  of  his  client's  case, 
his  whole  soul  should  be  thrown  into  its  defense;  but  i 
all  that  is  said  or  done  by  him  in  this,  the  strictest  rega 
to  truth,  propriety,  and  decorum,  should  be  maintained 
All  cases  involving  the  principles  here  discussed  depen 
on  matters  of  fact,  or  questions  of  law,  or  both  combined 
that  is  upon  conclusion  of  law  from  matters  of  fact.     N 
advocate  should  ever  assert  as  matter  of  fact  in  his  client' 
case  what  he  knows  is  not  such;  any  code  of  moral 
justifying  him  in  this  does  not  deserve  the  name.     Th 
same  is  true  as  to  any  assertions  he  may  make  touchin 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  385 

the  law  of  the  case.  Lawyers  should  be  bound,  in  all 
they  do  and  say,  by  the  same  strict  and  pure  principles 
of  morality  that  should  bind  other  persons.  By  this 
rule  I  have  ever  held  myself  governed. 

My  rule  from  the  time  I  was  admitted  to  the  bar  was: 
first,  to  investigate  a  case  submitted  to  me,  to  inquire 
into  the  facts  and  the  law  applicable  to  it;  then,  if  I  did 
not  believe  the  party  entitled  to  success  before  the  court, 
I  told  him  so  and  declined  to  appear  or  prosecute  the 
case.  Cases  are  often  very  complicated,  presenting 
great  variety  of  facts  as  well  as  involving  many  points  of 
law;  such,  I  have  never  hesitated  to  take  and  to  do 
with  them  the  best  I  could,  if  on  any  points  there  seemed 
to  be  right  or  justice  with  my  client,  or  if  what  was  right 
and  just  in  the  premises  was  unsettled  and  a  matter 
of  doubt.  These  remarks  apply  particularly  to  civil 
and  equity  cases.  My  rule  in  criminal  cases  has  been 
never  to  appear  in  capital  cases  for  the  prosecution  of 
any  one  whom  I  did  not  fully  believe  guilty  as  charged, 
and  not  always  then.  When  I  have  appeared  for  the 
prosecution,  it  has  been  only  when  the  nature  of  the 
offense  was  such  as  made  it  my  duty,  apart  from  all 
pecuniary  considerations,  to  aid  in  bringing  the  offender 
to  justice.  In  defense  of  persons  charged  with  homicide, 
I  have  seldom  declined  to  appear;  I  have  never  failed 
to  appear  when  there  was  the  least  doubt  as  to  the  fact, 
the  motive,  or  the  criminal  intent;  or  the  proper  conclu 
sion  from  the  facts,  the  intent,  and  the  law.  I  know 
how  readily  from  sympathy  we  may  be  misled  in  judgment 
concerning  the  actions  of  those  in  whose  cause  we  are 
enlisted.  I  am  prone  from  constitutional  tendency  to 
sympathize  with  unfortunates  in  distress  from  any  cause 
whatever.  Hence,  I  am  fully  conscious  of  how  my  judg- 


386  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

ment,  touching  the  real  guilt  of  those  I  have  defended, 
may  have  been  misled.  But  I  can  say  that  I  never 
defended  any  person  charged  with  crime  when  I  did 
not  fully  believe  every  position  as  to  fact,  motive,  and 
law,  assumed  by  me  before  judge  and  jury. 

I  never  appeared  in  the  prosecution  of  a  person  charged 
with  murder  who  was  not  condemned,  and  no  client  of 
mine,  white  or  black,  was  ever  hung.  One  that  I  appeared 
against  died  before  the  time  set  for  execution;  the  other 
(there  were  but  two)  was  hung.  I  engaged  in  the  pros 
ecution  of  another  case  but  gave  it  up  before  trial,  on  my 
election  to  the  vice-presidency.  I  have  had  clients  who 
on  first  trial  were  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  hung, 
but  new  trials  were  granted  for  error  in  the  rulings  of 
the  judge;  and  final  acquittal,  or  a  modification  of  the 
verdict,  reducing  the  grade  of  offense  from  murder  to 
manslaughter,  which  I  insisted  was  the  right  finding, 
has  been  the  result  in  all.  I  have  not,  in  every  case, 
fully  believed  in  the  innocence  of  the  accused  whom  I 
defended.  For  instance,  in  the  case  of  a  woman  charged 
with  poisoning  her  husband:  there  was  no  latitude  for 
motive,  no  grade  in  the  offense,  most  foul  was  the  crime; 
all  the  evidence  was  circumstantial ;  the  links  in  the  chain 
were  incomplete:  it  was  far  from  being  conclusive  either 
way.  I  did  not  hesitate  to  throw  my  energies  before 
judge  and  jury  in  presenting  the  inconclusiveness  of  the 
testimony,  and  insisted  that  under  the  law,  when  there 
was  doubt,  there  should  be  acquittal.  There  was  an 
acquittal.  This  was  nearly  twenty  years  ago.  The 
woman  is  still  living,  or  was  lately.  No  further  dis 
covery  has  ever  been  made. 

On  Paley's  idea,  lawyers,  as  a  class,  are  nothing  but 
a  set  of  mental  prostitutes  whose  calling  is  to  make  a 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  387 

living  by  lying,  and  who  are  excused  from  all  responsi 
bility  to  the  moral  law  in  this  respect  from  the  fact  that 
their  infamy  is  so  notorious  that  nobody  is  expected  to 
believe  them,  and  upon  the  principle  that  where  there 
is  no  deception  there  is  no  falsehood,  and  no  crime  or 
turpitude  in  telling  a  lie.  In  vindication  of  that  profes 
sion  to  which  I  belong  and  which  has  been  the  pride 
and  glory  of  my  life,  I  propose  to  say  a  few  things. 

No  pursuit  in  life  is  more  honourable  or  useful  than 
that  of  the  law,  when  followed  as  it  should  be.  None 
requires  more  rigidly  a  stout  adherence  to  all  the  pre 
cepts  and  principles  of  morality,  or  the  possession  and 
practice  of  the  highest  and  noblest  virtues  that  elevate 
and  adorn  human  nature.  Not  even  the  office  of  the 
holy  minister  opens  up  such  a  wide  field  for  simply  doing 
good  to  one's  fellow  man.  The  lawyer's  province  is 
to  aid  in  the  administration  of  justice,  to  assist  the 
oppressed,  to  uphold  the  weak,  to  contend  against  the 
strong,  to  defend  the  right,  to  expose  the  wrong,  to  find 
out  deceit,  and  to  run  down  vice  and  crimes  of  all  grades, 
shades,  and  characters.  What  a  field  is  his  for  calming 
passions,  allaying  strife,  composing  disputes,  settling 
quarrels,  and  quieting  contentions. 

A  good  lawyer  is  ever  a  peacemaker.  Pettifoggers 
there  may  be  whose  sole  object  is  to  stir  up  litigation  that 
they  may  profit  by  it.  The  man  who  enters  the  bar 
with  soul  fired  by  aspirations  fitting  his  high  vocation, 
looks  to  nothing  but  the  advancement  of  justice.  The 
tangled  web  of  most  private  controversies  can  be  better 
unravelled  and  straightened  by  bringing  the  parties 
together  in  private  conference  than  by  carrying  them 
into  court.  This  the  lawyer,  properly  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  his  calling,  will  always  strive  to  effect.  Con- 


388  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

tentions  that  originate  in  impulse,  passion,  or  misunder 
standing  can  often  in  this  way  be  speedily  adjusted  and 
reconciliations  brought  about.  In  controversies  involv 
ing  doubtful  questions  of  law  in  the  settlement  of  estates, 
the  descent  of  property,  construction  of  wills  and  con 
veyances,  the  judicial  forum  must  be  the  resort.  But 
with  what  intense  regard  for  truth,  for  right  and  justice, 
does  the  lawyer  investigate  facts  and  pore  over  his  books, 
preparing  himself  for  such  occasions.  In  the  Temple 
of  Justice  he  glories  in  the  fact  that  everything  is  weighed 
in  her  scales.  Reason  and  wisdom  are  his  necessary 
weapons.  The  materials  to  be  handled  are  human  acts 
coloured  with  human  passions,  prejudices,  and  infirm 
ities.  What  a  field  here  for  exhibition  of  the  noblest 
virtues  in  exposing  knavery,  fraud,  villainy,  and  false 
hood  of  every  sort,  and  of  securing  to  honesty,  right, 
and  truth,  their  just  reward. 

The  lawyer  is  brought  in  contact  with  men  of  all  charac 
ters,  the  lowest  and  the  vilest  as  well  as  the  highest  and 
purest.  Hence,  his  means  of  acquiring  thorough  know 
ledge  of  human  nature  are  superior  to  those  of  all  other 
classes  combined.  His  opportunities,  not  only  for  allay 
ing  strife,  settling  quarrels,  and  bringing  about  recon 
ciliations,  but  for  giving  proper  rebuke  to  crime  and 
iniquity,  are  better  and  far  more  numerous  than  those 
of  the  minister  of  the  Gospel.  He  sits,  as  it  were,  in 
the  marketplace  and  on  the  highways;  not  a  day  passes 
in  which  he  may  not  and  should  not  dispense  with  a  liberal 
hand  the  Christian  charities  of  his  counsel  in  the  succour 
of  the  needy,  the  destitute,  the  wronged,  the  widow,  and 
the  orphan.  There  should  be  nothing  mean  or  low 
about  him.  He  should  understand  the  shifts  of  fraud, 
deceit,  and  cunning,  in  order  to  be  able  to  circumvent 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  389 

those  who  deal  in  these,  without  ever  practising  or  counte 
nancing  them  himself;  but,  on  the  contrary,  ever  expos 
ing  and  holding  them  up  to  condemnation.  He  should 
have  no  ambition  but  to  serve  his  fellow  men  and  to  do 
good.  In  doing  the  greatest  possible  good  to  others, 
he  achieves  the  greatest  good  for  himself. 

The  doctor  has  not  called  to-day:  it  is  now  near  six. 
I  looked  anxiously  for  letters  by  morning  mail,  and  by 
the  evening,  but  none  came.  I  grow  anxious  to  hear 
from  Linton.  Why  do  I  not  get  that  other  letter  he 
wrote?  or  the  letters  written  by  him  since?  Only 
greatest  efforts  prevent  me  from  falling  into  deepest 
melancholy  while  thinking  of  him.  Tears  start  when 
my  thoughts  turn  toward  him.  O  my  brother!  how 
I  pray  my  God  for  you!  that  He  may  protect,  guide, 
and  direct  you!  I  felt  much  better  the  forepart  of  the 
day.  Now,  gloom  seems  creeping  over  me  like  the  twi 
light  which  foreruns  the  night. 

Lieut.  Newton  did  not  come  for  the  walk  until  6.30. 
I  was  impatient,  fearing  something  had  happened.  Lieut. 
Woodman  has  gone  to  Boston  again.  I  fear  I  shall 
see  little  more  of  him.  His  main  duties  here  have  been 
to  look  after  prisoners.  All  of  these  are  gone  except 
Reagan,  myself,  Vernon,  and  Binckley.  I  do  not  know 
if  I  have  before  stated  that  Vernon  is  an  Englishman,  or 
claims  to  be  such.  He  was  captured  on  a  blockade- 
running  expedition,  and  will  not  take  the  oath;  if  he 
would,  he  would  be  discharged.  Lieut.  W.  will  spend, 
I  expect,  but  little  time  at  the  fort  between  this  and  the 
mustering  out  of  his  company,  which  he  looks  for  the 
first  of  August.  In  my  walk,  I  called  and  sat  a  while 
with  Dr.  Seaverns.  Then  went  on  the  terreplein  to  where 
I  used  to  see  the  Confederate  officers.  It  made  me  sad. 


39° 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF 


I  saw  quarters  where  DuBose  and  Jackson  lodged  so 
lately.  Oh,  if  I  could  then  have  gone  where  I  was  this 
evening  and  talked  with  them,  what  relief  it  would  have 
been  to  me!  Geary  brought  tea  and  bread  for  supper. 
No  milk. 

July  28.  —  Did  not  sleep  well.  Cause,  general 
weakness,  perhaps.  I  lay  on  my  bunk  quietly  but  sleep- 
lessly.  After  the  relief  guard  at  12.30,  went  into  slumber 
which  lasted  until  day.  Rose  at  6.45.  "  Truly  the  light 
is  sweet  and  a  pleasant  thing  it  is  for  the  eyes  to  behold 
the  sun."  Read  Ecclesiastes.  In  this  book  is  practical 
wisdom  for  everyday  life.  It  is  a  matter  of  doubt  to 
me  whether  Solomon  believed  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul.  Some  portions  of  his  treatise  indicate  that  he  did; 
others  that  he  did  not.  For  instance: 

For  that  which  befalleth  the  sons  of  men  befalleth 
beasts:  ...  as  the  one  dieth,  so  dieth  the  other; 
yea,  they  have  all  one  breath;  so  that  a  man  hath  no 
preeminence  above  a  beast;  for  all  is  vanity.  All  go 
unto  one  place;  all  are  of  the  dust,  and  all  turn  to  dust 
again.  Who  knoweth  the  spirit  of  man  that  goeth 
upward,  and  the  spirit  of  the  beast  that  goeth  downward 
to  the  earth? 

His  standard  of  morals  in  these  writings  is  high;  up 
rightness  of  conduct  in  all  things,  and  in  all  conditions  in 
life,  from  subject  to  ruler,  with  purity  of  heart,  and  rever 
ence  and  devotion  to  God,  is  strongly  enjoined.  This, 
he  teaches,  is  best  for  man  and  society  without  regard 
to  a  future  state,  or  without  any  argument  drawn  from 
that  view.  "  Sorrow  [even  without  looking  further  than 
this  life]  is  better  than  laughter:  for  by  the  sadness  of 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  391 

the  countenance  the  heart  is  made  better."  My  opinion, 
founded  upon  observation,  is  that  adversity  makes  men 
better  or  worse.  It  is  never  negative.  It  is  a  terrible 
crucible. 

Daily  papers.  I  see  another  letter  from  Fortress 
Monroe  about  the  health  of  Mr.  Davis.  He  is  per 
mitted  to  walk  out.  I  am  truly  glad  to  know  this.  I 
was  very  anxious  to  get  letters.  I  do  not  understand 
why  I  hear  nothing  further  from  Dr.  Willis  or  Lint  on. 
I  was  also  expecting  to  hear  from  the  application  sent  on 
for  mitigation  of  my  confinement,  but  it  is  now  near 
noon.  As  no  announcement  has  been  made  to  me  of 
any  reply,  I  take  it  for  granted  that  if  any  has  come,  it 
is  unfavourable.  I  rejoice  that  I  am  so  much  better 
than  when  the  application  was  made,  that  I  can,  I  trust, 
now  stand  an  unfavourable  reply.  Then,  I  do  not  know 
how  it  would  have  been.  Dr  Seaverns  called,  while 
I  was  reading  Ecclesiastes.  It  is  the  earliest  call  he  has 
ever  made  me. 

The  drum  is  beating  the  hour  of  noon.  It  is  a  clear 
hot  day.  Finished  Cicero's  third  book  on  ''Duties."  I 
like  his  doctrine  against  concealment  of  defects,  quality, 
etc.,  in  matters  of  trade.  Open,  fair,  honest  dealing 
alone  is  honourable.  It  marks  the  upright  man.  Walked 
the  room  until  mail  hour.  Lieut.  Newton  brought  me 
the  book  Burch  sent,  Savage's  "  Representative  Men." 

6.15  — Walked  out  with  Lieut.  N.  Called  at  Dr. 
Seaverns's.  We  walked  around  the  parapet,  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile,  I  think.  Find  Lieut.  N.  agreeable, 
and  disposed  to  talk.  He  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  it 
would  be  windy  to-morrow;  said  he  had  signs  for  wind 
and  rain.  His  sign  for  wind  were  clouds  which  he  pointed 
out:  one  of  his  signs  for  rain  is  when  swallows  and  sea- 


392  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

gulls  fly  low,  near  the  ground  or  water.     For  supper, 
I  took  bread  and  water. 


July  29.  —  Geary,  by  direction,  put  on  no  coal  this 
morning.  He  kindled  a  wood  fire;  this  was  to  make 
sufficient  draft  to  clear  the  room  of  tobacco  smoke  and 
other  impurities.  The  morning  clear  and  hot. 

Read  the  Song  of  Solomon.  How  this  book  came 
amongst  the  inspired  writings,  I  cannot  imagine.  Who 
gave  the  headings  of  the  chapters,  as,  for  instance:  "The 
church's  love  for  Christ.  5.  She  confesseth  her  deform 
ity.  7.  and  prayeth  to  be  directed  to  his  flock.  8.  Christ 
directeth  her  to  the  shepherds'  tents,"  etc.  I  should 
like  to  know  upon  what  authority  or  principle  it  was  done. 
To  me  it  is  inexplicable.  From  nothing  in  this  composi 
tion  can  I  perceive  that  any  such  allegory  was  in  the 
mind  of  the  writer.  It  seems  only  such  love-songs  as 
Solomon  may  be  supposed  to  have  indulged  himself  in 
writing.  Nothing  in  it  is  of  a  debasing  character;  in 
this  it  is  far  above  the  standard  of  many  such  produc 
tions.  But  that  Solomon  had  any  idea  of  Christ,  or 
the  Christian  Church  in  his  mind  in  writing  these  love 
ditties,  if  they  be  so  termed,  I  see  no  grounds  for  concep 
tion.  This  interpretation  of  the  text  seems  to  me  not 
only  a  forced  construction  but  not  much  short  of  impious. 

Wrote  to  Sheppard  Knapp,  President  of  Merchants' 
Bank,  New  York,  asking  to  be  informed  if  Dr.  Willis 
had  reached  New  York  and  had  got  the  letter  I  addressed 
him,  care  of  Knapp. 

9.30  —  Dr.  Seaverns  called.  Sat  and  talked  some  time. 
He  told  me  that  Major  Allen,  who  commands  here, 
has  been  ordered  to  take  command  of  his  Regiment, 
the  2d  U.  S.  Artillery;  is  to  go  to  San  Francisco.  Major 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  393 

Appleton,  of  the  ist.  Mass.  Vol.  Art.  Reg.,  now  stationed 
here,  is  to  command  for  the  present.  This  regiment, 
it  is  expected,  will  soon  be  mustered  out.  The  doctor 
remains,  but  does  not  know  how  long.  He  expects  to 
have  other  duties  assigned  him  soon.  Into  whose  hands 
I  am  ultimately  to  fall,  I  do  not  know.  I  was  intro 
duced  to  Major  Appleton  several  evenings  ago  in  my 
walk  with  Lieut.  W.  He  seemed  kind  and  agreeable. 
I  met  him  again  yesterday  at  Dr.  Seaverns's.  I  don't 
know  that  my  situation  will  be  worse  under  him  than  it 
has  been.  I  asked  the  doctor  if  he  had  heard  anything 
from  his  recommendation  in  my  behalf.  He  said,  "Not 
a  word." 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

JULY  29.  —  Oh,  what  a  change  has  come  to  me 
since  the  last  sentence  was  penned!  As  I  was 
finishing  the  last  word,  Dr.  Seaverns  entered 
my  room,  and  announced  that  he  had  just  got  an 
order  authorizing  my  release  from  close  confinement. 
The  boat  had  come  while  I  was  writing,  bringing  the  mail 
and  with  it  the  order.  He  took  it  out  and  read  it  to  me. 
By  it,  I  am  allowed  to  go  in  and  out  at  pleasure,  and 
walk  the  grounds  when  I  choose,  between  sunrise  and  sun 
set  ;  see  any  member  of  my  family  or  any  of  my  personal 
friends;  and  converse  with  officers  and  persons  in  the 
fort  besides  those  having  special  charge  of  me.  In  other 
words,  I  am  simply  put  on  parole  in  the  fort.  This  was 
elating  and  joyous  news.  At  least,  one  might  so  imagine 
and  I  should  have  thought  so  ten  minutes  before;  but 
it  brought  from  me  a  flood  of  tears,  an  outburst  of  weeping. 
The  doctor  instantly  retired. 

Lieut.  Newton  soon  came  and  read  me  a  duplicate 
that  Major  Allen  had  received;  and  immediately  took 
the  lock  off  my  door.  No  language  can  express  the 
relief  that  sound  gave  me  —  the  sound  of  the  clanking 
iron  as  it  fell  upon  my  ears.  Jean  Valjean  could  not 
have  felt  greater  relief  when  the  lid  of  his  coffin  was  lifted 
and  he  was  saved  from  being  buried  alive.  The  clank 
ing  of  that  same  iron  when  I  was  for  the  first  time  locked 
up  in  a  prison  had  penetrated  to  my  very  soul ! 

I  instantly  wrote  two  letters  to  Linton,  announcing 

394 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  395 

the  fact  and  urging  him  to  come  to  see  me  as  soon  as  he 
could.  I  gave  them  to  Geary  to  be  mailed.  I  then 
thought  of  writing  to  President  Johnson,  thanking  him 
for  the  order.  A  doubt  arose.  Was  it  proper  to  return 
thanks  for  what  I  considered  my  due  by  rights?  I  did 
not  deliberate  long.  How  others  might  consider  it  I 
do  not  know,  but  the  rule  I  have  adopted  for  myself 
in  all  such  cases  is  to  do  what  I  think  right,  what  my 
own  impulses  dictate,  without  regard  to  the  opinion  of 
others.  Because  he  has  done  me  a  wrong  is  no  reason 
why  I  should  not  do  right.  The  Scriptural  rule  is  to 
bless  those  that  despitefully  use  you.  I  addressed  him 
a  short  note  of  sincere  and  grateful  acknowledgments. 

I  wrote  two  letters  to  Linton  because  I  wished  to  send 
by  different  routes  —  one  by  Augusta  and  one  by  Atlanta 
through  Gip  Grier,  hoping  one  or  the  other  might  reach 
him  in  the  shortest  possible  time.  Lieut.  Newton  then 
brought  me  two  letters  from  home;  from  William  G. 
Stephens,  i;th  July,  and  Mr.  Bristow,  iSth  July.  So 
this  has  been  a  day  of  good  things.  By  both  I  learned 
that  all  were  well  and  that  the  corn  crop  was  promising; 
the  wheat  had  been  thrashed,  measuring  126  bushels. 
There  were  good  rains  at  the  time,  which  will,  I  trust, 
secure  the  corn  crop.  In  great  thankfulness  to  God, 
the  giver  of  all  good,  was  my  heart  uplifted. 

Dinner.  I  had  more  appetite  than  yesterday,  and 
ate  more  freely.  I  took  a  drink  of  Harry's  whisky. 
This  was  in  remembrance  of  him.  Spent  the  evening 
walking  in  and  out  the  shady  passes;  and  reading  Cicero 
on  " Friendship."  It  was  a  great  relief  to  me  to  walk  out 
and  in  as  I  pleased  and  to  feel  once  more  that  I  am  in 
some  measure  a  free  man. 

At  5  went  to  Dr.  Seaverns's  office.     He  was  gone  to 


396  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Hull.  Conversed  with  Harrington.  I  saw  his  ther 
mometer  and  hydrometer.  Met  Lieut.  Newton.  Nearly 
the  first  thing  he  said  was,  "I  told  you  it  would  be  windy 
to-day."  Sure  enough,  it  has  been.  I  went  into  the 
library  and  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  Librarian,  Mr. 
Barnham,  as  I  understood  his  name  to  be.  I  then, 
alone,  walked  slowly,  resting  at  times,  all  around  the 
fort  on  the  terreplein,  looking  out  upon  the  sea  which 
was  now  a  true  emblem  of  my  soul  in  full  tide.  But  as 
that  tide  shall  subside,  so  must  it  be  with  this  tide  in  my 
feelings. 

On  my  return  met  Major  Allen,  just  back  from  Boston. 
He  shook  me  by  the  hand  and  congratulated  me.  Stated 
that  he  leaves  Monday.  Major  Appleton  was  present 
and  seemed  kind  and  agreeable;  Mrs.  Appleton  came 
up,  and  he  introduced  me.  She  gave  me  some  pretty 
and  fragrant  flowers,  for  which  I  thanked  her.  She 
is  quite  a  young-looking  lady,  and  very  agreeable  in 
manners.  At  sundown  I  returned  to  my  quarters. 

Geary  brought  a  glass  of  milk  and  some  blueberries. 
He  also  kindled  a  small  wood  fire.  I  had  had  no  fire 
in  my  room  since  morning.  This  is  my  first  day  here 
without  constant  fire,  which  is  necessary,  hot  as  the  atmos 
phere  may  be,  to  keep  the  room  dry,  and  clear  it  of  smoke 
and  other  impurities.  To-day,  I  smoked  outside  of  my 
room. 

Sunday  —  Slept  better  than  for  a  week.  Rose 
refreshed.  Walked  out  at  my  own  pleasure,  without 
let  or  hindrance.  I  no  longer  live  in  my  room.  Wrote 
to  Mr.  Bristow  and  to  Wm.  G.  Stephens  and  directed 
letters  to  care  of  Gip  Grier,  Atlanta;  delivered  them  in 
person  to  Major  Allen  to  be  mailed.  I  called  on  him, 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  397 

not  only  to  deliver  the  letters  but  to  see  about  the  parole 
I  am  to  give  under  the  new  order.  He  was  very  friendly 
and  affable,  and  told  me  the  Adjutant  would  attend  to 
the  parole;  he  expects  to  take  his  final  leave  of  the  fort 
to-morrow.  Returned  to  my  quarters.  Lieut.  Wm. 
Ray  brought  me  a  copy  of  the  new  order  which  is  in 
these  words: 

HEAD  QUARTERS  OF  THE  EAST, 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  July  27,  1865. 
Telegram  received: 

" WASHINGTON,  July  27,  1865. 

"Major  General  Hooker:  By  directions  of  the  Sec 
retary  of  War,  the  Commandant  at  Fort  Warren  is 
authorized  to  extend  to  Mr.  Stephens  any  indulgence 
and  freedom  from  close  confinement  that  may  be  bene 
ficial  to  his  health  and  to  allow  him  to  have  enjoyment 
of  books,  papers,  and  society,  with  exercise  in  the  open 
air,  and  furnish  him  such  indulgence  in  fruits,  food, 
and  beverages  as  may  be  agreeable  to  him  and  benefi 
cial  to  his  health,  using  proper  precautions  for  his  safe 
detention,  or  taking  his  parole  to  remain  in  custody 
and  make  no  effort  to  escape.  He  may  receive  the  visits 
of  his  family  and  personal  friends  under  such  restric 
tions  as  the  proper  police  of  the  Fort  may  require. 
Acknowledge  receipt. 

(Signed)  E.  D.  TOWNSEND,  A.  A.  G." 

Official  copy  respectfully  furnished  for  the  information 
of  the  commanding  officer  Fort  Warren. 

(Signed)  D.  T.  VAN  BUREN, 
Br.  Brig.  Gen.  A.  A.  G. 

Also  brought  in  duplicate  my  parole  under  the  above 
order,  which  I  signed.  It  is: 

I,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  hereby  give  my 
parole  of  honour  that  I  will  not  make  any  effort  to  escape 


398  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

or  communicate  with  any  soldier  (other  than  the  officers 
of  this  Fort),  prisoner,  or  citizen,  without  permission. 
That  I  will  remain  in  my  quarters  during  the  hours 
from  retreat  to  reveille  and  from  half-past  three  to  half- 
past  four  p.  m.,  also  during  the  time  the  steamboat  is 
at  the  wharf,  and  that  I  will  not  knowingly  violate  any 
rule  or  regulation  of  the  Post  (which  in  duplicate  I  sign). 
Fort  Warren,  B.  H. 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

In  looking  at  the  date  of  order,  I  was  struck  with  the 
fact  that  it  is  2yth  July,  a  notable  anniversary  of  two 
important  events  in  my  life. 

Reviewed  Matthew.  No  one,  it  seems  to  me,  can  study 
the  teachings  of  Jesus  without  being  deeply  impressed 
with  their  extraordinary  purity  and  sublimity,  viewed 
simply  in  the  light  of  human  teachings.  The  more  one 
is  versed  in  the  lore  of  ancients  or  moderns  on  morals 
and  wisdom,  and  in  all  that  philosophers  have  declared 
on  ethics  and  casuistry,  the  more  deeply  is  one  impressed 
with  the  preeminence  of  the  code  of  Jesus.  The  standard 
raised  by  Jesus  is  the  image  of  divinity  itself.  Some  things 
in  this  gospel  strike  me  as  strange.  Why  did  Jesus  tell 
those  on  whom  he  performed  miraculous  cures  to  say 
nothing  about  it?  Why  enjoin  his  disciples  not  to  make 
known  that  he  was  the  Christ  ? 

3.30  —  Lieut.  Newton  called  and  brought  me  a  small 
paper-box  filled  with  fruit,  and  a  note,  from  A.  W.  Salter, 
Boston,  presenting  the  fruit,  and  couched  in  sympathetic 
terms.  These  are  the  first  ripe  peaches  I  have  seen  this 
year.  Who  this  kind  friend  is,  I  cannot  imagine.  I 
must  find  out  if  possible.  The  handwriting  is  like 
a  lady's,  very  much  like  Mrs.  Craig's*  used  to  be.  When 

*  Daughter  of  Dr.  Church,  President  of  the  State  University  (of  Ga.);  by  her  second  mar 
riage,  Mrs.  Robbe  lived  North  and  befriended  Confederate  prisoners. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  399 

I  saw  the  address  on  the  note,  I  thought  it  must  be  from 
her. 

I  am  not  as  solitary  as  I  thought.  Coming  in  just 
now  from  a  stroll  in  the  long  passage,  I  saw  a  mouse 
darting  across  the  room  and  seeking  shelter  in  an  oppo 
site  hole.  He  had  been  feeding  on  crumbs  that  fell 
from  my  dinner  when  the  plates  were  removed  to  the 
window  sill.  The  poor  creature  seemed  terribly  fright 
ened  and  made  escape  with  the  greatest  dispatch;  but 
he  need  not;  I  would  not  have  hurt  him;  I  would  have 
petted  him.  I  must  tame  this  mouse  if  I  can. 

6  P.  M. — Went  to  library.  Librarian  not  in.  Went 
to  see  Dr.  Seaverns.  He  had  gone  to  Hull.  Sat  with 
Mrs.  Seaverns  in  the  parlour.  Looked  over  the  doctor's 
books.  Walked  out  and  wound  my  winding  way  on  and 
around  the  terreplein.  Met  Majors  Allen  and  Appleton 
and  Mrs.  Appleton,  they  coming  one  course  and  I  going 
the  other.  She  descended  from  the  parapet  (they  were 
on  that)  and  gave  me  a  bunch  of  sweet-scented  flowers. 
After  thanks,  etc.,  and  a  few  words  more,  I  pursued  my 
way  and  they  theirs.  Before  I  got  half  round,  I  came 
to  them  again.  It  was  at  the  western  bastion,  where 
there  is  a  bench;  they  were  seated.  They  invited  me 
up.  Major  Appleton  came  to  assist  me.  This  kind  act 
I  could  not  repel  by  refusing,  so,  with  his  aid,  I  ascended 
the  parapet,  and  sat  with  them  about  fifteen  minutes 
in  agreeable  conversation.  It  was  getting  late  and  cool, 
so  I  returned  to  my  quarters.  Geary  had  a  good  coal 
fire,  as  I  had  directed.  He  brought  me  for  supper  milk 
and  bread.  I  took  some  of  my  sugar  and  one  of  my 
peaches  and  made  a  good  dish  of  milk  and  peaches. 
On  receipt  of  these  peaches,  I  got  Lieut.  Newton  to  take 
six  to  Judge  Reagan.  At  least,  I  asked  him  to  do  it 


400  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

if  not  against  orders;  told  him  he  need  not  inform  Judge 
Reagan  where  they  came  from,  but  simply  say  a  friend 
sent  them.  I  have  not  seen  him  since  to  know  what 
passed  between  him  and  Reagan  on  the  delivery.  I 
hope  Reagan  relished  them. 

July  31.  —  Twelve  months  ago  this  morning,  then 
Sunday,  Linton  and  I  left  Sparta  for  my  home  in  Craw- 
fordville.  On  that  night  was  what  he  called  our  "Hegira 
to  the  Homestead. "  Never  can  I  forget  that  night  and 
its  incidents. 

The  bugle  sounds  the  hour  of  noon.  I  have  just 
returned  from  a  stroll.  The  air  was  pleasant  and  brac 
ing,  the  walk  was  one  of  the  most  agreeable  I  have  taken. 
I  met  Mrs.  Appleton  and  passed  the  morning  salutations 
with  her. 

5  p.  M. — Went  out  on  the  terreplein.  Walked  all  around 
twice,  resting  now  and  then.  Encountered  many  persons, 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  who  seemed  visiting  at  the  fort. 
Some  gazed  at  me  intently.  One  man  with  two  little 
boys  went  down  to  the  library  evidently  with  the  sole 
purpose  of  getting  a  view  of  me;  for  he,  with  the  boys, 
got  there  just  as  I  was  leaving  and  turned  back  as  I  came 
up.  The  library  is  on  the  same  level  with  my  quarters, 
that  is,  partly  underground.  On  the  walk  I  wore  a  new 
hat  I  got  from  Boston  to-day  through  the  sutler.  The 
old  one  was  looking  shabby.  Returned  about  sundown 
to  my  quarters.  Met  Dr.  Seaverns;  he  had  been  to  see 
me. 

The  evening  paper  gives  an  account  of  General  Grant's 
reception  at  Faneuil  Hall.  Sunday's  Herald  and  this 
morning's  Post  describe  his  arrival  in  Boston  on  Satur 
day.  General  Grant  is  a  remarkable  man  and,  if  he 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  401 

lives  and  continues  in  good  health,  will  figure  largely 
in  the  future  history  of  this  country.  I  consider  him  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  men  I  ever  saw.  He  is  modest, 
unassuming,  and  possesses  a  wonderful  degree  of  common 
sense,  a  thing  uncommon  in  his  day  amongst  men  of 
position  and  station.  I  was  never  more  surprised  in  any 
person  than  in  General  Grant  when  I  saw  him  at  City 
Point  last  February.  Very  soon  after  being  in  his  com 
pany,  I  was  deeply  impressed  with  his  genius  and  charac 
ter.  What  is  to  be  his  future,  time  will  determine.  But 
the  measure  of  his  deeds  and  fame,  whether  for  good 
or  evil,  is  very  far  from  being  felt  yet.  The  impression 
he  made  on  me  was  favourable  in  every  respect.  In 
manners  he  is  simple,  natural,  and  unaffected;  in  inter 
course,  frank  and  explicit;  in  thought,  perception,  and 
action,  quick;  in  purpose,  fixed,  decided,  and  resolute. 
His  ambition,  if  such  may  be  termed  his  aspirations, 
is  high,  honourable,  and  noble.  Such  is  the  opinion 
I  formed  of  General  Grant  in  my  first  acquaintance 
with  him.  Such  is  my  present  opinion. 

Had  Mr.  Lincoln  lived,  under  his  administration 
with  General  Grant's  counsels,  the  condition  of  the 
Southern  States  at  this  time,  I  think,  would  have  been 
far  different  from  what  it  is  and  will  be.  I  look  with 
more  interest  to  Grant's  future  than  to  that  of  any 
man  living.  Every  man  is  more  or  less  the  creature 
of  circumstances.  He  is  no  exception  to  this  rule.  How 
far  he  may  hereafter  be  controlled  by  circumstances 
which  he  cannot  control,  is  a  problem  in  the  solution  of 
which  the  destinies  of  this  country  are  deeply  involved. 
He  is  the  Great  Man  of  the  Continent;  great,  not  in 
learning,  acquirements,  or  accomplishments,  but  in  con 
ception,  thought,  and  action;  one  of  those  master  spirits 


402  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

which  seldom  fail,  if  life  and  vigour  of  faculties  continue 
to  impress  themselves  upon  the  age  in  which  they  live 
and  to  mark  grand  epochs  in  their  country's  history. 
Saw  nothing  of  my  mouse  to-day.  If  he  is  about,  he 
kept  close,  though  I  noticed  that  a  piece  of  potato  which 
I  placed  on  the  floor  for  him,  should  he  seek  food  while 
I  was  asleep,  was  gone  when  I  got  up.  Whether  Geary 
or  the  mouse  removed  it,  I  do  not  know.  I  will  bait 
my  mouse  again. 

August  i.  —  Went  up  and  witnessed  the  drill.  Was 
unusually  weak  in  the  knees;  could  not  stand  long. 
Sometimes  I  fear  I  shall  lose  the  use  of  my  legs.  Finished 
St.  Mark.  He  is  clear,  as  is  Matthew,  on  Jesus's  injunc 
tions  that  His  disciples  should  not  reveal  that  He  was  the 
Christ.  Yet  Jesus  told  the  High  Priest  that  He  was  the 
Christ.  A  strange  thing  is  Matthew's  tracing  Jesus's 
genealogy  to  David  through  Joseph,  Mary's  betrothed. 
How  could  this  connect  Jesus  with  David  or  Abraham 
in -the  line  of  regular  descent?  This  reflection  is  directed 
into  a  new  channel  by  what  Jesus  said  in  the  Temple: 
"How  say  the  scribes  that  Christ  is  the  son  of  David? 
For  David  himself  said  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  The  Lord 
said  to  my  Lord,  Sit  thou  on  my  right  hand.  David, 
therefore,  himself  calleth  him  Lord;  and  whence  is  he 
then  his  son?"  It  occurs  to  me  that  Jesus  was  impress 
ing  upon  the  people  the  truth  that  Christ  was  not,  by 
prophecy,  to  be  David's  seed  of  the  flesh;  the  idea  that 
he  was  to  be  such  being  an  error.  Deep-rooted  errors 
in  the  Jewish  mind  regarding  the  Messiah  were  hard  to 
eradicate;  even  the  disciples  did  not  at  once  understand 
the  incarnation;  the  error  may  have  lingered  in  Mat 
thew's  mind  when  he  was  tracing  the  genealogy.  It 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  403 

is  plain  that  Jesus  endeavoured  to  make  the  people  under 
stand  that  Christ  was  to  be  of  the  seed  of  Abraham 
and  David  not  according  to  the  flesh  but  the  spirit. 

The  papers  say  that  Captain  Wirz,*  of  Anderson- 
ville,  is  the  only  military  prisoner  now  in  custody.  The 
Great  Eastern  was  to  sail  on  the  2ist  or  22d  ult.  with  the 
Atlantic  Cable.  Before  many  days,  we  shall  hear  some 
thing  of  deep  interest  from  this  effort  to  bridge  the  ocean 
with  telegraph  wires. 

Lieut.  Woodman  returned  to-day.  He  came  in  to 
see  me.  I  was  truly  glad  to  see  him.  He  feels  to  me 
more  like  an  acquaintance  and  friend  than  any  one  I 
have  met  here.  He  made  me  a  second  call,  bringing  me 
a  letter  from  Mrs.  Raymond  Burch.  Lieut.  Newton  called 
and  delivered  to  me  a  most  beautiful  bouquet,  made  of 
various  most  fragrant  flowers,  from  Mrs.  Captain  Liver- 
more.  I  installed  it  in  a  tumbler  of  water  on  my  table. 

12.30  --  Just  returned  from  a  round  on  the  terreplein. 
The  men  were  all  at  their  dinners,  workmen  and  soldiers. 
Saw  nobody  but  the  guards.  Never  before  has  the  fort 
presented  such  an  appearance  of  quiet.  I  was  never 
out  at  this  hour  before.  Except  for  weakness  in  my 
two  knees,  I  have  felt  pretty  well  to-day.  If  I  had  Lin- 
ton  here,  I  could  spend  the  time  pleasantly  even  in  these 
bonds.  Glancing  over  Cicero  on  "  Friendship"  occupied 
me  until  dinner.  This  book  is  an  almost  faultless  pro 
duction.  Still,  I  believe  Bacon's  essay  says  more.  But 
Bacon  by  no  means  supersedes  Cicero.  Bacon  tears 
up  the  foundations  of  the  philosophy,  blasts  the  works 
from  the  quarries;  Cicero  polishes  these  rough  materials 


*  Captain  Henry  Wirz  was  held  responsible  for  brutal  treatment  of  prisoners  at  Andersonvflle, 
where  he  commanded.  He  was  included  in  Johnston's  surrender  and  entitled  to  benefit  of  its  terms, 
but  he  was  arrested,  tried  by  military  commission,  and  hanged  Nov.  10,  1865. 


404  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

for  use  and  ornament.  Every  young  man  should  study 
Bacon  on  this  subject:  then  he  should  study  Cicero. 
I  must  postpone  the  notations  I  intended  to  make.  My 
pen  is  in  bad  condition  and  my  fingers  are  stiff  and 
pain  me. 

Walked  out,  first  to  the  library:  door  closed,  librarian 
out.  Went  to  Harrington's  hospital  rooms.  Noticed 
his  thermometers  —  the  wet  and  dry  bulbs;  at  69  and  74, 
indicating  great  dryness  in  the  atmosphere.  Harring 
ton  told  me  the  other  day  that  he  never  knew  the  dif 
ference  at  this  place  greater  than  five  degrees.  It  is 
therefore  to-day  at  the  maximum.  Stopped  at  Dr. 
Seaverns's.  He  and  Mrs.  Seaverns  were  gone  to  Hull, 
the  servant-girl  said.  She  set  a  chair  for  me  in  front  of 
the  door,  the  doctor's  easy-chair.  I  rested,  and  then 
ascended  the  ramparts  to  see  the  Dictator  go  out  to  sea; 
she  was  to  go  at  high  tide,  about  6.30.  How  I  got  the 
information  is  rather  an  important  fact  in  my  prison 
life.  While  I  was  looking  over  the  papers,  Major  Apple- 
ton  paid  me  a  visit.  His  object  was  to  inquire  about 
my  diet,  to  ask  how  meals  are  served,  and  to  make  sug 
gestions  on  that  point  if  they  are  not  served  to  suit  me. 
It  was  all  very  kind  of  him.  His  visit  seemed  prompted 
by  general  motives  of  kindness  rather  than  one  particular 
object.  During  his  visit  he  told  me  the  Dictator  was 
expected  to  go  out.  So  I  went  on  the  ramparts  to  get 
a  view  of  her. 

On  coming  to  the  western  bastion,  saw  Major  Apple  ton 
on  a  bench,  the  only  one  on  the  parapet,  with  some 
gentleman  whom  I  did  not  know.  I  passed  on  to  where 
the  musicians  were  performing,  and  took  a  seat  on  one 
of  the  circular  stones  on  which  the  gun-carriages  run 
around.  Listened  to  the  music.  The  band  consists 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  405 

of  12  performers.  After  awhile,  Major Appleton  joined 
me,  taking  a  seat  by  my  side.  We  conversed  on  the 
subject  of  grasshoppers,  which,  with  locusts,  and  other 
like  plagues,  are  a  nuisance  here  just  now.  Mrs.  Apple- 
ton  joined  us.  Lieut.  Woodman  also.  Nothing  being 
seen  of  the  Dictator,  I  proposed  a  walk  to  Lieut.  W. 
He  said  good  humouredly,  "Well,  it  seems  quite  natural ": 
and  we  started,  I  taking  his  arm  as  I  was  quite  weak 
in  the  knees.  We  went  around  the  terreplein,  keeping 
outlook  from  the  parapet  for  the  Dictator.  He  showed 
me  a  large  2oo-lb.  Parrot  gun  on  the  northern  bastion, 
We  met,  and  he  introduced  me  to,  Captain  Livermore, 
whose  wife  has  been  so  kind  to  me.  Saw  nothing  of  the 
monster  monitor. 

Night  once  more  upon  the  earth;  and  I  am  alone 
in  these  quarters  which  constitute  my  present  home. 
Unless  the  little  mouse  is  eyeing  me  from  his  hole,  I  have 
no  other  companion.  I  think  he  is  about  somewhere; 
he  may  not  be  alone,  may  have  plenty  of  company  of 
his  kind  for  aught  I  know.  The  bread  I  put  out  for  him 
last  night  was  all  gone  this  morning.  In  speaking  of 
companions,  however,  I  ought  not  to  omit  the  flies.  I 
should  do  them  as  great  injustice  by  such  omission  as 
they  do  me  by  their  annoyance.  I  have  much  more  of 
their  company  than  I  like.  Perhaps  I  ought  not  to 
omit  companions  of  another  sort;  whose  nature  is  to 
stick  to  you  closer  than  a  brother  and  to  keep  you  awake 
all  night.  Since  my  row  with  them  the  other  day,  I  have 
not  seen  or  heard  anything  more  from  them.  If  they 
have  made  any  attack,  it  has  been  a  sly  one  in  small 
force.  I  have  little  doubt  that  some  are  about,  for  the 
fort  is  well  stocked  with  them.  Of  course,  I  mean 
bedbugs. 


406  ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

Alone!  Did  I  say?  Oh,  I  am  far  from  ever  being 
alone.  Right  by  my  window  the  sentry  or  guard  is  ever 
walking;  by  night  and  day,  in  rain  or  shine,  his  step 
sounds  on  the  hard  stone.  Like  the  ticking  of  a  clock 
at  all  hours  of  the  night  that  step  is  heard  if  I  chance 
to  be  awake.  Now,  is  this  not  company?  The  truth  is, 
this  is  company,  and  I  feel  it  to  be.  It  is  not  exactly 
such  as  I  like  best,  but  prisoners  cannot  choose  their 
company. 


CHAPTER  XLX 

A  GUST  2.  —Read  St.  Luke.     Breakfast:  salmon, 
steak,  coffee,  potatoes;    and   cornbread   made 
according   to   my  directions  and   better  than 
ever  before.    Cook  improving.     Lieut.  W.  brought  me 
copy  of  the  Republic,  of  Richmond,  July  n,  which,  he 
said,  some  of  the  generals  had  sent  him.     It  publishes 
a  list  of  persons  whose  property  had  been  proceeded 
against  for  confiscation;    some  few  are  known  to  me. 
A  little  girl,  five  or  six  years  old,  came  into  my  room 
with  a  small  bunch  of  sweet  flowers,  and  gave  them  to 
me.     Whose  daughter  she  is,  I  know  not.     I  thanked 
her    kindly.     Spoke    soft   words    to    her.     She   seemed 
pleased,  and  as  she  went  out  I  heard  her  child's  voice 
say  to  the  guard,   "He  doesn't  keep  his  door  locked 

I  see  in  the  Post  that  the  President  has  had  a  relapse; 
the  telegram  says  he  is  again  too  much  indisposed  to 
receive  visits.  General  Dick  Taylor,  it  is  said,  has 
returned  to  Washington  from  Fortress  Monroe,  having 
been  permitted  an  interview  with  Mr.  Davis.  Am 
very  uneasy  about  not  hearing  from  Linton,  Dr.  Willis, 
or  Mr.  Knapp.  There  is  something  strange  in  this. 
Linton  must  have  written.  Why  haven't  I  received 
the  letters? 

11.45  —  Walked  out  again.  The  sky  is  most  blue 
and  clear  except  where  large  fleecy  clouds  float  lazily. 
Clouds  and  sky  bring  to  my  mind  many  a  scene  —  scenes 

4-7 


408  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

at  home  —  at  the  old  homestead  —  days  in  the  field  in 
my  boyhood,  and  of  late  years  too.  Grass,  clover,  and 
vegetation  here  generally  begin  to  wither  and  dry  up, 
suffering  for  rain.  Great  numbers  of  grasshoppers  are 
everywhere;  never  saw  anything  of  this  sort  before. 
From  the  eastern  bastion  saw  a  large  steamer  going  to 
sea.  The  noon  signal  was  given.  All  hands,  workmen 
and  soldiers,  except  the  sentries  or  guards,  seem  to  knock 
off  and  take  leisure  at  that  hour.  I  remained  on  the 
terreplein,  resting  under  the  shade  of  the  music-stand, 
thinking  of  scenes  far  away;  of  home,  of  Sparta,  of 
Linton,  and  of  where  he  and  I  were  this  time  last  year! 
We  were  at  old  man  Robertson  the  woodwright's  in  South 
Carolina.  We  rested  in  the  shade  until  our  buggy  was 
fixed;  then  we  had  a  plain  but  good  dinner  in  company 
with  this  strange  philosopher  of  the  wood-bench.  I 
can  now  fancy  ourselves  there,  lounging  on  the  ground, 
waiting  for  the  cool  of  the  evening  and  thinking  and 
talking  of  matters  at  home.  Oh,  that  he  were  with  me 
now!  Why  does  he  not  write?  Sorely  was  my  heart 
fretted  with  these  thoughts  as  I  fiat  under  the  music- 
shed  this  day. 

Lieut.  Ray  has  furnished  me  with  the  following  state 
ment  of  my  account  with  him  up  to  3ist  July: 

Gold  deposited 

Premium  on  acc't  sold  $160. 

Bills  paid 


485.08 


Remaining  on  deposit  in  Gold  .     .     .     $400.00 
"      "    Currency    .        85.08 

Paid  newspaper  bill  for  July.     Aggregate  for  all  papers 
$6.27 — a  rather  frightful  monthly  expense.     Ought  I 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  409 

not  to  lessen  it  ?  I  must  consider  this.  Lieut.  W.  called 
and  handed  me  Harper's  Weekly  of  the  5th.  This  paper 
is  always  issued  ahead  of  date.  Its  editorial  in  this, 
as  in  most  issues  I  have  seen  here,  is  exceedingly  bitter 
in  feeling  against  the  Southern  people.  Lamentable 
indeed  will  be  the  state  of  things  in  the  South  if  such 
sentiment  becomes  predominant  at  the  North.  Should 
this  be  the  case,  what  will  become  of  the  whole  country 
I  cannot  imagine. 

Had  another  row  with  bedbugs.  I  searched  the 
coats  I  use  as  pillows,  and  the  corners  and  edges  of  the 
shuck  mattress;  discovered  a  good  many,  though  small. 
To  none  did  I  give  quarter.  Notwithstanding  all  my 
sadness  of  heart  and  lowness  of  spirits,  the  humorous 
did  so  lay  hold  of  me  while  I  was  thus  occupied,  that  I 
could  hardly  repress  the  inclination  to  laugh,  especially 
when  I  suspected  from  suspension  of  footsteps  that  the 
guard  was  looking  in  on  me  engaged  in  this  rather  ungen- 
teel  work.  My  suspicion  was  but  too  well  founded ;  turn 
ing  toward  the  window,  I  saw  him  gazing  upon  me  with 
intense  curiosity.  This  did  not  cause  me  to  desist.  I 
was  determined  to  make  thorough  work  and  rid  myself 
of  these  pests  if  I  could.  It  may  be  a  low  calling  and  a 
rather  mean  business  in  the  eyes  of  one  of  my  guards  - 
this  of  a  man  pursuing  and  slaying  bedbugs  —  but  no 
one  knows  what  he  will  come  to.  I  hold  nothing  low  or 
mean  for  a  man  to  do  which  is  necessary  to  health  and 
comfort,  when  he  has  no  one  else  to  do  it  for  him.  It 
might  be  more  becoming  and  more  in  accordance  with 
the  fitness  of  things  were  I  to  give  my  attention  to  a  dif 
ferent  sort  of  work  which  would  enable  me  to  procure 
from  others  this  sort  for  myself.  But  when  I  am  not 
permitted,  I  am  bound  by  the  laws  of  nature  to  do  this 


4io  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

service  for  myself.  It  may  not  always  be  so,  or  it  may, 
and  it  may  even  be  worse.  Prison  life  is  a  horrible 
misfortune. 

Evening  Journal.  Nothing  of  importance  in  it.  I 
was  anxiously  looking  for  letters,  especially  from  Linton 
or  Dr.  Willis;  but  none  came  from  anybody.  A  man 
in  prison  is  soon  forgot,  or  little  thought  about,  by  the 
majority  of  those  whom  he  considers  friends.  I  know 
I  am  not  forgotten  by  Linton:  and  the  fact  that  I  get 
no  letter  from  him  renders  me  very  unhappy.  Lieut.  W. 
came  to  take  me  for  a  walk  round  the  fort  on  the  outside 
of  the  walls.  We  went  out  at  the  sally-port  through 
which  I  entered  here  ten  weeks  ago  to-morrow.  The 
walk  was  pleasant,  the  scene  new.  I  saw  to  our  right, 
as  we  were  going  on  the  north  side  from  west  to  east, 
some  monuments  indicating  graves.  Upon  my  inquiry, 
Lieut.  W.  told  me  there  were  a  few  graves  there;  one, 
that  of  a  Georgian.  I  approached  this;  it  is  by  itself, 
under  a  marble  slab  supported  by  granite  pillars  and 
inscribed  to  the  memory  of  Johnston,  Engineer  of  the 
Atlanta.  He  died  i6th  Oct.,  1863.  The  monument 
was  erected,  as  the  inscription  shows,  by  his  brother 
officers,  prisoners  here  at  the  time.  Lieut.  W.  told  me 
he  died  of  a  kidney  disease.  With  a  sigh  to  his  memory, 
I  passed  on.  I  rested  once  on  the  circuit  around  the  fort. 
We  came  in  at  the  sally-port.  I  have  not  felt  so  well 
as  yesterday.  Pain  in  the  left  side;  am  weak  and  low- 
spirited.  Now,  while  the  shadows  of  evening  gather, 
a  corresponding  twilight  rests  upon  my  soul. 

Thursday,  August  3.  -  -  Twelve  weeks  ago  I  was 
arrested  and  taken  from  my  dear  home.  Ten  weeks  I  have 
been  an  inmate  of  these  walls.  How  long,  Oh  how  long  ? 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  411 

How  many  more  weeks,  months,  or  years,  before  I  shall 
be  permitted  to  visit  that  home  —  if  that  day  is  ever  to 
come? 

Lieut.  W.  called  to  let  me  know  that  the  Dictator 
and  the  V underbill  were  passing  out.  We  went  on  the 
ramparts.  The  Vanderbilt  came  alongside  the  fort 
and  we  got  a  good  view  of  her.  The  Asia,  from  Halifax, 
passed  her  just  below  the  fort,  firing  two  guns  in  salute; 
the  Vanderbilt  saluted  by  her  flag  alone.  As  the  Asia 
passed  the  fort,  she  dipped  the  British  flag;  she  had  both 
United  States  and  British  flags  flying,  the  former  at  the 
forward,  the  latter  in  the  rear.  Lieut.  W.  and  another 
of  the  officers  dipped  the  fort's  flag  in  return.  We  were 
on  the  bastion  by  the  flagstaff.  Lieut.  W.  then  carried 
me  through  one  of  the  casemated  bastions. 

The  heart  yearned  for  letters,  for  something  from 
Linton.  It  is  nearly  a  month  since  the  date,  6th  July, 
of  his  last  letter  received.  How  long  shall  I  be  in  sus 
pense!  Could  I  but  get  news  that  he  is  well!  How  it 
would  revive  my  sinking  spirits!  When,  Oh  when  shall 
I  hear  from  him!  Wrote  to  Gip  Grier  and  to  Harry. 
Lieut.  Woodman  brought  me  the  "Life  of  John  Wilson," 
which  Mrs.  Salter,  of  Boston,  sent;  he  mentioned  that 
she  had  addressed  me  a  letter  and  he  had  informed  her 
that  all  correspondence  with  me  must  be  through  the 
Commanding  General  of  the  Department  of  the  East. 
We  had  a  long  and  friendly  talk. 

While  I  was  smoking  after  dinner,  and  promenading 
the  passage,  occasionally  resting  in  the  door  at  the  end, 
a  gentleman,  a  stranger  here,  saw  me  as  I  leaned  against 
the  door-facing.  I  perceived,  in  an  instant,  that  he  was 
agreeably  surprised  at  something.  He  quickly  went 
forward,  and  soon  returned  with  several  ladies,  who  stood 


412  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  gazed  down  on  me  with  marked  curiosity.  I  stood, 
and  gave  them  a  fair  opportunity  to  gaze  to  their  hearts' 
content,  puffing  away  at  my  pipe  all  the  time.  Who 
they  were,  I  do  not  know.  I  don't  think  they  evinced 
much  sympathy  for  me;  still,  they  may  have  felt  kindly. 
One's  feelings  cannot  always  be  judged  by  looks.  It 
is  enough,  perhaps,  that  they  evinced  no  unkindness. 

Took  up  my  book,  stretched  myself  on  my  bunk;  did 
not  read  far  before  I  dropped  asleep.  Woke  up  when  I 
heard  the  cry  outside,  "Boat!  boat!"  It  was  just  5; 
the  evening  boat  had  reached  the  wharf. 

On  the  terreplein,  I  met  little  Annie  Seaverns  coming 
with  a  bunch  of  flowers  for  me.  It  was  a  beautiful  little 
bouquet  and  quite  fragrant.  A  thunder  cloud  lay  over 
to  the  northwest.  The  thunder  was  not  disagreeable 
music;  it  awakened  long  trains  of  recollections.  There 
has  been  but  little  thunder  here  this  summer.  The  clouds 
shut  out  the  sun;  it  was  very  pleasant  to  walk.  Oh, 
if  I  had  Linton  with  me,  how  pleasantly  we  could  spend 
the  time  here,  even  in  my  imprisonment !  When  I  reached 
the  western  bastion,  I  found  Lieutenants  Woodman  and 
Hibbell  sitting  on  the  bench.  Lieut.  W.  assisted  me  up, 
and  I  took  a  seat  with  them.  He  handed  me  a  letter, 
received  for  me  this  evening,  from  Mr.  Baskerville,  dated 
3ist  July,  replying  to  mine  about  the  tobacco,  and  saying 
it  had  been  sent  by  express.  Mr.  B.  said  my  letter  to 
Travis  had  not  been  received ;  Travis  was  there  and  well. 
This  letter  did  me  a  great  deal  of  good.  On  my  way 
to  my  quarters,  I  passed  Major  Appleton  sitting  in  front 
of  his  door.  Stopped  and  talked  with  him.  He  men 
tioned  an  article  on  Headly  [Washington's  biographer?], 
that  his  father  had  spoken  to  him  about;  promised  to 
get  it  and  show  it  to  me,  if  he  could.  I  find  that  he  is 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  413 

related  to  my  old  friend,  Wm.  Appleton,  of  Boston, 
and  also  to  Appleton,  of  Maine,  well  known  in  our 
history.  Samuel  Appleton  and  his  brother  Nathan, 
he  told  me,  are  both  dead.  I  am  very  much  pleased 
with  Major  Appleton.  Mrs.  Appleton  joined  us  before 
I  left. 

August  4.  —  Lieut.  W.  brought  me  a  letter  from  Shep- 
pard  Knapp,  2d  inst,  which  says  Dr.  Willis  reached 
New  York  the  evening  before  and  had  received  my  letter. 
The  Lieutenant  informed  me  that  a  Georgian,  who  had 
come  to  see  me  on  permit  from  the  War  Department, 
was  in  his  room;  he  believed  the  name  was  Abbot. 
He  asked  me  to  go  up  and  see  my  caller.  As  we  went 
out,  he  told  the  guard  to  let  me  pass  up  and  down  from 
my  room  to  his  during  the  day.  He  said  that  he  was 
going  out  and  would  leave  me  with  my  friend.  The 
visitor  proved  to  be  Mr.  J.  R.  Parrott  of  Cartersville.  I 
did  not  recognize  him  at  first.  I  knew  him  well  by  name 
and  reputation,  but  never  met  him  to  know  him  but  once 
or  twice  before.  This  is  the  first  old  acquaintance  who 
has  called  to  see  me  since  I  have  been  here;  at  least, 
the  first  I  have  been  permitted  to  see.  I  was  truly  glad 
to  see  him.  It  did  me  a  great  deal  of  good.  We  talked 
for  some  time.  I  wanted  to  light  my  pipe  and  thought 
we  could  enjoy  ourselves  better  in  my  own  room,  so 
invited  him  down;  but  before  we  were  seated,  the  guard 
came  in  and  said  it  was  against  orders  for  Mr.  Parrott 
to  enter  my  room.  I  had  understood  that  we  might 
pass  up  and  down  at  pleasure.  But  in  this  it  seems  I 
was  mistaken,  the  permission  applying  to  myself.  I  told 
the  guard  I  regretted  the  mistake,  and  we  returned  to 
Lieut.  Woodman's  room,,  where  we  remained  until  Mr. 


414  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Parrott  took  the  boat  back  to  Boston.     I  had   Geary 
bring  dinner  for  both  of  us  there. 

Our  conversation  was  long  and  agreeable.  He  had 
been  in  Washington  for  some  time;  came  here  because 
of  desire  to  see  me  and  to  do  anything  for  me  he  can. 
He  told  me  that  Senator  B.  H.  Hill  has  been  released. 
Expressed  great  desire  that  I  should  be;  said  it  was 
through  his  offices  that  Governor  Brown  had  had  an 
interview  with  the  President;  or,  as  I  do  not  recollect 
his  exact  words,  that  he  had  served  Governor  Brown 
all  he  could  in  getting  a  release.  He  kiiows  the  Presi 
dent  personally.  He  expects  to  be  in  the  Georgia  Con 
vention;  said  he  was  very  desirous  that  I  should  be  out 
of  prison  and  in  the  Convention.  I  told  him  I  was 
most  anxious  to  be  out  either  on  parole  or  bail;  I  believed 
if  I  had  not  been  released  from  close  custody  I  should  have 
died;  I  could  not  have  stood  it  much  longer;  nor  did 
I  now  think  that  I  could  stand  long  confinement  here 
even  on  present  terms.  I  had  no  desire  to  take  part  in 
public  matters,  yet,  if  permitted,  should  very  cheer 
fully  and  willingly  give  my  views  upon  some  matters 
connected  with  suffrage.  A  wise  settlement  of  Negro 
franchise  I  considered  a  matter  of  great  importance  for 
the  future  well-being  of  both  races,  especially  if  the  blacks 
are  to  remain  where  they  are.  I  gave  him  my  plan.  I  said 
I  should  like  very  much  to  see  the  President  and  explain 
to  him  the  system.  If  he  approved,  I  should  willingly 
make  it  known;  if  not,  I  should  be  silent.  I  was  utterly 
opposed  to  throwing  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  speed 
iest  mode  that  could  be  adopted  for  restoration  of  peace 
and  harmony.  The  first  great  object  of  all  the  country's 
well-wishers  should  be  the  establishment  of  quiet,  order, 
and  civil  government.  As  long  as  the  policy  of  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  415 

Administration  was  directed  to  this  end,  it  ought  to  be 
supported  by  the  people,  though  everything  in  it  might 
not  be  best  in  individual  opinions.  I  was  anxious  to 
see  the  Administration  move  back  on  the  old  track.  Under 
present  conditions,  there  could  be  nothing  but  confusion, 
lawlessness,  and  anarchy;  military  rule  is,  of  all  rules, 
the  worst  for  any  people. 

I  was  highly  gratified  at  this  friendly  visit.  I  feel 
greatly  obliged  to  Mr.  Parrott.  He  said  he  would  do 
what  he  could  for  my  release.  I  hope  he  may  be  able 
to  do  something  effective.  What  effect  the  presentation 
of  my  views  may  have  upon  the  President,  if  he  makes 
such  presentation,  I  have  no  idea.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
the  impression  would  not  be  favourable.  For,  somehow, 
I  have  an  idea  that  the  President  is  against  allowing  suf 
frage  to  the  blacks  in  any  form. 

I  bade  him  good-bye  with  a  sad  heart.  Told  him  to 
see  Judge  Erskine,  of  Georgia,  now  in  New  York,  and 
Judge  Wayne  and  J.  W.  Forney  in  Washington;  they 
might  each  and  all  do  something  for  me,  perhaps.  If 
he  would  mention  the  subject  to  them,  and  they  were 
willing,  I  should  be  greatly  obliged.  I  cannot  state  one 
thing  in  a  hundred  that  we  talked  about.  Oh,  how  much 
we  talked  about  Linton!  His  kind  feeling  as  expressed 
toward  Linton  was  the  first  thing  that  unlocked  my  heart 
for  a  free  and  full  talk  with  him. 

At  Major  Appleton's  quarters,  Mrs.  Appleton  handed 
me  the  publication  on  heraldry,  of  which  the  Major 
spoke  yesterday.  I  was  introduced  to  Miss  Appleton, 
the  Major's  sister,  I  suppose.  The  Major  soon  joined 
us.  We  had  a  pleasant  conversation.  I  think  him  an 
exceedingly  clever  gentleman.  Mrs.  Appleton  is  a  charm 
ing  woman.  In  the  Heraldry  Journal  is  a  letter  from  me, 


416  ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

Feb.  n,  1854,  to  one  Wm.  H.  Stephens  of  Copenhagen, 
N.  Y.  In  the  Journal  I  saw  the  Appleton  coat-of-arms. 
The  family  dates  back  to  1300  and  something.  Returned 
at  drumbeat  to  my  quarters.  For  supper,  milk  and  blue 
berries.  Lieut.  W.  called  and  sat  with  me  after  drum 
beat.  Had  a  long  and  agreeable  talk. 


CHAPTER  XX 

AUGUST  5. —  Read  in  John.  Went  up  to  see 
Lieut.  W.  He  was  out.  Saw  Captain  Baldwin. 
He  invited  me  into  his  parlour.  Met  two  young 
ladies  —  Miss  Ripley  and  another  whose  name  I  did 
not  catch.  Talked  with  the  Captain  until  Lieut.  W. 
came  up.  His  room  adjoins  Captain  Baldwin's  quar 
ters.  Went  in  and  saw  him. 

It  is  now  ten,  the  hour  this  day  last  week  that  I  was 
released  from  close  confinement.  One  week  since  the  last 
clank  in  locking  and  unlocking  of  my  door  fell  upon  my 
ears!  The  absence  of  that  harsh,  grating  sound  has,  of 
itself,  done  me  great  good.  But  strange  to  say,  the  week 
since  last  Saturday  seems  the  longest  of  my  imprisonment. 
I  have  more  incidents  to  measure  time  by.  The  days 
have  certainly  passed  more  pleasantly,  but  in  retro 
spect  the  period  seems  much  longer  than  for  any  other 
week.  This,  perhaps,  is  also  due  to  my  great  anxiety 
to  hear  from  home,  and  especially  from  Linton.  Since  my 
deliverance,  to  the  extent  that  it  has  been  granted,  my  whole 
soul  has  been  yearning  to  commune  with  some  congenial 
spirit  in  my  better  fortunes.  May  I  get  letters  to-day! 

No  letter,  but  another  visitor.  H.  G.  Cole,  of  Marietta, 
called  soon  after  the  above  entry.  He  was  announced  by 
Lieut.  Woodman,  who  said  he  would  bring  the  caller 
into  my  room  if  I  preferred.  I  told  him  I  should,  and 
he  soon  returned  with  Mr.  Cole.  I  received  him  gladly. 
We  took  our  prison  dinner  together,  just  such  a  dinner  as 

417 


4i8  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Parrott  and  I  had  yesterday.  We  talked  a  great  deal. 
The  talk  did  me  much  good.  This  is  the  man  for  whose 
discharge  from  Charleston  jail  I  made  such  exertions, 
without  effect,  last  year.  He  was  arrested  in  Marietta, 
nth  May,  1864,  carried  to  Charleston,  and  kept  in 
confinement  until  January  with  no  charge  preferred.  I 
did  all  I  could  to  get  his  release,  but  no  heed  was  paid  to 
my  letters;  I  hear  from  him  that  those  to  himself  were 
not  received.  This  shows  the  carelessness  of  officials  to 
have  been  worse  than  I  knew.  I  alluded  to  his  case  in 
my  speech  before  the  Confederate  Senate,  when  referring 
to  abuses  of  military  power  and  suspension  of  habeas 
corpus.  Strange  are  the  vicissitudes  of  life.  He  told 
me  that  Governor  Brown  was  carried  as  prisoner  through 
Marietta  on  the  nth  May,  1865  —  twelve  months  to  the 
day  from  Cole's  arrest,  and  on  the  same  day  that  I  was 
arrested.  May  Cole's  efforts  to  serve  me  be  more  effec 
tual  than  mine  were  for  him !  His  will  cannot  be  stronger 
than  mine  was.  I  bade  him  farewell  with  a  sad  heart. 
I  have  known  him  since  1840.  What  changes  and  scenes 
have  we  passed  through  since  then!  He  left  with  me 
$100  in  gold  from  Mrs.  Judge  Erskine,  of  Georgia,  and 
$100  in  greenbacks  from  himself.  I  took  these  amounts 
at  his  earnest  request.  I  may  need  them,  but  I  hope  not. 
Lieut.  W.,  who  went  to  Boston  to-day,  has  just  come  in 
and  handed  me  some  beautiful  flowers,  a  paper  box  of 
peaches,  and  a  bundle  of  papers,  the  London  Times,  from 
Mrs.  Salter,  of  Boston.  Oh  that  Linton  would  now  come ! 
When  shall  I  see  or  hear  from  him?  This  has  certainly 
been  a  day  of  good  things  to  me,  but  one  letter  from  Lin- 
ton  would  have  given  my  heart  more  relief  than  all  these, 
much  as  I  prize  them.  I  handed  Lieut.  W.  the  money 
left  by  Mr.  Cole. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  419 

5:30.  —  Walked  out.  A  strange  phenomenon  struck 
my  attention.  A  thundercloud  had  passed,  and  there 
seemed  to  be  smoke  coming  over  the  walls  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  fort  as  if  a  fire  were  outside.  I  ascended  the 
parapet  from  the  terreplein  by  the  nearest  flight  of  steps 
to  see  what  it  was,  and  found  it  fog.  The  whole  sea  was 
covered  with  dense  fog,  and  as  it  would  rise  to  the  top  of 
the  walls  it  would  sail  over  like  smoke.  On  going  round, 
I  found  it  growing  denser,  and  before  I  completed  the  cir 
cuit  the  whole  was  so  filled  with  it  that  I  could  hardly 
see  any  person  below.  I  was  truly  in  a  cloud.  It  swept 
by  me  like  mist.  The  sun  was  for  a  while  dimly  visible 
through  the  mist,  but  became  obscured.  The  fog  came 
from  the  east.  Thunder  was  heard  in  the  distance.  A 
steamer  seemed  to  be  stopped  near  by,  befogged;  she 
blew  off  steam  for  some  time  near  the  same  place.  It 
got  so  dark  and  thick  above,  I  thought  it  might  pour  down 
rain,  and  descended  to  seek  shelter.  But  I  found  very 
little  fog  below.  I  could  see  over  the  drill  ground  without 
difficulty.  Dr.  Seaverns  was  sitting  in  front  of  his  door, 
and  I  went  to  see  him  and  Harrington's  hydrometer. 

I  sat  and  talked  with  Dr.  Seaverns  for  a  few  minutes, 
when  Major  Appleton  joined  us.  He  handed  me  some 
extracts  from  a  Georgia  paper  giving  account  of  the  meet 
ing  at  Augusta,  over  which  Judge  Jenkins  presided. 
Judge  Jenkins's  speech  is  most  admirable.  The  Major 
said  these  extracts  had  come  in  a  letter  to  General  DuBose; 
he  thought  they  might  interest  me;  so,  as  General  DuBose 
was  gone,  he  handed  them  to  me.  He  also  handed  me 
a  pamphlet  by  Wm.  H.  Whitmore,  entitled  "The  Cavalier 
Dismounted,"  requesting  that  I  read  it  and  give  him  my 
opinion,  stating  that  he  had  not  read  it.  Somebody 
had  handed  it  to  him  in  Boston.  On  the  back  is  printed: 


420  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

"We  are  the  gentlemen  of  this  country.  Robert  Toombs 
in  1860."  I  remarked  that  I  thought  Mr.  Toombs  had 
never  uttered  or  written  such  a  sentiment. 

August  6.  —  I  read  "The  Cavalier  Dismounted. "  If 
the  Major  asks  what  I  think  of  it,  I  shall  refer  him  to 
Artemus  Ward's  interview  with  Brigham  Young.  Ar- 
temus  remarked  to  the  Prophet:  "I  believe  you  are  a 
married  man/'  to  which  the  Prophet  replied:  "Pretty 
much."  If  Mr.  Whitmore  has  made  truthful  exhibit  of 
facts,  I  think  the  Cavalier  is  "pretty  much"  dismounted. 
But  I  am  not  inclined  to  yield  the  first  point.  I  do  not 
think  his  first  text  true;  I  have  no  idea  Mr.  Toombs 
ever  said,  or  seriously  said,  what  is  ascribed  to  him.  The 
writer  puts  up  a  man  of  straw  and  then  claims  credit  for 
its  demolition. 

I  regard  any  attempt  by  people  of  this  republic  to  trace 
ancestry  to  the  nobility  of  England  or  any  other  country 
as  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  which  should  animate  the 
breasts  of  descendants  of  the  sires  of  '76,  North  and 
South.  On  the  real  issue  in  this  pamphlet,  that  is,  whether 
more  "gentle  blood"  as  it  may  be  termed,  of  old  England 
settled  in  New  England  or  in  the  South,  my  opinion  has 
always  been  that  more  settled  in  Virginia  than  in  any  other 
colony.  Nothing  more  distinctly  marks  the  character  of 
a  people  than  their  religion.  I  believe  Virginia  was  the 
only  colony  adopting  the  Church  of  England  as  its  estab 
lished  system  of  worship.  This  shows  the  structure  of 
her  society,  which  in  various  respects  followed  more  closely 
the  English  type  than  did  that  of  any  other  colony. 

To  assume  that  the  South  was  peopled  by  Cavaliers  and 
the  North  by  Puritans,  making  distinction  thereby  in  the 
castes  of  the  sections,  is  absurd.  I  know  of  but  few 
persons  who  have  ever  attempted  to  impress  such  an 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  421 

idea  upon  the  public.  In  some  editorials  in  Richmond 
papers  I  noticed  during  the  war  some  expressions  incul 
cating  this  notion  of  caste  difference  and  opposition,  but 
I  looked  on  these  only  as  a  device  to  inflame  popular 
passions,  and  written  perhaps  by  a  New  Englander  domi 
ciled  in  the  South,  as  an  evidence  of  his  loyalty  to  the 
Confederacy.  A  few  descendants  of  Cavaliers  scattered 
through  the  South  may  also  have  employed  such  boast. 
Thus  may  have  been  influenced  the  Committee  reporting 
on  the  Confederate  Seal  [a  cavalier  mounted]. 

A  large  majority  of  the  colonists  of  the  South  were 
from  other  countries  than  England.  Georgia,  it  is  true, 
was  planted  by  the  English;  yet  little  " gentle  blood"  was 
amongst  her  early  immigrants  excepting  the  trustees  and 
superintendents.  At  the  time  of  the  Revolution  her 
purely  English  element  was  comparatively  small.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  North  and  South  Carolina.  Society 
in  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  had  more  of  the  English 
tone  than  in  the  other  colonies,  and  more  in  Virginia  than 
South  Carolina.  In  the  former  colony  only,  I  think,  did 
the  tone  impress  itself  upon  the  general  ideas  of  the 
people.  Notwithstanding  the  great  influx  of  heteroge 
neous  materials,  there  was  still  enough  of  this  English  ele 
ment  to  hold  the  ascendancy  and  to  move  all  other  ele 
ments  into  its  mode  of  thought,  action,  and  develop 
ment.  The  Episcopal  Church  was  established,  English 
ideas  of  aristocracy  as  to  rights  of  primogeniture  and  as 
to  other  things  were  retained  in  a  sort  of  apish  fashion, 
nothing  more;  but  even  this  seeming  semblance  of  British 
aristocracy,  so  pleasing  to  the  fancy  of  the  F.  F.  V.'s 
[First  Families  of  Virginia],  did  not  obtain,  I  think,  in  any 
other  colony.  Nor  did  they  find  favour  with  the  great 
majority  in  even  that  commonwealth  at  the  date  of  the 


422  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Revolution,  much  less  since.  Every  vestige  of  it,  so  far 
as  external  forms  were  concerned,  was  swept  away  under 
Mr.  Jefferson. 

That  subordination  of  the  black  race  which  was  called 
slavery  gave  rise  to  a  certain  development  of  society,  not 
at  all  English,  however,  bearing  some  features  of  an 
aristocracy.  But  this  was  by  no  means  so  general  as 
might  be  inferred  from  much  lately  seen  in  print  about 
the  subject  of  the  " slave  oligarchy"  of  the  South.  It 
was  by  no  means  the  controlling  force.  In  South  Caro 
lina  alone,  by  her  peculiar  Constitution,  could  it  be  cor 
rectly  said  that  the  slaveholders  as  a  class  held  the  political 
power.  The  anti-slave  element  was  always  strong  in 
Virginia;  but  for  external  agitation,  I  have  little  doubt 
slavery  would  have  been  abolished  there  long  ago,  or 
have  been  greatly  modified.  The  same  is  true  of  North 
Carolina.  Throughout  the  South  no  feeling  was  more 
general,  none  stronger  with  the  voting  majority,  than  a 
deep-seated  detestation  of  the  very  name  " Aristocracy." 
Eight-tenths  of  the  people  of  Georgia,  I  believe,  were 
thorough  JefTersonian  Republicans  and  would  have  been 
as  thorough  abolitionists  as  Jefferson  if  they  could  have 
seen  what  better  they  could  do  with  the  coloured  people 
than  they  were  doing.  They  had  a  hard  problem  to  solve, 
and  the  external  agitation  kept  down  internal  inquiry  and 
discussion  as  to  whether  there  was  any  proper  and  safe 
solution.  I  do  not  think  there  was  a  county  in  Georgia 
where  a  man  could  have  been  elected  to  the  State  Legis 
lature,  or  to  any  other  office,  upon  the  principles  of  an 
aristocracy,  or  if  he  were  even  known  to  favour  any  such 
doctrine. 

As  for  Mr.  Toombs,  it  was  a  matter  of  pride  with  him, 
a  thing  of  which  he  boasted  on  the  stump  and  the  hust- 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  423 

ings,  that  Georgia  had  sprung  from  paupers  and  "  tack- 
landers,"  that  she  had  made  herself  what  she  was  by  her 
own  exertions ;  as  she  was  dependent  upon  none  save  her 
self  for  her  achievements  in  the  past  and  present,  so  he 
wished  her  to  be  in  the  future.  Few  men  of  his  real 
genius  and  intellect,  whom  I  have  ever  met,  placed  lower 
estimate  than  he  on  descent  and  heraldry.  Deeds  and 
worth,  with  him,  constituted  manhood.  In  writing  to 
me  from  Europe  in  1855,  he  stated  that  he  had  not  been 
presented  to  a  crowned  head  or  a  lord  in  the  old  world; 
his  intercourse  had  been  with  the  masses,  with  the  people. 

This  morning,  I  finished  John,  in  many  respects  most 
remarkable  of  the  Gospels.  John  represents  Jesus,  on 
all  occasions,  as  making  known  that  he  was  the  Christ. 
He  makes  no  allusion  to  the  injunctions,  given  by  Christ, 
according  to  the  other  writers,  that  it  should  not  be  made 
known  that  He  was  the  Christ.  He  makes  no  allusion 
to  the  Lord's  Supper;  this  seems  strange.  He  is  the  only 
one  who  mentions  the  washing  of  the  feet. 

12:45.  — An  editorial  in  the  London  Times  states  that 
Vice-President  Stephens  had  written  a  very  ingenuous 
letter,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  about  the  Hampton  Roads 
Conference.  I  suppose  this  alludes  to  the  Chronicle  and 
Sentinel  publication.  Thus  it  is  with  a  man's  character. 
A  lie  gets  out :  it  is  never  headed  off.  Thus  men  form  their 
opinions  of  other  men  through  the  medium  of  false 
hoods.  Not  one  in  the  thousands  who  will  form  a  false 
opinion  of  me  from  that  editorial  will  ever  know  the 
truth  in  the  case,  nor  how  harassed  I  have  been  by  that 
misstatement. 

In  my  walks  saw  a  little  boy  reading.  I  stopped,  took 
a  seat  by  him,  and  rested  while  I  talked  to  him.  I  asked 
what  he  was  reading.  A  novel,  he  replied ;  it  was  a  little 


424  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

primer-looking  sort  of  a  child's  book.  I  asked  him  to 
let  me  see  it.  He  handed  it  to  me.  It  was  a  dime  novel, 
"The  Black  Ship."  I  asked  his  name.  He  said  he  was 
Charles  Nutler,  son  of  the  laundress  here.  On  my  further 
inquiry,  he  told  me  he  was  ten  years  old ;  had  been  to  school 
in  Boston  from  the  time  he  was  six  until  he  was  nine,  which 
was  last  year,  when  his  mother  came  to  the  fort.  He  has 
been  here  ever  since,  and  has  not  been  to  school  any 
where,  but  likes  very  much  to  read.  He  went  to  Sunday- 
school  in  Boston,  but  there  is  none  here.  He  has  studied 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic;  he  is  a  promising  boy. 
I  told  him  he  ought  to  read  history.  He  said  he  would 
if  he  had  any.  "Call,"  said  I,  "at  my  room  and  I  will 
lend  you  Prescott's  '  Conquest  of  Mexico/  which  is  very 
interesting."  "They  won't  let  me  go  to  your  room," 
said  he.  "They  won't?"  said  I.  "Then,  I  will  send  it 
to  you."  "Who  waits  on  you?"  asked  he.  "Isn't  it 
Corporal  Geary?"  "Yes,"  said  I.  "Well,"  he  replied, 
"I  will  get  him  to  bring  it  to  me."  "Very  well.  There 
are  three  volumes.  I  will  send  the  first;  when  you  finish 
that,  I  will  send  the  second,  and  so  on."  "There  are 
three  volumes,  are  there?"  said  little  Charles  with  a 
surprise  indicating  that  he  was  assuming  a  bigger  job  than 
he  had  had  any  idea  of.  "Yes,"  said  I,  rising  to  go  on 
with  my  walk,  "there  are  three  volumes,  but  they  are  not 
large  ones.  You  can  soon  read  them."  With  this  I 
bade  him  good  evening,  and  resumed  my  walk  while  he 
resumed  his  reading. 

I  came  up  with  Major  Appleton,  Dr.  Seaverns,  and 
Lieut.  Woodman  standing  in  front  of  the  Major's  quar 
ters.  I  told  the  Major  I  had  read  the  pamphlet  he  lent 
me  yesterday,  and  would  bring  it  up  to-morrow.  He  said 
I  need  not  return  it,  and  went  on  to  ask  what  I  thought 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  425 

of  it.     I  told  him  I  was  interested  in  it,  and  commented 
on  it  4* pretty  much"  as  I  have  in  these  pages. 

For  supper,  milk  and  bread.  I  feel  very  well  to-night, 
though  much  weaker  than  yesterday.  All  things  con 
sidered,  I  have  passed  this  Sunday  as  well  in  mental  feel 
ing,  if  not  better,  than  any  since  I  have  been  here.  I 
have  been  more  quietly  resigned  somehow.  I  have  great 
cause  to  be  thankful  to  God  for  this  condition  of 
mind. 

August  7.  —  Ante-breakfast  reading  in  Acts.  Peter, 
after  the  ascension,  seems,  according  to  Luke,  to  have 
remained  in  the  belief  that  Christ  was  to  come  from  the 
House  of  David  after  the  flesh.  This  is  strange.  It 
shows  how  dimly  even  the  disciples  perceived  at  first  the 
great  truths  of  Christ's  mediation. 

To  what  I  said  yesterday  about  Mr.  Toombs,  it  is 
proper  to  add  that  he  was  by  no  means  disregardful  of  the 
good  name  of  his  ancestry;  he  simply  never  seemed  to  me 
to  claim  merit  to  himself  barely  on  account  of  their  good 
name.  I  have  often  heard  him  speak  of  them  and  their 
virtues.  His  father  came  to  Georgia  from  Culpeper, 
Virginia.  His  grandfather,  or  great-grandfather,  I  for 
get  which,  came  from  England.  During  his  sojourn  in 
Europe  in  1855,  he  visited  the  place  from  which  his  pro 
genitor  had  come,  and  found  branches  of  the  family. 
Of  a  kinsman  he  met,  he  spoke  in  high  terms  as  a  man 
of  great  respectability  and  private  worth  of  character;  the 
Christian  name  I  forget,  as  well  as  the  name  of  the 
locality  so  sacred  to  himself  in  the  "fatherland." 

Toombs  had  great  reverence  for  his  parents;  for  their 
virtue,  propriety,  and  uprightness,  he  revered  their  mem 
ory.  His  mother  I  knew.  She  was  a  most  excellent 


426  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Christian  woman.  She  died  in  1848.  He  was  devotedly 
attached  to  her,  and  was  deeply  affected  by  her  death. 
His  father  died  when  he  was  only  a  few  years  old.  He 
always  spoke  of  his  father  with  tenderest  regard,  but 
never  boastfully.  His  father's  energy,  enterprise,  and 
honesty  were  the  attributes  that  seemed  to  claim  his  strong 
est  veneration.  Toombs  was  born,  July,  1810,  about 
twelve  miles  from  my  birthplace.  I  have  often  heard  the 
old  neighbours  speak  of  his  father  as  a  man  of  strong 
and  vigorous  mind,  a  good  neighbour  and  citizen,  thrifty 
in  business  as  a  planter,  and  a  most  excellent,  worthy  man. 
Toombs  himself  has  great  fondness  for  agriculture.  He 
is  one  of  the  most  successful  planters  from  the  Potomac 
to  the  Rio  Grande.  His  plantation  discipline  and  his 
treatment  of  his  slaves  was  on  a  perfect  system  of  reason, 
justice,  and  humanity,  looking  as  much  to  the  welfare  of  his 
dependents  as  to  his  own  pecuniary  interests.  Notwith 
standing  his  engagements  in  law  and  politics,  and  the  fact 
that  his  plantation  was  two  hundred  miles  from  his  domi 
cile,  he  held  its  management  under  complete  control; 
planned  all  the  crops,  and  by  correspondence  kept  in 
formed  just  how  matters  were  going  on,  and  gave  direc 
tions.  His  system  and  its  success  was  wonderful. 
He  would  have  as  overseers  only  men  of  sobriety,  good 
sense,  and  humanity. 

Toombs  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  men  I  have 
ever  known.  As  a  talker,  I  have  never  known  his  equal. 
As  a  lawyer,  I  have  never  seen  his  superior  before  judge 
or  jury.  As  a  legislator  in  debate,  few  in  House  or 
Senate  ever  wished  to  encounter  him;  none  ever  did  to 
win  any  laurels  by  it.  His  mind  is  very  quick  and  active. 
Contrary  to  general  opinion,  he  has  always  been  a  close 
and  hard  student;  but  his  power  of  analysis  and  general- 


ALEXANDER  H.    STEPHENS  427 

ization  are  so  great  that  he  can  acquire  more  in  less  time 
than  any  one  I  ever  saw.  In  reading  the  report  of  a  case, 
or  an  author  on  any  subject,  he  at  once  seizes  upon  the 
real  ideas,  gleaning  the  vital  part  from  the  general  ver 
biage  by  a  process  rapid  as  intuition.  As  public  speaker 
or  "  stump  orator,"  no  one  in  any  age  or  country  ever  had 
more  power  than  he  in  the  days  of  his  prime.  He  was 
thoroughly  read  in  local  law,  in  United  States  history,  and 
in  national  law.  His  true  greatness  did  not  consist  in 
statesmanship;  he  was  governed  too  much  by  passion 
and  impulse.  As  lawyer,  debater,  popular  orator, 
planter,  political  economist,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find 
his  equal.  His  superior  could  not  be  found  in  his 
day. 

As  husband,  father,  and  friend,  his  virtues  show  most 
conspicuously.  He  is  generous,  liberal,  and  noble. 
There  is  nothing  sordid  in  him ;  nothing  mean  about  him. 
He  is  open,  bold,  and  frank  to  a  fault.  He  has  been, 
as  he  often  says,  his  own  greatest  enemy  in  his  freedom  and 
extravagance  of  speech.  His  remarks  are  often  pointed, 
cutting,  and  sarcastic,  but  there  is  no  malice  in  his  nature, 
not  the  slightest.  Under  impulse,  he  has  often  denounced 
in  severest  terms  persons  whom,  when  the  excitement 
was  passed,  he  would  take  cordially  by  the  hand.  There 
is  not  the  least  guile  or  hypocrisy  in  him;  he  speaks  and 
acts  just  as  he  feels  at  the  moment.  Self-control  and 
mental  discipline  he  lacks  more  than  anything  else,  to 
have  made  him  one  of  the  most  influential  men  on  the 
continent.  He  has  brain  enough,  if  its  energy  had  been 
properly  directed,  to  govern  an  empire.  As  there  is 
enough  waste  of  water  at  Niagara  to  turn  the  machinery 
of  the  world  if  it  were  controlled  and  applied,  so  with 
Toombs,  there  is  and  has  been  waste  enough  of  mental 


428  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

power  for  want  of  system  and  discipline  to  control  the 
destinies  not  only  of  this  continent,  but  of  all  the  nations 
intimately  connected  therewith. 

Such  are  my  opinions  of  the  natural  ability  and  genius 
of  Robert  Toombs.  Of  his  defects,  for  he  has  them,  as 
who  has  not,  I  will  say  nothing  here.  They  were  such  as 
put  upon  him  the  stamp  of  human  nature  and  the  frailties 
incident  to  the  fall  of  man.  There  is  nothing  in  them, 
however,  mean,  low,  or  vile;  nothing  that  impairs  the 
lustre  of  his  private  and  domestic  virtues;  nothing  that 
touches  the  relations  of  husband,  father,  master,  friend, 
or  neighbour.  Some  spring  from  an  undisciplined  am 
bition,  and  some  from  nothing  but  an  exuberance  of 
good  nature  and  conviviality.  I  have  often  thought  of 
Toombs  in  reading  of  Alcibiades,  although  he  is  free  from 
many  vices  that  darkened  the  character  of  the  Athenian. 
He  is  eminently  a  man  of  principle,  and  governed  by  the 
most  scrupulous  sense  of  right  and  justice  in  all  matters 
except  in  those  pertaining  strictly  to  himself  and  the 
objects  of  his  ambition.  In  this  exception,  lie  some  of 
the  defects  alluded  to,  but  they  are  only  small  spots  upon 
the  sun  as  compared  with  the  crimes  of  Alcibiades.  In 
genius,  he  and  the  Greek  have  many  points  in  common; 
and  while  in  nothing  is  Toombs  the  Greek's  inferior, 
in  moral  tone  he  is  vastly  the  superior. 

Dr.  Seaverns  called  to  see  me,  and  to  inform  me  that  he 
is  about  to  leave  for  New  York,  expecting  to  be  gone  two 
weeks,  should  so  long  leave  of  absence  be  granted.  He 
expressed  the  opinion  that  perhaps  he  might  not  find  me 
here  on  his  return.  I  inquired  if  he  had  any  reason 
for  it.  He  said  "No";  but  that  he  does  not  think  it  the 
intention  to  keep  me  here  long.  This  opinion  would  have 
been  more  cheering  if  grounded  on  anything  authori- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  429 

tative.     I    received   it  as   an  evidence  of  the   surgeon's 
personal  kind  feelings. 

Went  into  the  adjoining  room,  and  offered  to  pay  Mr. 
Devine,  the  tailor  —  he  that  gave  me  a  pipe  —  for  sewing 
a  button  on  my  pants  Saturday  before  I  got  up;  he  would 
receive  nothing.  I  thanked  him  sincerely  and  by  way 
of  making  him  some  return  that  he  could  not  object  to, 
gave  him  some  of  my  peaches.  For  this,  the  good  lady 
who  sent  them  would  excuse  me,  I  feel  assured.  Morn 
ing  papers,  but  no  letter.  Oh  how  long,  how  long  shall 
I  remain  in  such  suspense?  My  head  aches.  I  see 
nothing  in  the  papers  I  care  a  fig  about.  A  letter  from 
home,  from  Linton,  is  what  I  want.  Sorely  depressed 
do  I  feel  to-day. 

11.30  —  Went  to  Lieutenant  Woodman's  room.  Re 
turned  Harper's  Weekly.  Went  to  sutler's.  Saw  both 
the  brothers  Hall;  had  long  and  pleasant  talk  with  them 
in  their  office  or  store.  They  told  me  that  the  things 
ordered  had  come  —  a  button,  Scotch  Ale,  and  tin  bath 
tub.  They  gave  me  the  button,  and  Geary  came  for 
the  ale  while  I  was  there.  I  left  at  the  noon  or  drum 
signal.  Went  on  the  terreplein.  Walked  round  it  twice, 
counted  the  steps  and  made  it  1050;  so,  twice  round  is 
a  little  over  a  mile.  Descended,  somewhat  fatigued  but 
feeling  better.  Opened  a  bottle  of  ale  and  took  a  glass 
full  with  ice.  Have  been  reading  the  "Life  of  John 
Wilson"  [Christopher  North].  Was  much  struck  with 
this  sketch  of  Miss  Edgeworth  in  one  of  Lockhart's 
letters  to  Wilson:  "Miss  Edgeworth  is  at  Abbotsford 
and  has  been  for  some  time,  a  little,  dark,  bearded,  sharp, 
withered,  active,  laughing,  talking,  impudent,  fearless, 
outspoken,  honest,  Whiggish,  unchristian,  good-tempered, 
kindly,  ultra-Irish  body.  I  like  her  one  day  and  damn 


430  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

her  to  perdition  the  next.  She  is  a  very  queer  character. 
Particulars  some  other  time."  This  is  rather  racy 
word  portraiture.  Book  laid  aside.  Musing,  I  have 
a  presentiment  that  I  shall  hear  good  news.  I  don't 
think  I  am  superstitious  in  the  proper  sense  of  that  term, 
but  I  do  believe  in  a  Divine  Providence  and  in  His  mani 
festations  to  me  in  spiritual  communication.  -O  Father, 
strengthen  my  belief!  Whether  this  presentiment  be 
true  or  not,  O  Father  who  knowest  all  things  —  things 
unknown  to  us  —  if  this  be  but  a  vain  fancy  on  my 
part,  forgive  its  expression.  Give  me  faith,  patience, 
and  fortitude. 

Lieut.  Woodman  brought  me  Harper's  Weekly.  He 
remained  some  time  and  we  talked  about  the  Atlantic 
Cable.  This  was  suggested  by  the  Tribune  on  my  table 
which  compares  the  new  cable  with  the  old.  The  whole 
news-reading  world  will  be  agog  and  on  tiptoe  for  a  few 
days  to  know  the  result  of  the  second  great  experiment 
to  unite  the  Western  and  Eastern  Hemispheres  by  tele 
graph.  The  Great  Eastern  is  daily  and  hourly  expected. 
A  few  days  must  end  suspense  on  this  big  question. 
With  earnest  hopes  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise,  I  wait. 

I  read  Harper's  Weekly.  My  eyes  are  failing.  Per 
haps  I  use  them  too  much.  I  cannot  now,  in  this  room 
at  least,  eat  without  the  aid  of  glasses.  I  was  surprised 
Friday  when  I  went  into  Lieut.  Woodman's  room,  and 
saw  in  his  large  mirror  how  white  my  head  is  getting. 
But  the  decline  of  my  eyesight  is  far  more  serious  than 
the  whitening  of  my  hair.  For  three  or  four  days,  the 
eyes  have  seemed  weak  and  sore,  apart  from  their  dim 
ness  of  vision. 

A  heavy  cloud  darkens  the  room  so  I  can  hardly  see. 
A  tempest  of  rain  or  wind,  or  both,  is  threatening.  Not 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  431 

much  lightning  or  thunder.  The  boat  has  come  and 
gone.  No  letters  for  me  —  no  news  —  nothing  from 
home  or  any  quarter.  Oh,  if  those  at  home  knew  how 
I  long  for  a  letter  from  some  of  them,  they  would  find 
some  way  to  communicate  with  me  or  to  get  letters  to 
me!  Why  do  I  not  hear  from  Linton?  My  heart  is 
sorely  oppressed.  It  is  now  over  a  month  since  the  date 
of  his  last  letter.  What  is  the  cause  of  the  delay?  The 
rain  pours,  the  floods  come.  Here  I  am,  solitary  and 
alone,  in  this  darkened  cell. 

While  the  storm  lasted,  I  went  up  to  Lieut.  W.'s 
room  where  I  could  look  out,  have  more  light;  see  the 
rain  fall  on  the  ground,  always  a  pleasant  sight  to  me, 
but  which  I  had  not  witnessed  since  the  shower  that  fell 
when  we  were  on  the  Clyde  in  Hampton  Roads.  The 
Lieutenant  showed  me  General  Wade  Hampton's  letter 
to  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  From  this  it  appears 
that  Hampton  has  not  left  the  State  and  does  not  intend 
to  leave  it,  at  least  for  the  present.  The  letter  is  good 
in  tone  and  spirit,  but,  in  some  respects,  I  question  the 
policy  advised.  When  the  storm  was  over,  I  came  down 
to  my  room,  got  my  thick  shoes  and  strolled  forth.  The 
sun  was  breaking  through  the  clouds  in  the  west;  a  rain 
bow  was  in  the  east.  The  ground  was  wet,  but  the  air 
delightful.  I  had  not  walked  long  before  Major  Ap- 
pleton  joined  me.  We  had  a  pleasant  talk  on  rather 
abstruse  subjects:  nature,  creation,  the  cosmos,  life, 
the  intellect,  the  soul,  the  Trinity,  etc.  I  find  that  he 
is  a  Swedenborgian.  He  promised  to  let  me  have  some 
of  Swedenborg's  writings.  I  have  been  waiting  to  learn 
something  of  this  great  theologian's  doctrines.  The 
walk  and  talk  were  very  agreeable.  The  more  I  see  of 
Major  Appleton  the  more  I  like  him. 


CHAPTER    XXI 

AJGUST  8.  -  -  Rose  at  seven.     Took  a  bath   in 
my  new  tin  bath-tub,  the  best  I  have  had  since 
I  have  been  here.     It   was  a  perfect  luxury. 
Strolled  about.     Took  up  "Life  of  Wilson"  and  stretched 
myself  on  my  bunk.     Had  not  read  many  pages  before 
Major  Appleton  called  with  two  pamphlets  containing 
extracts    from    Swedenborg.     Lieut.    Woodman    called; 
took  my  thermometer  to  see  what  it  would  stand  at  in 
his  room. 

10.30.  -  -  Lieut.  W.  again  returned,  bringing  me  a 
letter.  The  writing  in  the  address  I  did  not  recognize. 
On  opening  it,  how  my  heart  leaped  for  joy  when  I  saw 
from  the  hand,  as  well  as  the  old  blank-book  paper,  that 
it  was  from  Linton.  And  only  one  who  has  gone  through 
something  similar  can  imagine  how  greatly  rejoiced 
I  was,  when  assured  by  its  perusal  that  he  and  all  were 
well;  and  especially,  when  by  a  second  and  third  perusal, 
noting  every  word  closely,  I  felt  assured  that  he  was  in 
as  good  state  of  mind  as  I  could  expect  or  hope  for.  This 
letter  was  dated  2oth  July.  There  is  some  mystery 
about  its  detention.  It  was  approved  by  General  Hooker 
in  New  York  on  ist  August,  eight  days  ago.  It  has  been 
longer  coming  from  New  York  than  in  reaching  that 
point  from  Sparta.  Whose  is  the  negligence  or  fault? 
I  cannot  believe  that  the  officers  here  are  to  blame;  I 
am  fully  persuaded  that  they  have  promptly  discharged 
their  duty.  This  letter  has  done  me  a  vast  deal  of  good. 

432 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  433 

To  the  great  Ruler  of  the  universe,  my  heart  goes  up  in 
gratitude.  Oh,  that  He  may  have  my  brother  and  all 
that  are  his  in  His  holy  keeping!  Though  we  are  sep 
arated,  may  that  brother's  heart  and  mine  beat  in  unison! 
He  speaks  of  having  written  me  four  letters.  Two 
besides  this  have  come  to  hand.  Of  mine,  he  had  received 
those  of  3d  and  8th  of  June  and  4th  of  July;  none  of  the 
rest.  I  do  hope  he  has  by  this  received  mine  of  2gth 
July,  and  that  he  is  on  his  way  here  or  soon  will  be. 
May  God  bless,  save,  protect,  and  bring  him  to  me 
speedily ! 

The  papers  say  Mr.  Seward  has  returned  to  Washington 
from  Cape  May.  The  Herald  has  a  long  article  on  the 
Atlantic  Cable  with  maps,  etc.  Finished  Swedenborg's 
"Doctrine  Concerning  the  Lord."  It  is  a  master  pro 
duction,  the  clearest  exposition  I  have  ever  seen  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  It  embodies  some  ideas  I  have 
long  entertained.  But  what  seems  to  be  his  idea  of  the 
resurrection  is  not  one  of  these.  The  Scriptural  view, 
I  think,  is  that  our  material  bodies  will  rise  with  our 
spirits  or  souls. 

A  REAL  PRISON  SKETCH,  No  FANCY  ABOUT  IT 

[Prisoner  reading.     Enter  little  girl,  about  four  or  five 
years  old,  standing  at  the  door  with  some  flowers.] 

Prisoner.     Oh  what  pretty  flowers!     Let  me  see  them. 

Child.     [Handing  them.]     They  are  for  you. 

Prisoner.  Ah!  [Takes  and  smells  them.]  Thank  you. 
They  are  so  beautiful  and  so  sweet.  Where  did  you  get 
them? 

Child.     My  mamma  gave  'em  to  me. 


434  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Prisoner.     Ah!     What  is  your  name? 

Child.     Mabel  Appleton. 

Prisoner.  Oh!  It  was  you  who  brought  me  the 
flowers  the  other  day!  Those  in  the  window  —  wasn't 
it  you?  See  them  in  the  window.  Was  it  you  that 
brought  me  those? 

Mabel.     Yes;  and  they  are  not  faded  yet. 

Prisoner.  No,  I  put  them  in  water.  [Rising  and  taking 
them  down  and  showing  them  to  her.]  You  see  I  have 
kept  them  fresh.  They  are  almost  as  beautiful  as  when 
you  brought  them.  Now,  I  am  going  to  put  these  with 
them.  [Puts  them  in  the  same  glass.]  See  them,  how 
beautiful  they  are!  and  smell,  how  sweet  they  are!  [She 
takes  the  glass  and  smells.] 

Mabel.  My  mamma  says  perhaps  you  will  go  away 
soon. 

Prisoner.  Ah,  I  hope  I  may.  That  would  be  good 
news  to  me. 

Mabel.     Why,  what  do  you  want  to  leave  here  for  ? 

Prisoner.  Oh,  I  want  to  go  to  my  home  and  see  all  the 
folks  there.  I  have  some  little  girls,  some  little  nieces, 
I  want  to  see.  One  is  just  a  little  larger  than  you.  She 
is  a  pretty,  sweet  little  girl,  very  much  like  you.  She 
wants  to  see  me  so  bad  and  I  want  to  see  her  and  her 
little  sisters.  That  is  what  I  want  to  go  home  for.  That 
is  one  reason  I  want  to  leave. 

Mabel.     What  is  her  name  ? 

Prisoner.     Her  name  is  little  Emm  Stephens. 
[Mabel,  looking  on  the  floor,  as  if  in  profound  thought 
about  something,  walks  out.] 

Prisoner  lays  down  his  book  for  some  time.  Thinks 
of  home,  little  Emm,  Becky,  Claude,  and  their 
papa. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  435 

6.15.  —  Sallied  forth  on  a  walk.  While  I  was  on 
the  bastion,  six  o'clock  signal  was  given.  From  the 
ocean  and  the  white-sail  ships  and  dark-smoking  steamers, 
my  attention  was  drawn  to  a  scene  within  the  fort.  The 
signal  was  of  the  day's  end  to  all  the  workmen.  Instantly, 
all  noise  of  the  stone-cutters  ceased.  Hammers,  chisels, 
all  tools,  were  dropped.  The  ground  seemed  alive  with 
men  moving  about,  as  a  schoolroom  is  alive  with  boys 
when  recess  is  announced.  Some  go  one  way,  and  some 
another,  for  this  article  or  that  where  it  had  been  laid 
down  during  the  day.  All  soon  fall  into  a  line  to  that  part 
of  the  fort  in  which  this  class  of  inmates  are  quartered, 
some  moving  faster  and  some  slower,  some  erect  and 
some  stooping.  It  is  to  me  not  an  unpleasant  spectacle, 
that  of  a  weary  labourer,  coat  on  arm,  trudging  home 
ward  from  his  daily  toil  at  evening  tide.  It  awakens 
many  reminiscences  of  my  youth.  The  associations 
are  hallowed. 

Lieut.  W.  joined  me.  We  saw  a  propeller  going  to 
sea,  a  trading-vessel  heavily  laden.  He  told  me  that 
he  leaves  here  soon.  He  has  made  arrangements  to  go 
into  the  hotel  business  at  Hilton  Head,  S.  C.  He  intends 
to  leave  by  September.  I  was  sorry  to  hear  of  his  going. 
I  should  feel  very  sad  at  being  left  here  by  him.  He 
asked  me  if  I  knew  a  man  named  Dawson,  of  Georgia. 
I  told  him  I  knew  several  of  that  name.  He  said  he  had 
been  informed  by  the  War  Department  that  a  man  of 
that  name  had  been  granted  permission  to  visit  me.  I 
told  him  I  expected  it  was  Andrew  H.  H.  Dawson.  He 
said  that  was  the  name.  I  shall  be  truly  glad  to  see 
Mr.  Dawson.  On  return  from  walk  (at  sundown,  for 
we  had  sat  on  the  bench  on  the  parapet  and  talked 
until  the  sun  was  nearly  set)  I  found  on  my  table  a  plate 


436  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

of  large  fine  apples  and  a  card,  "Mrs.  E.  E.  Harrington's 
Compliments."  Geary  came  in  and  told  me  Mrs.  H. 
had  sent  them.  In  colour  they  are  like  my  early  May 
apples,  but  they  are  as  large  as  our  largest  horse-apples. 
They  fill  the  room  with  rich  aromatic  odour.  Lieut. 
W.  came  and  brought  me  a  speech  by  Mr.  Everett,  Rox- 
bury,  May,  8,  1861,  in  which  I  am  mentioned. 

August  9.  —  Suffered  a  good  deal  of  pain.  About 
six  Geary  came  in.  I  got  him  to  bring  me  a  cup  of  hot 
coffee.  This  did  me  some  good.  Resumed  reading  in 
Acts.  Still  quiet  but  weak.  Daily  papers.  No  news 
of  the  Great  Eastern  or  cable.  A  statement  that  Mr. 
Davis  is  not  to  be  tried  by  a  commission  and  is  to  be 
sent  out  of  the  country. 

Called  on  Major  Appleton  to  return  his  books.  Found 
him  and  Mrs.  Appleton  in.  Sat  and  talked  some  time. 
Found  both  quite  agreeable.  He  showed  me  several 
relics  of  the  war;  the  most  interesting  were  the  keys  to 
the  jail  at  Darien,  Ga.  He  invited  me  to  call  in  at  any 
time.  Resumed  my  stroll.  Saw  a  sailboat  pass  with 
a  jolly  party  aboard;  music  and  dancing  on  deck.  The 
crowd  seemed  a  gay  one,  enjoying  themselves  to  heart's 
content.  There  was  much  waving  of  handkerchiefs 
toward  the  fort  as  the  yacht,  or  whatever  the  craft  may 
be  called,  passed  the  landing  on  the  west  side.  1  was 
on  the  western  bastion.  With  wind  and  tide  in  her 
favour,  the  craft  shot  by  like  a  thing  of  life. 

Evening  Journal.  A  break  in  the  cable.  No  news 
from  the  Great  Eastern,  communication  cut  off.  No 
signals  at  farther  end  of  the  line  after  700  miles  of  cable 
was  laid.  General  Mercer,  of  Savannah,  has  been  sent 
to  Fort  Pulaski.  What  for,  I  don't  know. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  437 

Sallied  forth  for  evening  walk.  Met  a  number  of 
strangers,  coming  from  the  other  way,  they  on  the  parapet, 
I  on  the  terreplein.  A  pleasure  party  had  just  come 
down  in  a  boat,  which  was  at  the  landing,  as  I  saw 
on  passing  round.  Never  while  memory  lasts  can  I 
forget  an  incident  that  occurred  upon  my  meeting  with 
the  avant  courier  of  this  party.  This  is  enough  to  enter 
here.  I  went  on  round  to  the  music-stand,  where  I  sat 
down  and  wept;  wept  bitter  tears  of  anguish  for  my 
beloved  State  in  this,  her  hour  of  desolation,  with  worse 
prospects  before  her  unless  God  in  his  mercy  shall  give 
wisdom  from  on  high  to  those  under  whose  control  her 
destinies  are  soon  to  fall.  Was  of  heavy  and  oppressed 
heart  all  evening.  Saw  a  prisoner  under  guard  carrying 
a  bucket  of  water.  Thought  it  must  be  Dr.  Bickley. 
Found  a  small  paper  box  containing  peaches  and  toma 
toes  from  Mrs.  Salter  on  my  table,  for  which  she  has 
my  sincere  thanks  though  I  can  express  them  only  in 
this  way. 

Thursday,  August  10.  -  -  Some  incidents  occurred 
last  night  that  made  an  impression  on  my  mind.  Some 
one  kept  up  an  occasional  whispering  with  the  guard 
on  duty  between  6.30  and  8.30.  The  guard  would 
keep  his  pace  three  or  four  rounds,  then  stop  and  whisper 
with  this  person.  Their  intercourse  was  in  the  lowest 
whisper,  not  a  word  could  be  heard  by  me.  It  was  not 
a  low  talk,  but  a  whisper  in  the  strictest  sense.  Still, 
it  could  be  heard  just  to  the  left  of  my  window.  It  was 
repeated  until  this  guard  was  relieved  at  8.30.  It  was 
strange  and  mysterious.  If  it  had  been  but  once  or 
twice,  I  should  have  thought  nothing  of  it;  if  it  had  been 
low  talk,  I  should  have  thought  nothing  of  it,  but  the 


438  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

manner  satisfied  me  that  the  intent  was  that  I  should 
not  hear.  This,  too,  was  not  all;  for  later,  I  woke  —  was 
it  providential?  I  cannot  tell,  but  again  I  heard  the 
whisper  in  the  same  voices,  the  same  stride  of  the  same 
guard  going  a  round  or  two  and  then  stopping  for  the 
conference.  I  raised  my  head  and  caught  two  words, 
"Corporal  Geary."  I  know,  from  the  same  man  being 
on  duty,  that  it  was  somewhere  between  12.30  and  2, 
for  the  guard  is  relieved  for  four  hours;  each  serves 
two  hours  and  returns  in  four.  From  the  name  of  him 
who  waits  on  me,  my  curiosity  was  the  more  excited, 
especially  as  I  could  catch  nothing  else.  Were  they 
plotting  in  reference  to  me  ? 

I  lay  awake  until  the  relief  guard  came:  then  another 
strange  incident  occurred.  The  newcomer  walked  just 
long  enough  for  the  departing  officer  to  be  beyond  sound 
of  his  tread,  when  he  came  inside  and  went  into  a  room 
not  far  distant  from  mine;  or,  at  least,  the  sound  of  his 
walking  seemed  to  indicate  this.  There,  he  remained, 
how  long  I  do  not  know,  but  he  did  not  return  to  his 
beat  while  I  was  awake.  I  fell  into  another  sleep. 
These  unusual  incidents  impressed  me  deeply.  What 
they  mean,  I  cannot  imagine.  That  there  is  something 
in  the  wind  between  those  two  whisperers  which  they 
were  desirous  I  should  not  know,  seems  pretty  clear. 
Whether  the  relief  guard  after  2.30  was  in  the  secret, 
or  whether  his  strange  course  had  anything  to  do  with  it 
all,  I  do  not  know.  This  last  man's  time  was  not  out 
when  I  awoke.  He  remained  until  4.30.  When  I  awoke, 
I  saw  him  peeping  in  at  my  window.  I  got  up  and  went 
to  the  window  and  gave  him  a  scrutinizing  look  in  return. 
His  countenance  and  general  bearing,  I  shall  not  soon 
forget.  Geary  made  his  appearance  at  six;  I  had  a  fire 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  439 

and  was  reading  in  Acts.  He  soon  brought  me  a  cup 
of  hot  coffee. 

9  A.  M.  —  Lieut.  Woodman  has  just  called  to  tell 
me  he  has  been  relieved  of  all  duty  and  leaves  on  the 
2oth.  He  goes  to  Boston  to-day,  but  will  be  down  again 
and  see  me  before  his  final  departure.  This  announce 
ment  affected  me  a  good  deal.  I  feel  more  attached  to 
him  than  to  any  other  man  in  the  fort.  He  has  ever  been 
kind  and  attentive.  Have  just  sent  for  him.  He  returned 
and  I  presented  him  with  Prescott's  "  History  of  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella"  as  a  slight  token  of  my  high  regard, 
and  in  appreciation  of  his  many  acts  of  kindness.  He 
accepted  with  thanks,  etc.  As  he  left  my  room,  I  could 
not  suppress  a  flow  of  tears.  This,  however,  was  with 
myself,  in  my  room  alone.  He  nor  any  mortal,  God 
alone  saw  it. 

I  see  by  the  Washington  telegrams  that  Hon.  H.  V. 
Johnson  has  applied  for  pardon.  His  application  was 
presented  by  Mrs.  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

Heard  heavy  firing  at  a  distance.  Went  up  on  the 
terreplein.  They  were  trying  guns  in  South  Boston 
gun-works,  a  man  on  the  parapet  told  me.  On  the  way 
round,  one  of  the  labourers  putting  down  the  circular 
stones  on  the  east  side  of  the  fort  for  the  circular  gun- 
carriages  to  move  on,  rose,  as  I  approached,  wiping  the 
sweat  from  lu's  forehead  with  the  fingers  of  his  right  hand, 
and  said  in  Irish  brogue:  "Good  day,  Mr.  Stephens." 
I  knew  from  his  tone  that  he  felt  kindly  toward  me. 
I  stopped  and  talked  with  him  some  minutes.  He  used 
to  work  in  Washington  on  the  North  Capitol.  While 
I  was  talking  with  him  about  his  work  and  hearing  the 
explanations  which  he  took  interest  in  making,  the  noon 
signal  sounded.  Again  I  witnessed  the  spectacle  of  the 


440  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

labourers  knocking  off  from  toil,  and  winding  divers  ways 
to  their  quarters  for  dinner  and  rest.  Some  gathered  up 
shoes,  some  jackets,  and  some  coats,  and  bore  these  along. 
All  seemed  more  or  less  jaded,  but  cheerful,  and  not  one 
who  passed  me  did  so  without  a  respectful  and,  in  most 
instances,  a  kind  recognition.  Most  were  Irishmen. 

I  went  to  the  library  and  got  Richardson's  new  book, 
"The  Secret  Service,  The  Field,  The  Dungeon  and  The 
Escape."  I  doubt  the  author's  accuracy.  I  doubt  if  he 
saw  Negro  women  in  raw  hide  shoes  ploughing  in  Kentucky 
in  February,  which  is  too  early  for  ploughing.  Rawhide 
shoes  I  never  saw  anywhere.  I  heard  that  they  were 
used  by  our  soldiers  to  some  extent,  being  made  and 
fitted  to  the  foot  when  the  hide  was  fresh  and  green, 
with  the  hairside  next  the  foot.  How  a  man  could  see 
the  kind  of  leather  shoes  were  made  of,  worn  by  workers 
ploughing  in  a  field  which  he  was  passing  on  a  railroad 
train,  I  cannot  understand.  Then  again,  he  speaks  of 
seeing  Negroes  ploughing  and  hoeing  in  fields  near  Mem 
phis.  Now,  what  were  they  hoeing?  Hoeing  is  a  business 
not  done  in  cotton-fields,  and  of  such  he  is  speaking 
in  February.  Overseers  were  there,  armed  with  guns. 
This  I  never  saw  in  all  my  life  and  in  all  my  travels 
through  the  South.  I  have  sometimes  seen  a  man, 
superintending  plantations,  carry  his  gun  with  the  view 
of  bagging  game,  but  never  for  any  purpose  in  connection 
with  his  business  as  overseer.  These  are  all  small  mat 
ters.  But  my  rule  with  a  record  is  to  judge  its  accuracy 
as  a  whole  by  accuracy  on  those  points  within  my 
knowledge. 

Some  one  knocked  at  my  door.  "Come  in,"  said  I. 
Whereupon,  a  man  in  uniform,  with  sword,  etc.,  whom 
I  had  never  seen  before,  entered.  He  said  nothing,  but 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS          441 

handed  me  a  note  and  retired.  The  note  was  from 
Mrs.  Appleton,  requesting  my  autograph,  and  stating 
that  she  expects  to  leave  to-morrow.  This  was  dis 
agreeable  news;  Mrs.  Appleton  has  shown  me  great 
kindness,  not  only  by  acts  but  in  manners.  Her  note 
I  laid  away  amongst  my  letters.  I  wrote  a  reply.  After 
thinking  a  while,  I  wrote  another  which  I  liked  better 
and  sent  it  by  Geary. 

My  dear  Mrs.  Appleton:  Allow  me  to  express  to  you 
my  deep  regret  and  pain  at  hearing  of  your  expected 
departure  so  soon  from  this  place.  Perhaps  I  may  never 
see  you  again.  In  that  case,  accept  this  return  of  my 
sincere  thanks  for  the  many  acts  of  kindness  and  sympathy 
you  have  shown  toward  me  in  my  present  suffering  and 
affliction.  Whatever  fortunes  await  me  in  the  future, 
these  deeds  of  benevolence  on  your  part,  be  assured, 
can  never  be  forgotten  while  memory  remains.  May  the 
smiles  and  blessing  of  Heaven  rest  upon  you  and  all 
yours,  wherever  you  may  go,  now  and  forever,  is  the 
earnest  prayer  of  Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

MRS.  MARY  R.  APPLETON. 

Walked  out.  On  starting  I  took  the  Major's  "  Ritual 
of  the  New  Church"  that  he  lent  me  yesterday;  it  was 
a  present  from  his  wife  to  him  and  I  thought  maybe  he 
was  going,  too,  and  I  wanted  the  book  returned.  I 
found  no  one  in  their  rooms.  Carpets  were  all  up, 
furniture  all,  or  nearly  all,  removed.  I  laid  the  book 
on  the  Major's  table  and  went  on.  After  I  passed  Har 
rington's  office,  Mrs.  Appleton  came  running  after  me; 
I  turned  and  met  her.  She  invited  me  back  to  the  Doc 
tor's  quarters,  from  which  she  had  come.  I  talked  with 
her  and  Mrs.  Seaverns  for  some  time.  She  leaves 


442  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

to-morrow,  and  the  Major  the  next  day.  He  quits  the 
service  and  takes  charge  of  business  for  a  coal  company 
in  the  Kanawha  Valley.  So,  one  by  one,  my  friends 
leave  me.  No  sooner  do  I  begin  to  form  attachments 
than  they  are  broken.  Into  whose  hands  I  shall  now 
fall,  I  do  not  know.  With  a  sad  heart  I  bade  Mrs.  Apple- 
ton  good-bye. 

The  western  sky  was  obscured  by  a  thick  black  cloud. 
A  small  monitor  was  lying  out  in  the  harbour.  I  looked 
upon  that,  musing;  and  at  the  thickening  darkness  of 
the  west,  fit  emblem  of  the  prospect  before  me.  Soon, 
I  shall  be  left  here  with  no  one  with  whom  I  have  an 
intimacy  except  Geary,  the  corporal,  and  the  Irish  tailor 
who  works  in  Geary's,  room,  Mr.  Devine,  who  is  very 
friendly  with  me. 

When  I  turned,  with  heavy  heart,  I  saw  Major  Apple- 
ton  approaching,  another  gentleman  with  him.  This 
gentleman  I  found  to  be  Mr.  Burlingame,  an  old  Congress 
acquaintance.  We  met  cordially.  I  was  right  glad  to 
see  him,  and  he  seemed  equally  glad  to  see  me.  His 
sister  is  Captain  Livermore's  wife  —  no,  Captain  Liver- 
more  is  Mrs.  Burlingame 's  brother,  that  is  the  way  of  it, 
I  believe.  The  Burlingames  are  on  a  visit  to  the  Captain. 
The  Major,  Mr.  Burlingame,  and  I  walked  on  to  the 
eastern  bastion,  and  there  sat  down  and  had  a  long 
pleasant  talk  on  public  affairs.  Mr.  B.  told  me  that  he 
met  the  Hon.  John  E.  Ward,*  of  Georgia,  in  China;  Mr. 
Ward  came  over  with  him;  he  left  Ward  in  Paris:  had 
just  now  got  a  passport  for  Ward  and  Mr.  Seward's 
permission  for  Ward  to  return  home.  I  am  in  hopes 
he  may  exert  his  influence  in  getting  me  released  on 
parole.  I  told  him  frankly  that  I  was  very  desirous 

*  U.  S.  Minister  to  China,  1858-61;  succeeded  by  Burlingame. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  443 

of  release,  and  thought  that,  as  so  many  others  receiving 
it  had  been  far  more  responsible  for  the  war  than  I,  I 
ought  to  be  released  on  the  same  terms.  We  came  down 
at  the  signal  for  retreat,  he  going  in  to  take  tea  with  the 
Major,  and  I  returning  to  my  quarters.  I  hope  to 
see  him  in  the  morning.  I  made  these  entries  by 
candlelight.  Lieut.  Newton  called  about  eight  and  sat 
until  after  nine.  We  spent  an  agreeable  hour.  I  feel 
obliged  to  him  for  his  visit. 

August  n.  —  Had  another  long  talk  with  Mr. 
Burlingame.  Met  him  on  the  sidewalk.  Lieut.  Newton 
had  called,  and  told  me  he  was  out  on  the  walk,  giving 
me  notice,  I  suppose,  because  of  hearing  me  remark 
last  night  that  I  should  like  to  see  him  again.  Mr. 
B.  invited  me  into  Captain  Livermore's  quarters.  We 
sat  and  talked  for  more  than  an  hour,  mainly  on  public 
affairs.  It  would  be  unjust  to  him  to  state  here  from 
memory  anything  he  said.  I  will  barely  enter  the  sub 
stance  of  what  I  said  on  leading  points.  I  expressed 
my  desire  for  release  on  parole,  and  that  the  Administra 
tion  be  informed  of  my  strong  reasons  for  it.  I  said  I  did 
not  think  I  could  stand  the  winter  here;  though  I  can 
get  along  perhaps  while  warm  weather  lasts :  especially  if 
allowed  communication  with  Reagan,  thus  diverting  my 
mind.  My  trust  business  at  home  as  lawyer,  guardian, 
executor,  etc.,  required  my  attention.  I  wished  to  look 
after  my  deceased  brother's  family  and  to  provide  for 
the  education  of  his  minor  children,  now  at  the  age  when 
this  is  most  important.  I  wished  to  provide  for  those 
who  had  heretofore  been  my  slaves.  Also,  release  ought 
to  be  granted  on  public  considerations,  as  similar  paroles 
had  been  granted  to  others  who  were  much  more  active  in 


444  RECOLLECTIONS  OP 

bringing  on  the  war  and  in  its  management.  In  public 
affairs  I  had  no  wish  to  take  part.  My  views  were  that  a 
cordial  cooperation  with  the  Administration  in  all  proper 
efforts  to  restore  order  and  harmony,  by  bringing  the 
seceded  States  back  into  practical  relations  with  the  Gen 
eral  Government,  ought  to  be  given  by  all  patriots,  North 
and  South.  With  regard  to  the  new  order  of  things, 
as  affecting  the  Negroes,  I  earnestly  desired  that  every 
effort  be  made  to  give  the  experiment  a  fair  trial.  A 
great  social  problem  was  presented  for  solution.  I 
saw  many  difficulties  and  great  dangers  ahead,  more 
perhaps  than  most  people  apprehended.  I  had  devoted 
much  thought  to  the  subject,  and  while  I  was  not  sanguine, 
I  was  anxious  that  every  possible  effort  be  made  to  solve 
the  problem  in  a  way  that  would  end  in  the  advancement 
of  civilization  and  humanity. 

Regarding  treatment  of  prisoners  at  Andersonville 
and  other  places,  which  was  brought  up,  I  said  that  the 
matter  had  caused  me  deep  mortification  and  pain. 
From  all  I  had  heard,  the  sufferings  of  prisoners  were 
terrible.  I  had  no  idea,  however,  that  these  sufferings 
were  by  design  or  system  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Davis  and 
other  authorities  at  Richmond.  Something  akin  to  what 
might  be  styled  indifference  or  neglect  toward  our  own 
soldiers  on  the  wounded  and  sick  lists  I  have  witnessed 
with  distress.  I  had  thought  there  was  sometimes  great 
neglect  even  of  these  by  those  having  them  in  charge. 
To  this  subject  I  had  given  a  great  deal  of  attention. 
I  had  never  seen  in  Mr.  Davis  any  disposition  to  be 
vindictive  toward  prisoners  of  war.  I  had  seen  what  I 
thought  evidence  of  his  inattention :  especially  in  one  case 
that  had  given  rise  to  some  personal  explanation  between 
ourselves,  in  which  he  had  relieved  my  mind  of  some  very 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  445 

unpleasant  impressions  previously  resting  upon  it.  It 
seemed  that  he  had  done  what  I  had  not  known  before 
the  explanation  on  his  part  that  he  had.  I  had  no  idea 
that  there  was  any  settled  policy  of  cruelty  on  his  part 
to  prisoners. 

In  all  my  conversations  with  him,  on  the  subject  of 
prisoners,  he  put  the  blame  of  non-exchange  on  the 
authorities  at  Washington:  he  always  expressed  earnest 
desire  to  send  home  all  we  held  upon  getting  in  exchange 
our  men  equally  suffering  in  Northern  prisons;  our 
prisoners,  it  was  said,  were  treated  as  well  as  they  could 
be  under  the  circumstances:  those  at  Anderson ville  were 
crowded  into  such  a  miserable  pen  because  we  had  no 
other  place  in  which  to  secure  them:  they  had  the  same 
rations  as  our  soldiers:  ours  suffered  greatly  to  my  own 
knowledge,  not  only  in  the  hospitals,  but  in  the  field  for 
food.  The  advice  I  had  given  was  to  release  all  prisoners 
on  parole  of  honour,  whether  the  authorities  at  Washing 
ton  exchanged  or  not.  I  had  advised  such  course  as 
one  of  humanity  and  good  policy.  Against  it  was  urged 
that  if  we  were  to  release  all  our  prisoners,  our  men  would 
be  held  and  treated  not  as  prisoners  of  war  but  as  traitors, 
and  would  be  tried  and  executed  as  such;  our  authorities 
must  hold  Federals  as  hostages  for  Confederates.  On 
the  whole,  therefore,  while  great  and  unavoidable  suffer 
ing  was  endured  by  our  prisoners,  and  some,  perhaps, 
occasioned  by  subordinates,  which  could  have  been 
avoided,  yet  I  had  no  idea  that  there  was  any  settled 
design  or  system  adopted  by  Mr.  Davis  or  the  heads  of 
departments  to  aggravate  hardships.  And  I  could  not, 
after  looking  over  the  whole  matter,  come  to  any  other 
conclusion  than  that  some  blame  rested  on  the  authori 
ties  at  Washington.  War  at  best  is  a  savage  business; 


446  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

it  never  had  been  and  never  would,  perhaps,  be  waged 
without  atrocities  on  all  sides.  Hence,  my  earnest  desire 
during  the  late  conflict  to  bring  about  pacification  by 
peaceful  negotiations  at  the  earliest  practical  moment. 
I  explained  to  Mr.  B.  and  gave  him  the  full  history  of 
my  proposed  visit  to  Washington  in  July,  1863.  Our 
conversation  lasted  upward  of  an  hour. 

Went  to  Lieut.  Newton's  room.  Sat  some  time  with 
him,  looking  over  his  books.  He  showed  me  around 
in  the  quartermaster  and  commissary's  rooms.  Saw 
the  great  bakery  and  cook-rooms.  Went  into  the  hall 
where  Company  A.  was  at  dinner.  Everything  was 
neat  and  clean.  The  room  was  filled  with  the  savoury 
smell  of  good  viands.  Got  on  a  pair  of  scales  and  Lieut. 
Newton  pronounced  my  weight  94^  pounds.  I  learned 
that  there  are  here  now  five  prisoners  instead  of  four.  A 
new  one  came  in  the  last  few  days.  Lieut.  Newton 
does  not  know  who  he  is  or  why  imprisoned;  he  is  kept 
in  close  quarters  and  not  allowed  to  go  out  at  all.  I  feel 
anxious  to  know  more  about  this  unfortunate:  "A 
fellow-feeling  makes  us  wondrous  kind."  Besides,  I 
never  yet  saw  or  heard  of  one  confined  in  the  walls  of 
a  dungeon,  that  I  did  not  feel  interest  in  his  behalf. 
Misfortune  ever  excited  my  sympathy.  At  school, 
when  a  small  boy,  I  read,  with  great  appreciation  of  the 
sentiment : 

Teach  me  to  feel  another's  woe,  To  hide  the  fault  I  see; 
That  mercy  I  to  others  show,  That  mercy  show  to  me. 

All  of  Pope's  "  Universal  Prayer,"  I  committed  to 
memory  of  my  own  accord  when  but  a  small  boy,  soon  after 
I  learned  to  read.  I  learned  it  in  a  borrowed  book  and 
committed  it  to  my  own  memory  to  have  it  always  with  me. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  447 

3.30. --Just  saw  Reagan  pass  my  window.  I  had 
got  through  with  the  biggest  row  I  have  yet  had  with 
bedbugs. 

5.30.  —  Geary  gone  to  Boston.  Baily  brought  evening 
paper.  The  pardon  of  H.  V.  Johnson  has  passed.  I  am 
glad  to  hear  it.  Reading  Richardson's  book.  As  further 
evidence  of  inexactness,  he  speaks  of  Gen.  "Daniel" 
E.  Twiggs.  General  Twiggs's  name  was  David.  This, 
it  is  true,  is  another  small  matter,  and  the  error  may 
have  been  the  printer's.  As  to  the  mistake  about  myself 
-my  once  being  a  "mail  carrier"  -that,  as  it  stands, 
is  not  his.  He  reports  a  "Colonel"  as  relating  that  he 
knew  me  when  I  was  an  orphan  boy,  and  that  I  was 
"mail  carrier."  I  was  an  orphan  boy;  and  at  one  time, 
if  I  could  have  got  such  a  situation  as  mail-carrier,  I 
would  have  gladly  accepted  it;  that  was  when  I  sought 
the  position  of  clerk  in  Thompson's  store,  in  Crawford- 
ville,  say  in  the  winter  of  1826-27.  But  no  such  good 
luck,  as  I  should  have  thought  the  opening,  struck  my 
path.  That  "Colonel"  never  knew  me  as  a  "mail- 
carrier."  I  doubt  if  he  ever  knew  me  at  all. 

Sallied  out  for  a  walk.  Lieut.  Newton  overtook 
and  handed  me  two  letters.  One  from  Dr.  Willis  states 
that  he  will  call  to  see  me  about  the  i8th.  The  other 
from  S.  J.  Anderson.  What  he  says  about  "complete 
pecuniary  arrangements"  I  do  not  understand.  I  trust 
he  means  no  such  thing  as  compensating  any  person 
for  exertions  in  my  behalf.  I  should  be  mortified  at 
any  such  arrangement  made  by  any  friend  of  mine.  I 
do  not  know  exactly  whether  I  would  accept  enlargement 
so  procured.  Met  Annie  Seaverns;  she  gave  me  some 
dowers. 

Lieut.  Newton  called  and  brought  a  box  of  peaches 


448  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  canteloupes  sent  me  from  Boston,  by  Mrs.  Salter 
perhaps.  Also,  my  tobacco  from  Mr.  Baskerville.  It 
is  excellent.  He  took  me  for  a  tramp  round  the  fort 
outside.  I  was  stronger  than  for  a  month.  We  stopped 
at  Johnston's  grave.  The  stone  says,  Edward  J.  J. 
Johnston,  died  i6th  Oct.  1863,  aged  36  years  and  nine 
months.  The  Lieutenant  showed  me  where  two  men 
shot  for  desertion  had  been  buried.  He  pointed  out 
where  they  stood  when  shot.  Their  bodies  were  removed 
by  friends.  What  a  history  might  the  life  of  each  of  these 
unfortunates  present,  if  correctly  portrayed !  Who  knows 
what  trials,  temptations,  wrongs,  griefs,  and  sufferings 
were  theirs?  We  went  to  where  the  men  practise  target- 
shooting  daily;  from  the  ramparts  above,  I  have  often 
looked  on  them  at  practice. 

Suddenly  one  of  those  sea-fogs  bobbed  up.  The 
whole  fort  was  enveloped  as  in  cloud.  We  could  hardly 
see  anything.  The  reason  I  never  noticed  this  phenome 
non  till  recently  is  that  I  was  always  in  my  cell,  and  when 
I  looked  out  and  saw  it  that  was  foggy,  I  did  not  know 
but  that  it  was  fog  such  as  we  have  in  our  country.  The 
walk  did  me  good.  I  gave  Baily  an  apple,  and  Mr. 
Devine  two  fine  peaches. 

August  12.  —  PRISON  SCENE.  LIFE  SKETCH.  6.30  A.  M. 
— Prisoner  wakes  and  sees  the  rays  of  the  sun  against 
the  wall.  Rises  and  looks  at  the  thermometer,  sees  it 
is  at  74,  places  it  on  the  outside  of  his  window  and  takes 
his  bunk  again.  The  guard  cautiously  approaches  the 
thermometer,  very  much  as  quadrupeds  of  all  species, 
from  a  cow  to  a  puppy,  draw  near  and  reconnoitre  what 
ever  is  set  within  their  view  which  they  do  not  exactly 
comprehend  —  advancing  step  by  step,  and  endeavouring 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  449 

with  nose  and  eyes  to  ascertain  what  it  is,  whether  some 
thing  of  danger  or  something  to  eat,  now  approaching 
a  little  nearer,  and  now  squatting  back  a  little.  Thus, 
the  guard  shyly  approached  the  thermometer,  evidently 
not  knowing  what  it  was  and  dubiously  anxious  to  make 
an  examination;  Prisoner  on  bunk  watching  his  motions. 
The  guard  is  too  low  of  stature  to  see  Prisoner  over  the 
window-sill,  though  his  head  is  visible  to  Prisoner.  At 
lasts  he  gets  near  enough,  and  by  rising  on  tiptoes,  is 
high  enough  to  gain  a  view,  as  Prisoner  supposes,  of  the 
shining  quicksilver  bulb  on  the  lower  end  of  the  tube: 
instantly  there  is  a  squat  and  retreat  as  if  he  was  looking 
for  the  thing  to  go  off.  Prisoner  rises,  in  his  silk  shirt 
and  drawers,  and  goes  to  the  window,  takes  the  thermom 
eter  in  full  view  of  the  guard  and  examines  it,  sees  that 
it  has  fallen  to  71,  then  hangs  it  on  the  wall  at  its  usual 
place :  all  of  which  guard  witnesses  with  curiosity  manifest 
in  countenance.  Prisoner  resumes  bunk,  which  is  too 
low  for  guard  to  see  occupant.  Here  he  lies  for  some 
time,  when  there  is  a  tap  at  the  door. 

Prisoner.  Come  in.  [Enter  Baily.]  Good  morning, 
Mr.  Baily. 

Baily      Good  morning.     Shall  I  make  a  fire? 

Prisoner.  You  may  put  on  a  little  wood,  no  coal.  [Pris 
oner  had  a  coal  fire  last  night.]  But  first,  I  wish  you 
would  have  a  button  sewed  on  my  pants.  The  button 
is  on  the  table.  Take  it  and  the  pants  to  Mr. 
Devine. 

[Baily    retires    with    the    pants    and    button.     Quickly 
returns  with  the  button  sewed  on.] 

Prisoner.  Ah!  that  is  right.  [Dresses  while  Baily 
makes  the  wood  fire.] 

Baily.     When  will  you  have  your  breakfast? 


450  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Prisoner.  As  soon  as  it  is  ready.  [Exit  Baily  and 
returns.] 

Baily.     Breakfast  will  be  ready  in  about  ten  minutes. 

Prisoner.  [Dressed]  All  right.  [Takes  up  his  Bible. 
Enter  Baily  with  breakfast  in  thirty  minutes.  Prisoner 
lays  down  book  and  sits  up  to  the  table.] 

Prisoner.     What  time  does  Mr.  Reagan  breakfast? 

Baily.     At  half-past  eight. 

Prisoner.     Does  he  board  with  Mr.  Hall,  as  I  do? 

Baily.  No,  he  gets  his  rations  from  the  Post.  Some 
times  he  buys  vegetables. 

Prisoner.     Are  his  rations  cooked  and  sent  to  him? 

Baily.     Yes,  sir;  his  vegetables  are  also  cooked  for  him. 

Prisoner.     Are  you  a  corporal? 

Baily.  No,  sir.  I  was  clerk  in  the  office  for  the 
prisoners  under  Lieut.  Woodman. 

Prisoner.  And  you  still  hold  that  position?  You  are 
just  a  private  on  that  and  other  duties  that  may  be 
assigned  you  in  connection  with  it? 

Baily.    Yes,  sir. 

Prisoner.  Do  your  parents  live  in  Boston?  [Baily 
is  young,  in  appearance  not  more  than  18.] 

Baily.  No,  sir.  They  reside  about  thirty  miles  from 
Boston. 

Prisoner.     What  church  were  you  brought  up  in? 

Baily.  The  Congregationalist.  [Baily  retires.  Pris 
oner  finishes  breakfast,  and  walks  his  room,  musing,  and 
longing  for  somebody  to  talk  to.] 

[This  sketch  gives  the  incidents  of  the  morning  and 
some  glimpse  of  my  prison  life.] 

10  A.  M.  -  -  Baily  has  just  brought  me  a  nice  piece 
of  watermelon,  red  meat  and  black  seed.  It  is  his  own 
present.  Thanks  to  him.  It  is  excellent.  First  I  have 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  451 

seen  this  year.  But  it  is  not  so  sweet  and  delicious-  as 
Georgia  melons! 

Went  out  to  take  my  leave  of  Major  Appleton.  He 
is  not  going  until  night;  will  call  and  see  me  first.  Sat 
and  talked  with  him  until  the  morning  boat  was 
announced;  then  came  to  my  quarters  where  I  must 
remain  while  it  is  at  the  landing.  In  a  few  minutes  after 
the  last  line  was  penned,  I  heard  hasty  footsteps 
approaching.  A  rap.  "Come  in."  Enter  Lieut.  New 
ton  accompanied  by  General  Pratt,  an  old  Congress 
acquaintance  from  Connecticut,  and  by  a  friend  of  his, 
introduced  as  Mr.  Bacon.  General  Pratt  I  knew  well 
in  Congress:  had  high  regard  for  him,  and  appreciated 
him  as  a  gentleman  of  intelligence,  integrity,  and  virtue: 
a  true  patriot  of  the  old  school.  He  had  called  to  see 
me,  bringing  his  friend.  I  was  well  pleased  with  Mr. 
Bacon. 

We  talked  rapidly  for  about  fifteen  minutes,  when 
Lieut.  Newton,  who  had  left  us,  returned.  Lieut.  Wood 
man  came  to  inform  the  visitors  that  the  boat  was  about 
to  leave.  I  insisted  that  they  should  stay  and  dine 
with  me  and  go  up  in  the  evening  boat,  but  the  General 
said  he  was  obliged  to  go  now.  I  was  very  much  grati 
fied  at  the  visit.  It  did  me  good.  I  believe  I  am  feeling 
better  to-day  than  any  day  since  I  have  been  in  this  prison. 
General  Pratt  urged  me  to  visit  him,  when  I  should  be 
released.  I  told  him  I  would  if  I  could;  I  did  not  know 
when  my  release  would  be.  He  spoke  as  if  he  thought 
it  would  be  before  winter.  I  hope  his  opinion  may  prove 
well  founded.  In  the  papers,  I  see  denial  that  H.  V. 
Johnson  has  been  pardoned. 

12.30.  —  Called  on  Mrs.  Livermore.  Sat  and  talked 
with  her  a  half-hour.  Find  her  very  agreeable  and 


452  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

well  educated.  She  lent  me  a  book,  "An  Historical 
Research,"  anti-slavery  in  character,  by  George  Liver- 
more,  of  Boston,  uncle  to  Captain  Livermore.  The 
Captain,  I  understand,  will  command  here  when  Major 
Appleton  leaves ;  his  Christian  name  is  Charles  Frederick, 
for  in  the  book  is  this:  " Lieut.  Chas.  Fred.  Livermore, 
with  the  kind  regards  of  his  uncle,  G.  L."  It  is  now 
two  weeks  since  my  release  from  close  confinement. 
I  have  improved  wonderfully  in  strength  and  health. 

4.20.  —  Major  Appleton  called  to  bid  me  good-bye. 
He  sat  and  we  talked  until  now;  he  has  just  left  me. 
His  name  is  J.  M.  Appleton.  He  has  treated  me  with 
a  great  deal  of  kindness,  and  I  deeply  regret  his  leaving. 
My  best  wishes  attend  him.  He  has  done  all  for  my 
comfort  and  well-being  since  I  have  been  under  his  charge 
that  he  could  consistently  with  orders.  Nothing  more. 
For  this,  I  am  truly  grateful. 

5  p.  M. — A  tap  was  heard  at  my  door.  "Come 
in,"  I  said.  I  turned,  and  saw  Mrs.  Appleton  enter 
ing  with  beaming  smiles  and  bearing  in  her  hands  a 
bundle  of  books;  she  was  followed  by  two  men  bringing 
for  my  window  a  box  of  flowers  that  heretofore  had  been 
in  the  Major's.  She  remained  but  a  moment,  had  to 
return  on  the  boat.  A  last  good-bye  was  given.  I  am 
alone  again.  The  books  are  Swedenborg  on  "Heaven 
and  Hell,"  "The  Last  Judgment,"  and  others,  all  works 
I  have  been  desirous  of  getting  for  some  time  and  I  am 
truly  obliged  to  her  on  that  account;  besides,  I  deeply 
appreciate  her  spirit  of  kindness.  Surely  I  have  much 
more  to  console  me  than  many  other  prisoners  have 
had.  Walked  out.  Met  Lieut.  Woodman  and  went 
to  his  room.  Sat  and  talked  with  him  until  his  tea  time. 
Learned  from  him  that  the  new  prisoner  is  from  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  453 

North  and  charged  with  frauds  in  the  military  service. 
Walked  on  the  rampart.  Saw  two  propellers  going  in 
to  Boston.  Went  to  Harrington's  office.  Sat  and 
talked  with  Captain  Baldwin  in  front  of  his  quarters. 
His  rooms  are  over  mine. 

9.  p.  M.  —  Lieut.  Newton  called  and  sat  for  upward 
of  an  hour.  Time  spent  in  pleasant  conversation  about 
General  Grant  and  others. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

SUNDAY,  August  13.  When  I  awoke  the 
drum  was  beating,  I  thought  for  six,  but  en 
inquiring  of  Baily,  who  came,  I  learned  that  it 
was  for  eight.  Breakfast  was  on  my  table  almost  as 
soon  as  I  was  ready.  Finished  Acts.  Every  time  I 
read  of  Paul's  arrest,  imprisonment,  and  noble  defense, 
the  more  I  am  impressed  with  his  character.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  learning,  ability,  and  eloquence;  in  tact 
in  oratory  not  inferior  to  Cicero;  in  purity,  uprightness, 
and  genuine  earnestness  of  soul,  without  a  parallel 
amongst  the  ancients  even  as  an  orator.  Eloquence, 
after  all,  depends  more  upon  real  zeal,  unaffected  earnest 
ness,  deep  and  strong  convictions,  than  on  any  of  the 
arts  and  graces  taught  in  the  schools. 

Geary  returned  by  morning  boat.  Bright,  and  with 
a  smile,  he  announced  himself,  bringing  the  Sunday 
Boston  Herald.  I  was  glad  to  see  him.  He  went  to  bring 
me  a  pitcher  of  water  while  I  looked  over  the  papers. 
Lieut.  Newton  had  called  to  say  that  he  was  going  up  to 
Boston  to-day  and  that  Lieut.  Woodman  is  in  command 
of  the  fort.  Captain  Livermore  is  on  detail  service,  on  a 
court  martial  in  a  neighbouring  island.  Lieut.  Woodman 
soon  called,  handing  me  a  letter  from  Miss  Nichols,  of 
Washington  City.  She  writes  that  she  has  seen  Governor 
Corwin  in  my  behalf  and  is  hopeful  that  I  shall  be  released 
before  long.  Hope  is  a  good  thing  to  rely  on  when  we 
can  get  nothing  more  substantial.  Can  she  refer  to 

454 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  455 

the  Hon.  Thomas  Corwin,  of  Ohio  ?  *  I  am  in  doubt.  I 
thought  he  was  in  Mexico.  She  says  he  expressed  senti 
ments  favourable  to  me.  How  I  longed  for  letters  from 
home,  from  Linton! 

Cut  my  canteloupe.  Took  out  three  slices,  handed 
Geary  the  remainder  and  told  him  to  divide  with  Baily 
and  Mr.  Devine.  It  was  very  fine,  but  fearing  bad 
results,  I  took  a  drink  of  gin,  the  last  of  Lieut.  Wood 
man's  present.  I  have  on  hand  some  of  Harry's  whisky. 
That  bottle  is  not  empty  yet. 

Noon.  Finished  Richardson's  book.  Some  little 
errors  I  have  mentioned.  His  prison  sketches  are  appal 
ling;  I  had  no  idea  there  was  such  a  state  of  things  in 
Salisbury,  N.  C.  He  puts  part  of  the  responsibility 
rightfully  upon  Mr.  Stanton. 

i  p.  M.  —  Returned  from  the  terreplein.  The  sky 
is  cerulean.  All  nature,  the  air,  the  ocean,  everything 
is  serene.  Few  sails  of  any  kind  are  seen;  the  few  visible 
seem  to  be  at  anchor,  at  rest.  In  the  fort,  all  is  still; 
no  one  stirring,  no  one  to  be  seen  except  the  guards  on 
duty,  and  they  seem  conscious  that  it  is  Sunday:  the 
surroundings  for  the  first  time  since  I  have  been  here, 
reflect  the  fact  that  it  is  the  Holy  Sabbath.  My  mind 
wandered  far  away,  dwelling  on  distant  scenes. 

How  are  all  at  home?  How  do  the  yard,  the  grove, 
the  lot,  and  all  things  about  Liberty  Hall,  appear  to 
those  who  are  there  to-day?  How  would  it  appear, 
whom  should  I  see  and  what  would  they  be  doing,  could 
I  but  look  upon  my  home?  Is  there  preaching  in  the 
church?  Is  the  road  blocked  up  with  horses  and  car 
riages,  and  crowds  of  persons  walking  round  about  and 

*  Former  Governor  of  Ohio,  U.  S.  Senator,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Chairman  of  House 
Committee  of  conciliation  in  1860;  Minister  to  Mexico,  1861-64.  One  of  Mr.  Stephens's  Congress 
friends;  Mr.  Stephens's  speech  on  the  Galphin  Claim,  1853,  defends  him. 


456  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

passing  in  and  out  of  the  gate  —  while  Tim,  Dora,  and 
Fanny  *  stand  on  the  fence  gazing  at  strange  faces  and 
things  stranger  than  faces  to  their  young,  curious,  inquisi 
tive  minds?  Or,  is  it  one  of  those  quiet,  still  Sabbaths 
when  nobody  is  astir  but  old  Aunt  Matt  t  and  Eliza,  t  such 
Sabbaths  as  I  have  often  witnessed  ?  These,  and  similar 
reflections  flitted  through  my  mind  as  I  made  my  usual 
circuit.  I  even  thought  how  pleasantly  I  could  pass 
my  days  of  confinement  here  if  I  but  had  Linton  with 
me;  and  were  a  few  changes  made. 

If,  for  instance,  I  could  be  taken  out  of  this  low,  under 
ground,  damp  room.  If  I  could  be  allowed  a  better 
and  more  comfortable  bed,  one  not  filled  with  vermin. 
Could  I  be  permitted  to  occupy  one  of  the  rooms  above, 
removed  from  the  scent  of  the  foul  air  from  the  sink 
which  reaches  me  here.  With  such  furniture  and  com 
forts  as  I  might  then  bring  about  me,  could  I  but  have 
Linton  with  me,  I  really  do  not  know  I  could  anywhere 
else  enjoy  more  pleasure  than  in  this  Fort.  Contempla 
tion  of  the  sad  condition,  desolation,  and  ruin  of  my 
country  must  of  necessity  force  sorrow  upon  me,  let  me 
be  where  I  may.  Were  I  at  home,  I  might  see  many 
things  to  oppress  the  heart  from  which  I  am  relieved  at 
this  distance.  We  poor  mortals  show  our  short-sighted 
ness  in  nothing  more  than  in  choosing  what  we  suppose 
to  be  best  for  us.  It  may  be  best  for  to  me  remain  here 
-  without  Linton  —  in  this  damp  low  room,  on  this 
hard  stone  floor  with  all  the  other  discomforts. 

Went  all  round  the  Island  with  Lieut.  Woodman.  It 
must  be  much  more  than  a  mile  in  circuit.  I  became 
fatigued.  Saw  soldiers  bathing  in  the  sea. 

I  have  a  presentiment  that  in  this  pending  fourteenth 

*  Little  Negroes;  Harry's  children,     t  An  Aged  Negress,      J  Harry's  wife,  the  cook. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  457 

week  of  my  confinement  I  will  see  the  last  of  its  worst 
features.  I  record  this  impression  reverently.  It  may 
be  but  a  phantom  of  the  imagination,  yet  it  gives  hope 
while  it  lasts. 

August  14. — Violently  ill  again.  Sent  for  Harring 
ton.  Lieutenants  Newton  and  Woodman  came  to  see 
me.  Senator  Henry  Wilson  called,  and  sat  some  time; 
Captain  Baldwin  was  with  him.  I  am  now  up,  very 
weak.  These  paroxysms  exhaust  me.  After  my  usual 
bath  this  morning,  the  extremities  became  cold;  legs  and 
thighs  grew  quite  cold;  I  wrapped  up  in  bed,  but  did 
not  get  reaction  until  Harrington  administered  brandy. 
At  1.30,  Lieut.  Newton  called  to  tell  me  that  permission 
has  been  granted  by  telegram  from  Washington  for  me 
to  see  Mr.  Reagan  one  hour  daily.  This  is  a  great 
privilege.  He  left  to  call  again  at  two.  He  brought 
me  Burns's  works,  as  I  requested,  from  Boston;  price 
$2.50. 

3.15.  -  -  Lieut.  Newton  has  not  come  yet.  Geary 
brought  me  a  good  bowl  of  soup. 

Sutler  has  just  sent  his  bill,  $42.15.     Paid  it. 

While  I  was  writing  the  last  line,  Lieut.  Newton  called 
for  me,  and  I  went  to  see  Reagan.  It  was  all  I  could 
do  to  repress  the  flood  that  welled  to  my  eyes  as  I  entered 
his  room  and  saw  him  approaching.  His  voice  choked 
as  he  bade  me  " Howdy"  -or  what  it  was,  I  do  not 
recollect.  I  know  he  spoke,  and  choked,  and  smiled. 
Nor  do  I  recollect  what  I  said.  I  was  careful  to  say  little 
until  the  mood  upon  me  should  pass.  He  had  but  one 
chair.  Geary  soon  brought  my  cane-bottomed  chair. 
Lieut.  N.  left  us.  Reagan  was  sewing  on  a  button  when 
we  entered.  He  had  on  the  same  suit  as  when  we  entered 


458  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

this  prison.  Coat  is  pretty  well  worn.  The  pants,  I 
think  he  bought  at  Hilton  Head.  We  spent  nearly  an 
hour  pleasantly  indeed.  I  staid  until  Lieut.  N.  came 
to  take  him  on  his  evening  walk.  I  felt  much  better  than 
in  the  morning.  I  was  able  to  remain  and  enjoy  myself 
the  whole  time.  I  soon  learned  that  solitary  confine 
ment  has  been  horrible  to  him;  no  less  than  to  me,  I 
think.  He  has  not  known  that  he  could  board,  as  I  do, 
with  the  sutler. 

"Well,  what  did  you  talk  about?"  somebody,  if  any 
such  body  ever  reads  this,  will  be  ready  to  ask.  If  so, 
I  have  to  say  that  we  talked  a  little  about  almost  every 
thing  and  said  nothing  in  particular.  We  spent  the  time 
pretty  much  as  people  in  the  country  do  when  some  one 
comes  home  unexpectedly  after  a  long  absence,  all  shiver 
ing  in  the  cold,  after  nightfall,  during  the  short  interval 
between  "howdy"  and  getting  supper  ready.  We  had 
no  special  talk  on  anything.  He  spoke  in  general  terms 
of  his  application,  of  a  document  he  had  sent  to  Texas, 
advising  the  people  to  accept  the  condition  of  things. 
He  showed  me  some  flowers  Mrs.  Appleton  had  sent  him, 
and  spoke  in  the  kindliest  terms  of  her  attentions.  He 
showed  me  the  little  mauls  he  uses  as  dumb-bells  for 
exercising  his  arms  and  the  muscles  of  his  chest.  He 
told  me  how  he  had  been  living.  We  flew  from  one 
subject  to  another  just  as  an  elastic  ball  bounds  from 
one  point  to  another  under  any  force  that  drives  it  along. 
So  passed  our  brief  first  interview.  I  returned  to  my 
quarters,  greatly  rejoiced  at  this  new  arrangement, 
thinking  that  my  presentiment  of  a  change  for  the  better 
was  not  altogether  illusory,  and  with  a  grateful  heart  to 
the  Giver  of  all  good. 

5.45.  —  Another    paroxysm;    was    much    weakened. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  459 

Mr.  Harrington  called;  he  talks  sensibly  upon  diseases; 
his  knowledge  is  practical;  he  has  been  in  the  hospital 
many  years;  and  being  kind-hearted  and  sympathetic, 
he  could  not  fail  to  learn  a  great  deal.  He  told  me  he 
should  try  to  have  me  moved  to  another  room,  one  on 
the  upper  floor,  drier  and  healthier  than  this.  I  hope 
he  may  succeed. 

6.30. -- Walked  up  to  Captain  Baldwin's  room; 
then  took  a  few  rounds  on  the  pavement  in  front  of  the 
officers'  quarters.  This  is  the  least  walk  of  any  day 
since  I  have  been  here,  but  I  am  glad  I  was  able  to  take 
it,  short  as  it  was.  The  band  played  the  most  plaintive 
tune;  one  they  often  play. 

There  are  two  messes.  One  for  the  Major's  (when 
he  was  here),  the  captains'  and  the  officers'  families, 
with  the  sutler.  I  get  my  meals  from  this.  The  other 
is  that  of  the  lieutenants  over  the  way  at  Mrs.  Nutler's. 
Mrs.  Nutler  is  the  laundress.  The  hours  of  meals  differ, 
the  lieutenants'  being  an  hour  earlier. 

August  15.  —  Did  not  sleep  much.  There  was 
much  noise  in  rooms  not  far  off,  noise  of  revelry  and 
dissipation  without  music  or  song.  I  guessed  it  to  be 
a  jollification  that  Lieut.  Woodman  was  having  with 
his  brother  officers  before  his  departure.  In  this  I  was 
right,  as  Geary  told  me  this  morning.  This  in  Zacha- 
riah  impresses  me:  "Turn  you  to  your  stronghold,  ye 
prisoners  of  hope:  even  to-day  do  I  declare  that  I  will 
render  double  unto  thee."  I  am  a  prisoner  of  hope. 
But  what  is  the  double  to  be  rendered  unto  me  ?  Double 
chastisement  or  double  deliverance  ?  or  is  not  the  promise 
to  me  at  all? 

Sent  Geary  to  sutler's  for  a  pack  of  cards,  so  that 


460  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

when  I  go  to  see  Reagan  to-day,  we  may  entertain  our 
selves  with  a  game  of  euchre  or  piquet;  price  $1.00. 

Examined  Colton's  "New  Atlas"  of  1863.  The 
other  evening,  while  I  was  conversing  with  Captain 
Baldwin  about  the  currents  in  the  ocean,  particularly 
the  Gulf  Stream,  he  asked  if  I  had  seen  this  Atlas,  wherein 
the  currents  are  marked  out.  I  said  I  had  not,  but 
should  like  to  see  it;  he  sent  it  to  my  room.  I  find  the 
currents,  in  the  main,  as  I  had  supposed.  Some  egregious 
errors  are  in  this  Atlas.  On  my  principle  of  testing 
general  accuracy  by  accuracy  in  matters  with  -which  I 
am  familiar,  examined  Colton  on  such  matters.  He 
gives  the  census  of  my  county,  Taliaferro,  in  1860  thus: 
whites  1,693,  free  blacks  41,  and  slaves  2,849.  I  do  no^ 
know  exactly  what  the  relative  population  was  then, 
but  am  certain  that  there  were  not  1,200  more  blacks 
than  whites  in  it.  He  gives  Atlanta's  population  thus: 
1840,  1,000;  1850,  2,572;  1860,  4,416.  Now,  in  1840,  I 
do  know  that  there  was  not  a  soul  in  Atlanta.  The 
place  was  not  settled.  I  stood  on  its  present  site  of 
Atlanta  on  the  2ist  July,  1843,  and  there  was  not  a  habited 
house  there.  It  was  a  perfect  forest.  Some  excavations 
for  the  railroad  had  been  made,  a  store  or  gin-house 
put  up,  and  a  frame  for  a  dwelling  was  in  process  of 
erection;  but  not  a  family  was  living  there.  Dr.  Glen- 
worth,  of  Sandtown,  and  myself,  going  from  Decatur  to 
Campbellton,  stopped  on  that  day  at  the  present  site 
and  took  lunch.  I  have  not  time  now  to  point  out  the 
many  small  errors  about  Georgia  in  this  Atlas.  The 
error  as  to  Atlanta's  population  for  1840  is  no  more  strik 
ing  than  for  1860;  instead  of  4,416,  it  was  not  much  under 
12,000. 

Last  night,  I  examined  Mr.  Livermore's   "Historical 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  461 

Research  or  Opinion  of  the  Founders  of  the  Republic 
on  Negroes  as  Slaves,  Citizens,  and  Soldiers. "  The 
work  shows  much  research.  The  general  conclusions 
are  correct.  The  criticism  upon  Chief  Justice  Taney's 
decision,  I  do  not  think  exactly  fair;  the  argument  does 
not  meet  the  points  squarely.  I  doubt  if  Judge  Taney 
would  have  denied  a  single  position  as  to  the  facts  assumed 
or  set  forth  here.  The  legal  consequences  of  these  facts 
are  entirely  a  different  matter.  Still  in  that  Dred  Scott 
case,  I  think  Justice  Curtis  had  the  better  of  the  argument. 
But  Mr.  Livermore  does  not  seem  fully  to  understand  the 
extent  to  which  Judge  Curtis  differed  from  tie  Chief  Justice. 

Lieut.  Woodman  called.  Left  me  Harper's  Weekly. 
The  same  bitterness  continues  in  this  paper  against  the 
South.  The  sketches  illustrating  the  flight  of  "Jeff 
Davis,"  pretendedly  by  an  English  artist  and  made  on  the 
spot,  are  all  gammon.  There  is  no  truth  in  them.  Wash 
ington,  Ga.,  where  this  parting  scene  between  Mr.  Davis 
and  his  cabinet  is  represented  to  have  taken  place,  is 
well  known  to  me.  There  are  no  such  buildings  in  that 
town  as  this  cut  purports  to  picture  from  life. 

10.30.  -  -  The  surgeon  from  Gallops  Island,  who 
attends  Dr.  Seaverns's  patients  in  his  absence,  called. 
I  did  not  learn  his  name.  He  seems  to  be  a  pleasant 
and  intelligent  gentleman.  I  went  round  to  see  Reagan. 
Geary  went  with  me  to  open  the  door  to  Reagan's  quar 
ters,  carrying  my  chair.  Reagan  read  me  his  letter  to 
the  people  of  Texas.*  Lieut.  Newton  had  told  him  that 
there  was  no  objection  to  his  showing  it  to  me.  He  ad- 

*  Reagan  says  in  his  "Memoirs"  (226-227)  that  this  letter  was  approved  by  Senator  Henry 
Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York,  President  Johnson,  Secretary 
Seward,  and  others  who  urged  him  to  get  Texas  "to  lead  off  in  that  line  of  policy  [qualified 
Negro  suffrage]  as  the  only  means  of  avoiding  military  government.  On  my  return  home  I 
found  that  the  people  were  not  in  condition  to  reason  on  the  subject,  and  I  had  to  abandon 
the  idea  ot  trying  to  induce  them  to  make  such  concessions  as  ...  would  have  saved 
them  from  military  governments  and  universal  Negro  suffrage." 


462  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

vises  extension  of  the  franchise,  with  some  restrictions,  to 
the  black  race,  but  with  no  discrimination  against  Negroes 
as  a  race  in  future  extensions. 

Without  depriving  any  now  possessing  the  franchise, 
he  advises  that,  for  the  future,  restrictions,  applying  to 
all  alike,  be  thrown  around  it.  I  greatly  prefer  my  plan; 
still,  I  see  no  insuperable  objection  to  his.  After  talking 
over  these  matters,  we  entertained  ourselves  at  euchre; 
then  I  taught  him  piquet.  After  leaving  his  room,  I 
visited  Captain  and  Mrs.  Livermore.  I  learned  from 
her  that  Mr.  Hall,  the  sutler,  no  longer  serves  the  mess 
from  which  I  get  my  meals.  He  has  given  it  up.  It 
is  now  under  her  management.  I  did  not  inquire  into 
particulars;  I  was  just  leaving  when  the  change  was 
announced  to  me  by  her  in  asking  about  my  meals,  if  the 
times  of  serving  and  the  character  of  food  suited  me, 
etc.  I  must  make  further  inquiries.  Perhaps  I  may 
have  to  contribute  more  as  my  share.  I  pursued  my 
walk.  The  sea  was  calm;  little  air  was  stirring,  and 
few  sails  to  be  seen.  Away  off  to  the  right  of  Boston,  in 
Chelsea  perhaps,  is  a  spot  from  which  a  vast  column 
of  smoke  is  forever  ascending.  At  this  spot,  Lieut. 
Woodman  told  me  soon  after  I  came  here,  are  copper 
works.  The  smoke  from  the  furnaces,  like  the  smoke 
from  perdition,  seems  to  ascend  forever.  Day  and  night, 
Sunday,  and  all  other  times  it  is  ever  rising. 

ANOTHER  FANCY  SKETCH,  YET  NOT  ALTOGETHER 

FANCY: 

[R.  M.  Johnston  entering  by  the  window  of  imagination.] 
Johnston.     Well,  sir,  how  are  you? 
Prisoner.     [Rising  quickly.]   Why,  Dick,  how  are  you  ? 
I  am  so  glad  to  see  you.     Another  verification  of  the 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  463 

old  adage,  " Think  of-  — ,"  you  know.  I  was  thinking 
of  you,  and  here  you  are.  How  have  you  been?  The 
last  time  you  were  here,  you  cut  so  abruptly  upon  the 
coming  in  of  Lieut.  Newton,  that  I  feared  you  were 
scared  off  for  good,  had  deserted  me;  were  so  afraid  of 
being  locked  up  here  with  me  that  you  made  up  your  mind 
to  keep  away  from  these  not  very  interesting  quarters. 
But  be  seated.  Tell  me  why  you  came  through  that 
window.  Why  didn't  you  get  permission  to  visit  me, 
and  come  in  at  the  door  ?  I  am  permitted  now  to  receive 
my  friends.  I  am  looking  every  day  for  Linton.  I 
wrote  him  two  weeks  ago  to  come  and  bring  you  if  you 
could  come.  I  have  various  privileges  extended  to  me 
now.  I  hope  the  midnight  of  my  individual  misfortunes 
is  passed,  and  the  dawn  is  at  hand. 

Johnston.     What  makes  you  think  so? 

Prisoner.  I  could  not  tell  were  I  to  try.  You  know 
my  opinion  about  our  triune  nature — the  material,  the 
intellectual,  and  the  spiritual.  This  feeling  springs 
from  the  spiritual.  Its  operations  are  beyond  all  principle 
of  bare  intellectual  ratiocination.  But  this  is  apart  from 
what  I  intended  to  talk  to  you  about.  How  are  you 
getting  on  in  Georgia? 

Johnston.  Bad  enough,  worse  than  I  expected.  This 
Negro  problem  is  presenting  new  aspects.  Far  more 
difficult  questions  than  even  emancipation  rise  to  view. 
What  are  we  to  do  with  these  questions?  The  present 
and  future  are  darker  than  any  period  in  the  past. 

Prisoner.  Quiet  and  repose  is  what  the  people  need. 
They  are  not  in  condition  to  grasp  and  settle  these  ques 
tions.  In  delirium  tremens,  the  first  object  is  to  get  the 
patient  asleep.  There  is  no  hope  unless  he  can  rest 
for  at  least  a  short  time.  The  patient  in  this  case,  the 


464  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

body  politic,  is  in  excitement,  has  been  bordering  on 
delirium  tremens,  if  not  actually  in  that  horrible  state. 
The  first  essential  is  repose.  This  end  should  be  attained 
by  the  earliest  possible  restoration  of  law  and  order, 
the  bringing  of  the  States  back  into  practical  relations 
with  the  Central  Government.  Whenever  this  is  done 
upon  almost  any  rational  basis,  normal  functioning 
will  begin  throughout  the  organism,  new  life  will  manifest 
itself,  and  returning  health. 

Johnston.     And  are  you  hopeful  of  the  future? 

Prisoner.  Yes,  as  much  as  for  several  years  past.  I  have 
great  confidence  in  the  capacity  of  man  for  self-govern 
ment.  I  believe  in  the  vigour  of  the  young  manhood 
of  the  American  people.  I  know  the  public  is  suffering 
extremely  from  late  dissipations;  the  whole  body  is  sick 
nigh  unto  death,  North  and  South.  This  young  Hercules 
of  a  Republic  is  bordering  on  delirium  tremens,  but  I 
feel  assured  that  if  he  can  but  get  quiet,  if  sleep  can  be 
induced  and  his  nervous  balance  restored,  all  will  yet 
be  well  with  him.  With  the  normal  action  of  the  Ameri 
can  system  once  restored,  those  great  principles  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  which  underlie  all  our  institutions, 
and  which  are  now  overridden,  will  again  arise  in  their 
original  power  and  strength.  But  there  are  great  diffi 
culties  ahead;  the  prospect  is  gloomy  enough. 

Johnston.  I  am  glad  to  see  you  hopeful.  I  was  begin 
ning  for  the  first  time  to  despair.  Heretofore,  you  have 
always  presented  a  darker  side  than  I  had  seen  —  since 
1860  until  now. 

Prisoner.  Do  not  suppose  me  more  sanguine  than  I  am. 
Things  are  no  worse  than  I  have  expected,  and  not  yet 
so  bad  as  I  am  prepared  to  see  them  before  they  mend. 
The  difficulties  ahead  are  appalling.  They  may,  how- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  465 

ever,  be  surmounted.  This  is  the  hope  that  calls  every 
patriot  to  lend  a  hand  to  speedy  restoration  of  peace, 
law,  and  order  upon  any  practical  basis.  Let  this  be 
the  first  great  object.  If  this  fails,  there  is  no  fathoming 
the  abyss  into  which  we  may  be  plunged. 

Johnston.  I  am  glad  to  find  you  more  cheerful  than 
you  were.  I  suppose  you  are  not  entirely  without 
something  to  amuse  you  even  here?  But  I  confess  I  see 
nothing  that  could  stir  a  vein  of  humour  in  my  nature. 

Prisoner.  [Laughing.]  Why,  sir,  humour  is  a  strange 
thing.  I  have  sometimes  been  almost  offended  with  myself 
for  a  disposition  to  laugh.  I  have  fondness  for  humour 
in  my  saddest  moments.  I  see  a  great  deal  in  prison 
life  to  laugh  at ;  if  I  had  you  and  Linton  with  me,  I  think  we 
could  amuse  ourselves  as  much  here  as  men  ought  to  when 
their  country  is  passing  through  such  an  ordeal  as  is  ours. 
[Enter  Lieut.  Woodman  bringing  Governor  Alfred  Gum 
ming.  Exit  Johnston  through  the  window  aforesaid^ 

Governor  Gumming  spent  only  a  few  moments;  re 
turned  to  Boston  by  the  boat.  He  promised  to  spend 
to-morrow  with  me.  The  Great  Eastern  has  been  heard 
from.  The  cable  was  [illegible  word]  2d  August. 

Mr.  Harrington  tells  me  that  the  doctor  who  called 
this  morning  is  named  Monroe,  and  that  he  has  recom 
mended  a  change  of  quarters  for  me,  removal  from  the 
stone  floor  to  a  room  above.  If  this  be  granted,  I  shall 
be  greatly  relieved.  Cole  writes  that  it  was  at  his  instance 
I  am  allowed  to  visit  Reagan  daily.  I  begin  to  see  the 
dawn.  Unto  Thee,  O  Father,  be  my  thanks  reverently 
poured  forth! 

On  the  ramparts,  Lieut.  Woodman  joined  me.  We 
walked  round  twice,  then  rested  on  the  bench.  We 


466  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

went  on  the  parapet,  I  taking  his  arm.  I  was  a  little 
afraid  to  walk  on  it  without  support;  being  weak,  was 
afraid  I  should  fall  or  pitch  over.  For  supper,  bread 
and  milk.  Days  are  shortening,  nights  lengthening. 
Longer  time  'twixt  candle-light  and  bed-going  than  in 
June.  After  supper,  I  read  the  Georgia  papers  that 
Governor  Cumming  left,  and  got  all  the  information 
I  could  from  the  good,  beloved,  but  down-trodden  old 
State.  My  heart  and  my  soul  are  with  her.  I  read  even 
the  advertisements  to  see  if  I  could  find  any  familiar 
names.  In  one  issue,  I  saw  editorial  notice  of  the  order 
to  take  possession  of  Toombs's  house  and  Steadman's 
order  countermanding  it.*  I  do  hope  DuBose  got  home 
in  time.  I  am  afraid  my  house  will  be  confiscated  in 
a  similar  way  by  the  Freedman's  Bureau.  Lieut.  W. 
came  down  and  talked  with  me.  I  gave  him  a  short 
sketch  of  myself  and  also  of  Linton.  He  inquired  about 
Linton.  He  really  seems  to  take  an  interest  in  my  affairs. 

August  1 6. --Was  perplexed  last  night  in  regard 
to  writing  to  the  President  for  a  personal  interview. 
If  he  were  to  grant  it,  I  do  think  I  could  show  him  that 
I  am  justly  entitled  to  release  on  parole.  If  he  should 
reject  the  application,  it  would  be  mortifying.  I  did 
not  sleep  much.  I  was  feverish  and  restless.  Rose  early. 

I  have  drawn  up  a  letter  of  which  this  is  a  copy: 

Mr.  President:  With  profound  acknowledgments  for 
the  relaxation  of  the  order  for  my  close  confinement, 
I  am  induced  to  make  another  appeal  to  you.  I  am 
anxious  to  have  a  personal  interview  and  conference 
with  you.  I  am  not  without  strong  convictions  that  if 

*  The  Freedman's  Bureau  ordered  Mrs.  Toombs  to  vacate  it  to  their  use.     General  Steadman 
.restored  it  to  her. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  467 

I  could  have  such  an  interview  I  could  easily  satisfy 
you  that  my  request  for  release  on  parole  or  bail  should 
be  granted  no  less  on  public  than  private  considerations. 
Will  you  please  grant  such  interview?  If  you  should, 
and  I  should  be  released  so  far  as  to  go  to  Washington, 
I  need  not  assure  you,  I  trust,  that  in  case  the  further 
release  on  parole  to  go  to  my  home  should  not  be  granted 
after  the  interview,  I  should  return  to  this  place.  My 
conduct  and  well-known  position  before  my  arrest  and 
since,  I  feel  assured,  is  sufficient  guarantee  that  in  no 
possible  contingency  would  I  attempt  to  escape.  My 
petition  is  earnestly  though  briefly  submitted.  Act 
upon  it  as  you  think  best.  Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 


Went  to  see  Reagan.  Expect  Governor  Gumming 
by  the  morning  boat.  Geary  came  in  while  we  were 
playing  piquet,  and  told  me  that  the  gentleman,  my 
friend,  had  come.  I  came  back  to  my  room,  and  much 
to  my  surprise,  found  Dr.  Willis;  but  we  had  hardly 
concluded  salutations  when  Governor  Gumming  was 
shown  in.  They  spent  the  day.  We  took  dinner  in 
the  mess-room  —  the  first  time  I  have  eaten  out  of  my 
cell  since  the  25th  of  May  —  no,  the  dinner  with  Parrott 
must  be  excepted.  I  was  truly  glad  to  see  both.  I 
felt  sad,  however,  all  day  from  a  letter  that  Lieut.  Wood 
man  handed  me  soon  after  their  arrival.  It  was  from 
Linton.  The  tone  affected  me  deeply.  My  friends 
left  me  at  five.  I  read  and  reread  Linton' s  letter.  I 
shall  now  look  for  him  daily.  For  supper  had  milk  and 
some  of  my  peaches  that  Mrs.  Salter  sent  yesterday; 
she  sent  me  some  pears,  too.  I  took  Reagan  some  of 
both  this  morning.  At  8.30,  Lieut.  W.  called.  I 
read  to  him  Burns's  "Soldier's  Return."  He  sat  and 
we  talked  until  ten. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THURSDAY,    August    17. --This    ever  -  memor 
able  day  has   again  returned.     It  is  fourteen 
weeks  since  my  arrest,  since  I  was  deprived 
of  my  liberty,  and  that  without  warrant,  without  charge, 
without  judicial  process;  this  in  a  land  boasting  of  its 
freedom.     I  am  impressed  with  an  idea  that  with  this 
week  will  end  in  some  measure  the  darkness  of  my  trials, 
and  that  the  dawn  will  begin.     It  may  be  hallucination. 

0  Lord,  in  very  mercy  grant  my  hopes  be  not  illusions! 

1  am  strong  in  hopes  that  Linton  will  be  here  before  long. 
Oh,  that  my  hopes  may  be  realized!     It  would  do  me 
so  much  good  to  see  and  have  him  here  with  me. 

Papers  came.  Nothing  of  interest  except  announce 
ment  from  Washington  that  Mr.  Davis  is  to  be  tried, 
and  at  an  early  day,  for  treason  before  a  proper  court, 
and  that  the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  writ  is 
soon  to  be  itself  suspended.  Lieut.  Newton  brought 
me  a  letter  from  Mollie  Greer,  3ist  July,  and  one  from 
Prof.  R.  M.  Johnston,  25th.  Mollie's  greatly  relieved 
me.  All  her  brothers  are  at  home  and  well.  It  is  the 
first  news  I  have  had  from  them  touching  their  safety 
in  the  late  war.  I  am  impressed  with  the  fact  that  on 
the  very  day  when  I  was  recording  my  dream  of  being 
at  Dick  Johnston's  home,  Linton  was  with  him.  He 
was  sick.  Was  not  my  spirit  also  with  him? 

Reagan  read  me  his  application  for  amnesty  and  all 
the  papers  appertaining  to  it,  including  his  letters  to 

468 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  469 

Mr.  Seward  and  Attorney- General  Speed.  While  we 
were  engaged  with  these  papers,  we  were  gazed  upon 
through  the  windows  by  a  crowd  of  strangers  visiting 
the  fort.  They  had  a  band  of  music  and  were  dressed 
in  uniform  as  if  belonging  to  some  military  force.  After 
dinner  I  called  at  Captain  Livermore's  and  sat  and 
talked  with  Mrs.  Livermore.  Miss  Livermore,  Major 
Livermore's  cousin,  I  suppose,  was  with  her;  quite  good- 
looking,  intelligent  and  agreeable.  Mrs.  Livermore  was 
out  in  the  squall  last  night;  was  in  a  yacht  and  became 
somewhat  frightened. 

August  18. — Was  ill  last  night;  sent  for  Mr.  Har 
rington.  He  called  again  this  morning  before  I  got  up. 
He  is  a  very  kind-hearted  man.  Lieut.  Newton  called 
soon  after  I  was  up.  We  had  some  conversation  about 
the  orders  relating  to  privileges  extended  me.  I  have 
not  seen  that  allowing  me  to  see  Judge  Reagan  an  hour 
daily.  I  said  I  thought  it  would  modify  my  parole  to 
keep  my  room  during  Reagan's  walk;  and  that  I  might 
even  walk  with  him  if  I  so  choose  to  use  the  hour.  He 
promised  to  look  up  that  order  and  let  me  see  it. 

Lieut.  W.  called  about  the  order  releasing  me  from 
close  confinement.  Says  it  cannot  be  found  amongst 
the  papers  here.  I  showed  him  the  certified  copy  Adju 
tant  Ray  gave  me.  Lieut.  Newton  brought  me  letters 
from  Sister  Elizabeth  and  John  A.  Stephens.  Nothing 
from  Linton;  and  no  news  from  Washington.  Dr. 
Monroe  called.  Said  no  news  from  application  for 
change  of  my  quarters.  The  prospect  looks  dark,  but 
somehow  I  feel  hopeful  that  a  change  will  take  place 
before  long.  May  God  grant  it ! 

Went  to  see  Reagan.     He  requested  me  to  bring  away 


470  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  read  a  memoir  he  has  prepared  for  his  children.  I 
do  not  know  but  that,  in  bringing  it  away,  I  might  be 
violating  my  parole.  I  haven't  been  able  yet  to  see  the 
order  allowing  my  conference  with  Judge  Reagan,  and 
do  not  know  the  conditions  or  restrictions,  or  if  there 
are  any.  I  told  him  that  I  had  better  get  the  sanction 
of  the  officer  in  command.  Reagan  has  applied  for 
release  from  close  confinement  and  for  privilege  to  mess 
with  me.  Called  on  Lieut.  Newton,  and  asked  to  see 
the  order.  He  told  me  it  was  lost.  For  dinner  had 
a  meat  pie;  I  sent  it  to  Reagan.  Mr.  Harrington  gave 
me  a  bottle  of  bitters  which  he  thought  would  be  good 
for  me.  Called  on  Captain  Livermore,  now  in  com 
mand,  and  sought  information  about  Reagan's  memoir. 
He  said  there  was  no  objection  to  my  taking  it  to  my 
room  and  reading  it.  I  sat  in  the  parlour  and  talked 
a  while.  Mrs.  and  Miss  Livermore  were  there. 

Finished  Swedenborg  on  " Heaven  and  Hell";  "The 
World  of  Spirits,"  etc.  Many  things  in  this  book  are 
obscure  to  me.  If  I  understand  Swedenborg,  salvation 
is  not  the  result  of  immediate  mercy  and  grace  but  the 
result  of  these  combined  with  the  acts  and  will  of  the 
recipient.  These  views  accord  nearly  with  my  own. 
Divine  vengeance,  as  taught  by  many,  I  could  never 
comprehend.  The  Divine  Being  I  was  always  inclined 
to  regard  as  the  very  embodiment  of  love  and  mercy; 
punishments  as  the  inevitable  consequences  of  violation 
of  law,  moral  or  physical;  Scriptural  commandments 
and  injunctions  as  admonitory,  given  to  man  to  enable 
him  to  see  the  law  and  to  avoid  violation  with  the  con 
sequences,  as  he  has  power  to  do  through  Divine  aid 
and  faith  in  the  Redeemer.  I  believe,  too,  in  the  cultiva 
tion  of  the  higher  attributes  and  qualities  of  man,  his 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  471 

third  part,  which  I  call  the  soul,  just  as  I  believe  in  the 
cultivation  of  his  second  part,  which  I  call  mind  or 
intellect.  Soul-culture  is  as  distinct,  in  my  opinion, 
from  mental-culture,  as  mental  from  physical;  it  has  a 
sphere  of  its  own  and  is  governed  by  laws  as  different  from 
those  of  bare  mental  culture,  as  the  laws  of  the  latter 
differ  from  the  laws  of  bare  physical  culture.  In  religious 
or  spiritual  matters,  as  they  are  called  for  lack  of  a  better 
term  for  things  relating  to  the  culture  of  the  soul,  reason, 
technically  speaking,  has  nothing  to  do.  The  whole 
lies  in  a  sphere  beyond  human  reason. 

6.  P.  M.  — In  the  evening  paper  is  an  account  of 
"Fort  Warren."  I  think  some  items  about  me  were  got 
from  Governor  Cumming.  Not  that  about  the  little 
girl;  for  none  such  was  mentioned  to  him;  the  statement 
that  I  gave  her  a  gold  dollar  is  fiction.  I  had  not  one 
to  give,  nor  should  I  have  made  such  return  for  her 
kindness  if  I  had  one.  I  should  have  thought  it  might 
be  offensive  to  her.  But  I  did  thank  her  kindly,  tenderly, 
sincerely,  and  I  felt  disposed  to  kiss  her,  and  would  have 
done  so  but  from  the  apprehension  that  that  might  not 
be  kindly  received.  She  was  a  beautiful,  innocent  little 
girl,  four  or  five  years  old;  Mabel  Landon  Appleton,  as 
I  understood  her  to  give  her  name.  Went  on  the 
ramparts.  Lieut.  Woodman  joined  me.  I  took  his 
arm  and  we  made  two  circuits.  He  told  me  his  resigna 
tion  had  been  accepted,  and  the  acceptance  would  be 
here  to-morrow.  So,  with  to-morrow,  his  official  con 
nection  with  this  Post  and  the  army  will  cease.  He 
said  he  should  be  down  next  week,  but  I  suppose  I  shall 
never  again  have  such  a  conversation  or  walk  with  him. 
"this  evening's  stroll  I  suspect  is  the  last  we  shall  ever 
take  together.  I  may  see  him  when  he  returns  and  may 


472  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

have  the  opportunity  of  speaking  with  him,  but  I  do  not 
expect  ever  to  have  with  him  again  such  free  and  easy 
talks  as  we  have  had  on  our  evening  strolls.  He  told 
me  it  was  Judge  Reagan  who  gave  the  little  girl  the  gold 
dollar.  He  expressed  regret  that  he  should  not  be  here 
when  Linton  arrives  —  "when  your  brother  comes." 
This  interest  to  see  Linton  made  him  feel  more  like  a 
friend  to  me  than  before. 

August  19.  —  Read  in  Zachariah:  "Turn  you  to  the 
strong  hold,  ye  prisoners  of  hope:  even  to-day  do  I 
declare  that  I  will  render  double  unto  thee. "  I  was 
struck  with  the  agreement  between  that  verse  and  this 
in  Nahum:  "The  Lord  is  good,  a  strong  hold  in  the 
day  of  trouble;  and  he  knoweth  them  that  trust  him.  " 
Strange  feelings  seized  upon  me.  That  the  Lord  is  a 
strong  hold  in  the  day  of  trouble  I  know.  But  for  His 
sustaining  grace,  I  should  have  been  crushed  in  body 
and  soul  long  ere  this.  Yet  do  I  fully  trust  Him? 

Lieut.  Newton  called  to  see  how  I  am.  He  said  a 
box  of  fruit  had  come  for  me.  He  would  send  it  down. 
Geary  brought  it  and  a  lot  of  papers,  all  from  Mrs.  Salter, 
my  kind  and  attentive  lady  friend  in  Boston. 

It  is  now  three  weeks  since  the  locks  were  taken  from 
my  door.  Went  to  the  library.  Met  Captain  Baldwin 
at  the  door  of  his  quarters.  He  invited  me  in;  insisted 
that  I  should  feel  at  home  in  his  parlour;  should  come  up 
there  and  sit  during  the  day  as  it  is  more  comfortable 
than  in  my  room.  "Mrs.  Baldwin  is  gone.  No  person 
there  but  the  Captain  and  he  is  gone  during  the  day  to 
attend  a  court  martial. 

Last  night,  read  Swedenborg's  "Last  Judgment." 
Like  his  other  works,  a  wonderful  production.  The 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  473 

first  chapters  I  can  understand:  further  reading  suggests 
that  he  had  poured  over  abstruse  subjects,  endeavouring 
to  reconcile  spiritual  mysteries  with  the  laws  of  human 
understanding,  until  reason  lost  its  balance.  Still, 
there  is  nothing  in  his  explanation  of  sacred  text  more 
mysterious  than  the  text  itself.  Whether  he  was  under 
Divine  illumination  or  labouring  under  hallucination, 
I  do  not  know,  but  that  he  was  sincere,  I  believe. 

Since  my  last  big  row  with  bedbugs,  I  have  made  it 
a  business  every  day  or  two  to  search  for  and  break 
them  up.  I  have  just  been  at  this  work  of  self-preserva 
tion. 

As  for  my  mouse,  I  have  never,  since  the  instance  given, 
got  a  sight  of  it.  But  I  have  kept  up  my  dropping  of 
crumbs;  they  disappear  when  I  am  out  or  when  my 
eyes  are  off  the  spot;  I  suppose  the  little  creature  is 
about  but  keeps  close,  not  knowing  that  I  would  not 
hurt  it.  It  may  see  from  its  hiding-place,  what  I  do  with 
the  chinches,  and  draw  conclusions  which  prompt  it  to 
keep  out  of  my  power.  I  have  often  felt  sorry  for  what 
I  have  to  do  to  these  blood-suckers.  Most  willingly 
would  I  turn  them  loose  and  let  them  go  away  if  they 
would  go  and  stay,  but  this  they  will  not  do.  Between 
them  and  me,  therefore,  there  is  "an  irrepressible  con 
flict/'  Either  I  or  they  must  be  extinguished.  This 
seems  to  be  fixed  in  the  laws  of  our  nature.  I  am  sorry 
it  is  so,  but  so  it  is.  Toward  the  mouse  I  feel  very  much 
as  Burns  expressed  himself  to  one  in  his  day: 

I  doubtna,  whyles,  but  thou  may  thieve; 
What  then?  Poor  beastie,  thou  maun  live; 
A  daimen  icker  in  a  thrave 

'S  a  sma'  request: 
I'll  get  a  blessin'  wi'  the  lave, 

And  never  miss  ?t 


474  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Not  so  with  these  vermin  that  feed  on  my  blood.  Of 
that  I  have  not  a  drop  to  spare  without  missing  it,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  torture  at  having  it  sucked  out  as  they 
do  it.  I  would  willingly  let  them  alone  if  they  would  let 
me  alone,  and  I  would  even  contribute  something  to  their 
support  and  sustenance.  But  to  live  and  let  live  is  not 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  their  existence.  Hence, 
they  justly  bring  their  death  upon  themselves. 

10.30.  --  Boat  brought  papers,  but  no  letters,  no 
news  from  Linton.  Gloom  again  creeps  over  my  soul. 
I  am  disappointed  and  grieved  at  heart.  O  Lord,  sus 
tain  me!  The  papers  are  largely  taken  up  with  the 
failure  of  the  cable,  or  rather  the  accident  that  has 
befallen  it.  Whether  it  be  failure  or  not,  is  not  settled. 
I  see  that  Mrs.  Davis  and  family  with  Mrs.  Howell, 
her  mother,  have  arrived  in  New  York.  The  Times 
has  a  leading  article  against  the  Southern  people.  I 
took  Reagan  a  pile  of  English  papers  that  Mrs.  Salter 
sent  down  to  me  and  him.  He  has  sent  me  his  memoirs. 
Met  Captain  Baldwin  at  his  door,  went  in  and  sat  with 
him  until  dinner  was  announced.  He  went  to  his 
dinner  and  I  returned  to  my  room. 

My  heart  is  filled  with  gratitude  to  the  Father  of  all 
mercies.  Lieut.  Woodman  has  just  entered  my  soom, 
bringing  a  telegram  from  President  Johnson  to  the 
Commandant  of  the  Post  directing  him  to  give  me  as 
comfortable  quarters  here  as  he  can,  and  to  say  to  me  that 
he  (the  President)  has  received  my  letter  and  will  reply. 
Oh,  if  I  had  Linton  with  me  now,  how  full  would  be  my 
joy  notwithstanding  I  am  a  prisoner!  How  light  is 
my  burden  compared  with  what  it  has  been!  The  full 
dawn  of  day  is  certainly  upon  me!  May  the  sun  of  my 
deliverance  soon  arise!  Oh,  may  Linton  soon  come! 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  475 

When  Lieut.  W.  entered,  I  was  reading  Reagan's  memoir. 
I  have  become  interested  in  it,  but  can  pursue  it  no  more 
this  evening.  My  feelings  are  too  much  excited.  I 
pour  out  my  heart  in  the  last  Psalm.  "Let  everything 
that  hath  breath  praise  the  Lord." 

Walked  out.  Sat  at  the  door  of  Dr.  Seaverns's  quarters, 
talking  with  Mrs.  Seaverns,  a  Mrs.  Davis,  and  other 
ladies.  Then  went  on  the  ramparts.  Saw  many  sail- 
vessels  west  of  the  fort,  all  seemingly  at  anchor.  I 
counted  fifteen  and  one  large  brig,  apparently  a  steam- 
propeller.  What  it  all  means  I  cannot  imagine.  My 
walk  was  lonely.  I  thought  many  things.  Why  has 
Linton  not  come  ?  Why  has  DuBose  not  written  to  me  ? 
What  is  the  prospect  of  President  Johnson's  replying 
to  my  letter?  Suppose  he  should  release  me  on  parole, 
sending  me  home  by  sea  from  this  place  to  Savannah. 
May  I  expect  anything  as  good?  and  yet,  that,  now, 
before  Linton  comes,  would  be  painful.  Maybe  Linton 
will  reach  here  in  a  few  days. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

SUNDAY,  August   20.  -  -  I   am   in   my  new  quar 
ters.     I  am  out  of  the  hole.     I  am  on  deck.     I 
am  in  a  comfortable  room,  with  fair  and  beauti 
ful  prospect  out  toward  the  South  and  rejoicing    in    a 
brilliant  sunlight.     I  have  just  taken  my  dinner,   and 
read  letter  from  my  old  and  true  friend,  J.  A.  Stewart, 
Rome,   Ga.     It  was  handed  me  in  my  new  quarters. 
My  heart  is  full;  I  will  not  attempt  to  give  utterance  to 
my  emotions.     If  I   did  but  have  Linton  with  me,   I 
should  feel  better. 

This  morning,  I  finished  Reagan's  manuscript  and 
took  it  round  to  him  with  a  few  notes  I  had  made.  We 
conversed  until  one.  I  read  him  my  first  two  letters  to 
the  President.  On  returning  to  my  old  quarters,  I 
found  Geary,  who  told  me,  "We  have  moved."  He 
conducted  me  to  our  new  quarters.  I  say  "our,"  as 
he  said  "we,"  for  he  comes  with  me.  The  apartments 
consist  of  three  rooms,  a  sort  of  parlour,  in  which  I  now 
am,  fronting  south,  a  room  in  the  rear  in  which  my 
bed  is  placed,  a  neat  and  comfortable  bedroom;  and  one 
in  the  rear  of  that  for  Geary.  By  opening  doors  and 
windows,  we  have  a  draft  through  all  the  rooms.  The 
new  arrangement  suits  me  admirably.  I  doubt  if  I 
could,  as  to  rooms,  be  more  comfortable  in  any  hotel 
in  Boston  or  New  York.  In  furnishings  I  am  rather 
deficient,  but  my  situation  is  infinitely  better  than  it  has 
been.  The  removal  is  from  a  cell  to  a  palace  so  far  as 

476 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  477 

comfort  is  concerned.  If  Linton  now  would  but,  or 
could  but,  come.  Oh,  what  detains  him  ?  This  question 
weighs  heavily  upon  me.  It  is  now  21  days  since  I 
wrote  him  to  come. 

7.15  P.  M.  -  -  Took  Reagan's  manuscript  to  Mrs. 
Livermore,  as  she  had  expressed  a  wish  to  read  it;  she 
was  present  when  I  asked  the  Captain  about  my  reading 
it,  and  evinced  this  desire.  Captain  Livermore  was 
taking  an  evening  nap.  I  sat  with  Mrs.  Livermore  a 
half-hour  or  more.  She  gave  me  a  book  of  sermons 
by  F.  W.  Robertson,  of  Brighton,  England.  After 
leaving  the  Captain's  quarters,  I  visited  Lieut.  Wood 
man. 

August  21.--  Morning  bright  and  beautiful,  the 
first  in  my  new  quarters.  Felt  much  better  than  for 
months.  Last  night,  after  nine,  Captain  Livermore 
and  Lieut.  Woodman  called,  and  we  spent  some  time 
in  conversation.  Captain  L.  showed  me,  in  the  Boston 
Advertiser,  a  piece  about  my  confinement,  health,  etc. 
I  spent  last  night,  when  not  engaged  with  this  company, 
in  reading  Robertson's  Sermons.  Robertson  belonged 
to  the  Church  of  England,  but  his  doctrines  on  the 
Trinity  are  those  of  Swedenborg.  The  sermon  indicating 
this  was  preached  26th  May,  1850,  from  I  Thess.  v,  23. 
It  considers  man  in  his  three-fold  nature  of  matter,  and 
two  other  distinct  principles,  soul,  and  spirit,  as  I  have 
been  believing  for  a  long  time. 

Lieut.  Woodman  called  to  take  final  leave  of  me. 
He  said  he  might  come  on  a  visit  to  the  fort  again  before 
leaving  Boston  for  Hilton  Head;  if  so,  he  would  see  me; 
it  was  not  certain  he  would  be  here  again.  I  gave  him 
a  letter  as  a  testimonial  of  my  regard  for  him  and  my 


478  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

recognition  of  his  official  courtesy,  civility,  urbanity, 
and  kindness  to  me,  hoping  it  might  be  of  service  to  him 
should  he  meet  with  any  of  my  personal  friends  in  his 
new  home,  as  they  may  thereby  be  induced  to  render  him 
all  aid  in  their  power  in  extending  his  acquaintance  in  a 
strange  land.  We  parted  perhaps  never  to  meet  again, 
but  I  hope  otherwise.  I  hope  yet  to  have  the  pleasure 
of  entertaining  him  with  such  hospitality  as  I  can  com 
mand  at  Liberty  Hall.  It  would  afford  me  great  pleasure 
to  meet  him  there,  and  make  some  return  in  kind  for 
his  many  acts  of  generous  sympathy  toward  me. 

Old  sayings  about  the  dreams  one  may  have  the  first 
night  in  a  new  room  filled  my  mind  when  I  retired.  I 
lay  awake  for  a  long  time.  It  is  strange  that  while  Linton 
has  occupied  more  of  my  thoughts  since  I  have  been 
here  than  all  other  people  and  all  other  subjects  com 
bined,  yet  I  have  never  once  had  a  dream  in  which  he 
figured  prominently.  I  have  dreamed  of  being  at  his 
house  and  of  his  being  there  and  well,  but  in  another 
room.  In  no  instance  have  I  dreamed  of  conversing 
with  him. 

1.30.  --  Found  Reagan  suffering  with  pain  in  the 
back.  He  did  not  get  much  sleep  last  night  for  the 
mosquitoes;  his  face  was  very  much  bitten.  He  was 
less  cheerful  than  I  have  yet  seen  him.  We  took  to 
piquet  and  euchre.  I  generally  beat  at  the  first,  and  he 
at  the  latter.  In  comes  dinner.  It  is  to-day  set  on 
another  table  in  my  bedroom.  A  very  good  dinner, 
and  I  had  a  pretty  good  appetite.  Went  to  sutler's 
and  got  some  shoe-strings,  a  pocket-knife,  and  a  piece 
of  red  cord.  Made  me  a  window-curtain  by  pasting 
newspapers  together. 

Little  Charles  Nutler  called  on  me,  as  I  was  coming 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  479 

from  Hall's,  for  the  book  I  promised  him.  I  told  him 
to  come  along  with  me  and  get  it.  He  said,  "They  won't 
let  me  in  your  room."  "Oh  yes,"  I  replied,  "they  will 
let  you  in  now.  Anybody  can  go  in  my  room  now. 
Come  along."  Rather  doubtfully  he  came,  but  when 
he  saw  where  I  was  going,  he  brightened  up  hopefully. 
"Ah,  they  have  moved  you,  have  they?"  "Yes,"  said  I. 
On  entering,  the  little  fellow  again  exclaimed,  "Oh,  you 
have  a  good  room  now."  "Yes,"  said  I.  "They  don't 
lock  you  up  now,  do  they?"  "No,"  said  I.  "Didn't 
you  feel  bad  when  they  kept  you  locked  up?"  "Oh 
yes,  horribly  bad."  "But  you  got  sort  of  used  to  it, 
didn't  you,  after  you  had  been  there  awhile?"  "A 
little  used  to  it,  but  I  believe  I  felt  worse  the  longer  I 
stayed  there,  locked  up  all  the  time."  "How  long  are 
they  going  to  keep  you,  I  wonder?"  "I  don't  know; 
not  much  longer,  I  hope."  "Why,  you  don't  mind 
staying  here  now,  do  you?  Don't  you  like  this  place?" 
"Oh,  I  like  the  place  very  well,  but  I  want  to  get  home  to 
see  the  people  there."  "I  like  it  very  well,"  said  he, 
"but  I  am  going  to  leave  before  long  to  start  to  school 
again."  This  is  a  sample  of  our  conversation.  I  gave 
him  Vol.  I.,  "Conquest  of  Mexico."  When  he  reads 
that  he  is  to  bring  it  back  and  get  another.  He  is  too 
little  to  be  intrusted  with  all  at  once. 

August  22.  —  I  dreamed  of  Linton.  It  was  a  strange 
dream.  I  was  travelling,  was  starting  somewhere  on 
a  sort  of  omnibus.  The  vehicle  was  crowded.  I  was 
on  the  front  seat,  outside  with  the  driver.  I  was  expect 
ing  and  looking  for  Linton.  The  consciousness  of  being 
a  prisoner  was  in  me,  but  what  was  the  object  of  my 
movements  or  where  I  was  going,  did  not  seem  to  be 


480  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

in  my  mind.  I  had  no  idea  about  it.  As  we  were 
getting  under  way  and  had  taken  the  last  passenger, 
filling  every  inside  seat,  I  saw  Linton  standing  some 
thirty  yards  in  advance  of  us  and  to  our  right,  apparently 
waiting.  He  was  in  the  act  of  starting  to  meet  us  when 
my  eyes  first  caught  sight  of  him.  He  was  greatly  changed 
but  I  knew  him.  He  looked  tall  and  thin,  taller  and 
thinner,  I  thought,  than  I  had  ever  seen  him,  and  quite 
sunburnt,  rather  sallow  than  ruddy.  He  had  on  a 
colonel's  uniform.  I  was  delighted  to  see  him;  felt  a 
little  disposed,  as  he  came  up,  to  chide  him  for  his  delay; 
but  when  he  approached  near  enough  to  speak,  nature 
gave  way  in  smiles  and  tears  as  I  bade  him  howdy. 
This  was  done  as  he  mounted  the  steps  of  the  vehicle, 
while  it  kept  in  motion,  and  took  part  of  my  narrow 
seat  in  front.  At  this  point,  before  a  word  was  spoken 
by  him  that  I  can  recollect,  I  awoke  and  the  vision  was 
gone.  For  a  long  time  I  lay  awake.  This  strange 
vision  made  upon  my  mind  a  deep  and  vivid  impression 
which  continues. 

Lieut.  Newton  called  while  I  was  writing  the  above. 
I  asked  if  any  letters  came  for  me  yesterday.  He  said 
one  came  but  had  to  be  returned  to  General  Hooker 
for  approval.  He  could  not  tell  me  who  it  was  from. 
It  occurs  to  me  that  Harry's  son,  Tim,  also  appeared 
to  me  in  my  mental  rovings  during  sleep  last  night. 
He  was  not  the  Tim,  the  little  boy,  I  left  at  home;  was 
about  half -grown;  was  not  docile  and  obedient  as  always 
heretofore  but  self-willed  and  obstinate. 

In  my  walk  yesterday,  a  little  incident  occurred  as  I 
was  ascending  the  stone  steps  to  the  ramparts.  I  can 
not  go  into  detail,  and  only  mention  the  fact,  that  I  may 
hereafter,  if  opportunity  permits,  enlarge  upon  it.  It 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  481 

made  a  deep  impression  upon  me.  Reagan  is  better, 
but  is  still  suffering  greatly,  in  body  and  mind,  from 
close  confinement.  This  is  a  cloudy  cool  day.  Some 
how  I  am  strongly  impressed  with  the  idea  that  I  shall 
hear  from  Linton  this  evening.  I  am  fondly  indulging 
this  hope.  It  keeps  up  the  spirits.  Corporal  Geary 
brought  a  letter  from  Gip  Grier,  dated  the  i2th;  acknowl 
edges  "all"  my  letters.  I  suppose  he  means  those  of 
3oth  July,  when  I  wrote  through  him  to  Linton,  John 
A.  Stephens,  and  George  F.  Bristow.  He  said  he  had 
sent  my  " letters"  on,  does  not  specify  that  he  got  the 
one  for  Linton,  and  had  sent  that  on,  but  I  hope  this 
is  the  case.  If  so,  he  must  have  sent  it  as  early  as  the 
i2th;  and  Bristow,  if  at  home,  got  it  by  the  i3th,  and  then, 
if  my  plan  succeeded  in  carrying  out,  Linton,  if  in  Sparta, 
must  have  got  it  by  the  i4th,  a  week  ago  yesterday.  So, 
I  feel  almost  certain  that  if  he  were  at  home  then  and 
well,  he  is  now  on  his  way  here;  and  if  he  meets  with  no 
accident,  will  be  here  in  a  day  or  two.  I  answered 
Gip  before  making  these  entries.  I  see  in  the  Boston 
Post  that  H.  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  is  in  Washington. 
He  might  be  of  some  service  to  me  if  so  inclined.  I 
have  no  idea  that  he  is  disinclined,  and  yet  he  may  not 
be  inclined.  He  may  be  indifferent;  that  is,  he  may 
be  completely  occupied  with  his  own  affairs. 

7.  p.  M.  —  Evening  mail.  No  letters  for  me,  so 
Lieut.  Newton  told  me  himself.  He  is  the  officer  in 
special  charge  of  prisoners  since  Lieut.  Woodman  left. 
I  went  to  him  in  person,  so  anxious  was  I. 

August  23.  -  -  Finished  Robertson's  " Sermons." 
Two,  I  place  in  the  first  rank  of  all  sermons  I  have 
heard  or  read;  that  already  mentioned  and  one  on  " Chris- 


482  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

tian  Aim  and  Motive."  I  may  copy  these  in  this  Journal, 
making  comments. 

9.30.  —  It  rained  heavily  last  night.  Lieut.  Newton 
called  to  see  me.  He  has  been  up  all  night  on  duty. 

11.30. --Went  to  the  sutler's  and  bought  some 
pens  and  writing  paper;  and  some  tacks  for  putting  up 
my  curtain.  Went  on  ramparts  to  see  the  boat  come  in 
from  Boston,  hoping  it  might  have  Linton  on  board 
and  that  I  might  get  a  glimpse  of  him.  The  boat  came. 
I  left  the  rampart  before  she  landed.  Saw  no  person  on 
deck  like  him.  Morning  papers.  Cut  out  several 
articles,  such  as  the  Herald's  Fortress  Monroe  letter  stat 
ing  that  preparations  are  being  made  there  for  the  trial 
of  Mr.  Davis,  an  account  from  Washington  of  the  post 
ponement  of  the  Wirz  trial,  and  Governor  Perry's 
second  Greenville  [S.  C.]  speech.  My  heart  is  sick  at 
no  news  from  Linton.  Went  to  see  Reagan.  Found 
him  better.  We  played  piquet  and  euchre.  I  beat 
him  for  the  first  time  at  euchre.  Lieut.  Newton  came 
in  to  tell  me  that  he  had  left  a  letter  on  my  table;  said 
he  did  not  notice  it  closely;  it  was  a  short  letter  from 
New  York.  This  satisfied  me  that  it  was  not  from 
Linton  or  home,  and  I  stayed  my  allotted  time  with 
Reagan.  The  letter  is  from  S.  J.  Anderson.  He  prom 
ises  to  come  to  see  me  if  he  can  get  permission;  he  thinks 
he  can  on  General  Hooker's  return  to  New  York. 

Thursday,  August  24.  —  Another  cycle  of  seven  days; 
fifteen  weeks  since  I  have  been  a  prisoner;  thirteen  since 
I  have  been  in  this  fort,  this  little  kingdom  within  a  king 
dom,  this  little  despotism  within  a  despotism.  It  is  true 
I  am  much  better  conditioned  than  I  have  been,  have 
more  comforts  and  privileges,  and  feel  more  like  a  free 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  483 

man;  yet  these  comforts  and  privileges  come  at  the 
pleasure  of  him  in  whose  temporal  power  I  am.  Despotic 
power  still  holds  me  in  its  clutches.  How  long,  O  Lord, 
how  long  shall  this  continue?  Shall  I  ever  again  enjoy 
the  rights  of  a  freeman?  Began  Daniel. 

Dreamed  last  night  of  Toombs.  How  changed  from 
the  Toombs  of  other  days!  My  mind  reverts  to  the 
dream  of  Linton.  The  more  I  think  of  it,  the  more  I 
am  impressed  with  the  fact  that  he  did  not  speak,  nor 
was  there  any  manifestation  of  joy  on  his  side  at  seeing 
or  joining  me.  He  simply  mounted  the  vehicle  and  took  a 
part  of  the  very  narrow  seat  beside  me.  It  rained  that 
night.  To  dream  of  the  dead  is  said  to  be  a  sign  of  rain. 

Last  night  I  read  Coleridge.  The  Corporal  brought 
me  Matthew  Arnold's  " Essays  in  Criticism"  presented 
by  Mrs.  Salter.  She  referred  to  this  book  in  her  note 
of  the  2oth;  there  has  been,  I  suppose,  neglect  in  delivery. 
There  is  not  the  same  prompt  attention  in  delivering 
letters  or  anything  else  to  prisoners,  or  at  least  to  myself, 
as  when  Lieut.  Woodman  was  in  charge.  He  used  to 
deliver  my  letters  in  ten  minutes  after  the  mail  arrived; 
often,  at  least,  he  did  this.  Now,  I  never  get  them 
short  of  two  or  three  hours  after;  sometimes  I  think  not 
until  the  next  day. 

12  M.  —  Called  to  see  Captain  Livermore's  family. 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Leonard  are  visiting  them.  Mrs.  Leonard 
is  Mrs.  Livermore's  sister.  She  is  a  well-educated  and 
highly  intelligent  lady.  We  conversed  on  many  topics. 
Mr.  Leonard  is  a  partner,  he  informed  me,  of  my  old 
Congress  friend,  George  Ashmun,*  of  Massachusetts. 
Mr.  Leonard  lives  in  Springfield. 

*  Ashraun  offered  in  Congress,  1848,  Stephens's  amendment  to  the  resolutions  thanking 
General  Twiggs  for  gallantry  in  the  Mexican  War;  and  reported  in  the  Whig  Convention  of 
1852,  the  Whig  platform,  which  Webster  amended  at  Stephens's  suggestion. 


484  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Lieut.  Newton  has  removed  the  restriction  that  I  should 
remain  in  my  room  during  Reagan's  hour  abroad.  This 
evening,  as  Reagan  returned  from  his  walk,  he  stopped 
at  the  pump  near  my  door.  I  went  out  and  joined  him  in 
taking  some  fresh  water;  that,  Lieut.  Newton  permitted. 

While  we  were  there,  Mrs.  Livermore  came  out  and 
spoke  to  the  Judge,  apologizing  for  keeping  his  manu 
script  so  long.  Her  winning  and  agreeable  manner  and 
her  kind  language  seemed  to  do  him  good.  Asked 
Harrington  about  the  range  of  the  thermometer  here 
during  the  winter.  He  brought  me  the  registry  for  last 
winter;  the  average  for  December  at  7  A.  M.  was  30,  the 
lowest  o,  and  the  highest  43. 

August  25.  --  I  got  a  first  view  last  evening  of  the 
new  moon,  three  days  old,  in  a  perfectly  clear  sky  and 
without  the  least  intervening  obstruction.  She  was 
also  seen  over  the  right  shoulder.  But  she  was  so  young, 
and  blushing  so,  or  rather  paling  so  in  the  rays  of  the 
sun  not  yet  down,  that  she  was  not  brilliant.  I  only 
saw  clearly  her  form  and  outline.  What  matters  it  how 
we  see  a  new  moon  for  the  first  time  ?  Nothing,  accord 
ing  to  reason,  and  yet  something  in  our  nature  prompts 
a  desire  for  signs,  auguries,  and  supernatural  manifesta 
tions.  It  is  born  with  us.  It  possesses  us,  and  asserts 
its  power  before  even  reason.  Reason  may  bid  it  down, 
yet  it  is  there  by  a  law  of  our  nature,  a  law  not  of  the 
reasoning  faculty  but  of  another  part,  which  I  call  soul. 
And  may  not  reason  well  pause  in  its  own  conclusions 
and  consider  whether  a  law  so  general  in  the  nature  of 
man  is  without  effect,  even  though  the  operations  are 
beyond  its  comprehension?  I  do  not  think  I  am  at  all 
superstitious. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  485 

Mr.  Leonard  called  to  take  leave  of  me.  Before  he 
left,  Lieut.  Woodman  came  with  a  friend  (whose  name 
I  did  not  distinctly  hear),  to  take  his  final  leave.  After 
sitting  some  time,  which  was  passed  in  agreeable  con 
versation,  all  three  gentlemen  left  me  with  final  farewells. 
The  whistle  of  the  boat  is  now  heard.  Oh,  that  it  may 
bring  me  good  news!  It  is  now  three  calendar  months 
almost  to  the  minute  since  I  entered  the  walls  of  this 
fort,  between  10  and  n  o'clock  of  the  25th  of  May. 

In  last  night's  Washington  telegrams  in  the  Boston 
Post  this  morning,  I  see  that  Linton  reached  Washington 
yesterday.  This  caused  my  heart  to  bound  with  joy! 
My  prayer  is  thus  far  answered.  He  is,  I  hope,  well 
and  coming  to  me.  He  is  on  the  way!  I  shall  look 
for  him  to-morrow,  and  next  day,  and  every  day,  until 
he  comes.  Governor  [Joe]  Brown  is  with  him.  I 
wish  he,  too,  would  come,  but  I  hardly  think  so.  I 
clipped  an  editorial  from  the  Tribune,  Greeley's  second 
reply  to  Thurlow  Weed.  If  Greeley  is  not  an  honest 
and  truthful  man,  I  have  never  met  one.  I  do  not  agree 
with  him  in  many  things,  but  I  have  a  high  regard  for 
his  directness  of  purpose  and  integrity  of  motive.  He 
is,  on  his  line,  a  true  and  earnest  man.  He  is  withal 
an  able  man.  The  Corporal,  while  I  was  reading  the 
papers,  brought  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bell,  a  New  York 
publisher,  proposing  to  publish  anything  I  may  wish 
issued  in  book  form.  This  is  the  letter,  I  suppose,  that 
Lieut.  Newton  told  me  reached  here  some  days  ago  and 
was  returned  to  New  York  for  General  Hooker's 
approval. 

The  Corporal  returned  and  brought  me  two  boxes 
from  Mrs.  Salter,  one  of  flowers  and  one  of  sweet  cakes. 

Called   on   Mrs.   Livermore.     The   Captain   came   in 


486  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

with  two  gentlemen,  captains  of  engineers,  I  understood, 
of  the  name  of  Amesby.  He  told  me  he  had  received  an 
order  to-day  to  release  Judge  Reagan  from  close  con 
finement.  I  was  about  to  start  on  my  daily  visit  to 
Reagan  when  the  Captain  told  me  this.  The  news  did 
not  retard  my  motions  at  all!  When  I  reached  his  room, 
I  discovered  from  the  glow  on  his  countenance  that 
some  other  person,  or  a  bird  of  the  air,  had  anticipated 
me  in  communicating  it.  The  joy  and  gladness  it 
imparted  showed  itself  not  only  in  his  looks  but  in  the 
very  motions  of  the  body  and  the  tones  of  the  voice. 
We  played  piquet  and  euchre  as  usual.  During  this 
time,  Lieut.  Newton  came  and  took  the  lock  off  his  door. 
I  could  conjecture  what  his  feelings  were  when  the  last 
clanking  of  that  lock  was  heard.  I  doubt  if  anybody 
can  who  was  never  in  a  like  situation. 

Reagan  called  and  sat  with  me  until  retreat  was  beat; 
except  for  about  an  hour  before  the  evening  boat,  when 
we  went  on  the  terreplein,  confining  ourselves  to  the 
southern  part.  Orders  came  to  allow  Dr.  Bickley  and 
Vernon  the  northern  ramparts  for  their  walk.  We  are 
not  to  speak  to  them;  or  more  correctly,  in  conformity 
with  instructions  to  allow  them  more  liberty,  we  cannot 
walk  round  the  parapet.  Reagan  seemed  weak  and 
wearied,  and  I  felt  no  disposition  to  walk;  so  we  sat  on 
the  western  bastion  until  the  boat  came;  then  stayed 
in  my  room  until  retreat  sounded.  Dr.  Seaverns  came 
in.  I  was  surprised  at  his  returning  before  his  leave 
is  out,  which  would  not  be  until  Monday.  He  sat  and 
talked  more  than  an  hour  with  us.  He  has  been 
to  Chicago  on  a  visit  to  his  brother.  After  supper,  Mr. 
Devine,  the  soldier  tailor,  who  was  my  neighbour  in  my 
old  quarters,  called,  and  I  was  glad  to  give  him  a  wel- 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  487 

come.  He  seems  like  an  old  friend.  He  tells  me  he 
has  been  a  soldier  in  the  United  States  Army  since 
1837;  is  now  on  a  sort  of  detail  for  his  company  to  do 
their  sewing,  mending,  and  tailoring.  He  is  an  Irish 
man.  The  Irish  somehow  take  to  me  by  constitution 
or  affinity.  I  told  my  good  friend,  for  so  I  regard  him, 
that  I  had  another  button  off  and  must  get  him  to  sew 
it  on.  He  seemed  glad  to  do  something  for  me. 

August  26.  —  A  telegram  from  Washington  in  the 
N.  Y.  World  says  Linton  and  Governor  Brown  are  there, 
endeavouring  to  have  me  released  on  parole.  I  did 
expect  a  letter  from  Linton  to-day ;  but  I  am  not  so  deeply 
anxious  since  I  see  that  he  is  in  Washington.  That 
news  gives  me  great  relief.  But  I  fear  he  will  be  dis 
appointed  in  his  efforts.  This  will  cause  him  pain  and 
that  will  distress  me  more  than  my  confinement.  Intense 
as  is  my  wish  to  be  at  home,  yet  I  greatly  prefer  to  stay 
here  for  years,  if  I  should  be  spared  so  long,  than  that 
he  should  feel  unhappy  on  account  of  my  desire.  With 
the  privileges  I  now  enjoy,  I  can  bear  imprisonment, 
can  bear  being  cut  off  from  all  the  dear  ones  at  home  if 
I  can  but  be  assured  that  they  do  not  suffer  mentally 
or  physically  on  my  account.  I  am  anxious  to  see 
Linton  and  talk  over  all  these  matters  with  him.  I 
want  to  talk  to  him  as  I  have  never  yet  done,  of  my 
reliance  upon  Divine  power. 

10  P.  M.  —  After  supper,  Dr.  Seaverns  called  and 
sat  for  an  hour.  Conversation  turned  on  Southern 
society,  enterprise,  etc.  I  gave  him  a  description  of  the 
Midway  Community,  the  Midway  congregation  in  Liberty 
County,  as  it  presented  itself  to  me  in  1833,  as  one  of  the 
best  examples  of  human  society  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 


488  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

I  spoke  of  Louis  Le  Conte  as  the  most  learned  man  I 
ever  saw,  the  most  fully  informed  on  all  subjects  to  which 
I  had  seen  his  attention  called. 

Sunday,  August  27. --Last  night,  before  I  got 
fairly  to  sleep  and  just  as  I  began  to  doze,  Linton  seemed 
to  be  approaching  my  door  hastily.  I  rose  in  great  joy 
to  meet  him.  As  I  seemed  to  rise,  I  awoke.  It  was 
a  vision.  He  did  not  speak,  nor  did  I.  What  to  make 
of  this,  I  do  not  know.  I  have  not  dreamed  of  talking 
with  Linton  since  we  parted  at  my  gate.  The  whistle 
of  the  boat  announces  its  arrival  with  the  mail.  May 
it  bring  me  news  of  Linton  if  not  Linton  himself! 

Boston  Herald  brought  in  by  Geary.  See  that  Linton 
and  Governor  Brown  were  trying  to  get  an  interview 
with  President  Johnson  yesterday.  If  they  succeeded, 
Linton  may  possibly  reach  here  to-morrow.  But  I  fear 
they  failed;  am  in  great  suspense.  Lieut.  Newton 
brought  me  a  letter  from  Joe  Myers,  dated  New  York, 
25th  inst.  Myers  says  he  and  Linton  left  home  Thurs 
day,  the  i  yth.  He  left  Linton  in  Louisville,  Ky.,  with 
Governor  Brown  and  Judge  Lochrane.*  Myers  is  to 
remain  in  New  York  until  Linton  reaches  there,  then 
he  is  to  come  with  Linton  to  see  me.  He  says  Linton 
was  to  stop  in  Washington;  says  all  were  well  when  he 
left  home. 

Lieut.  Newton  also  brought  two  copies  of  the  Augusta 
[Ga.]  Transcript  sent  by  Governor  Cumming,  I  suppose. 
In  pencil  on  one  is  this:  "The  New  York  Commercial 
correspondent  says  Alexander  H.  Stephens  will  soon 
be  released."  I  saw  yesterday  a  publication  from  the 
State  Department  which  I  think  foreshadows  a  great 

*  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Georgia  in  1871-72. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  489 

deal.  It  is  to  the  effect  that  pardoned  rebels  can  get 
passports,  just  as  other  citizens,  to  leave  the  country; 
and  that  application  of  rebels  not  pardoned  will  be  acted 
on,  etc.  The  policy  indicated  is,  therefore,  to  grant  leave 
to  quit  the  country  to  those  entitled  to  this  pardon. 

Noon.  --  Reagan  and  I  walked  on  the  parapet. 
The  day  was  beautiful.  Everything  was  still  and  quiet  in 
the  fort,  reminding  us  of  Sundays  on  a  plantation  where 
stillness  reigns,  and  when  all  who  are  to  be  seen  are  lolling 
or  lounging  about  at  rest.  The  drill  and  constant  sounds 
of  music  which  were  kept  up  on  Sunday  as  on  other  days 
when  first  I  came,  have  been  discontinued.  The  morn 
ing  beat  of  the  drum  and  the  reveille  are  yet  heard,  and 
some  other  hours  are  signalled  by  tap  of  drum  or  blast 
of  bugle;  but  the  regular  everyday  rounds  of  music  are 
not  continued;  still,  there  is  no  preaching,  no  public 
religious  exercise,  on  Sundays. 

It  is  now  a  week  since  I  have  been  in  my  new  quarters. 
I  have  improved  wonderfully  in  physical  condition.  In 
mind,  I  am  greatly  relieved  from  the  oppression  that 
bore  me  down  so  sorely  while  in  the  old. 

Reagan  and  I  again  strolled  on  the  parapet;  saw  a 
large  steamer  pass  the  fort  to  Boston.  Some  said  she 
was  an  emigrant  ship;  some,  that  she  was  a  U.  S.  trans 
port  bringing  home  Massachusetts  troops. 

August  28.  —  Geary  brought  me  the  New  York 
Day  Book  of  26th,  which  came  to  Lieut.  Woodman  yester 
day,  marked  for  me.  Samuel  Anderson  sent  it,  I  sup 
pose.  In  it  I  see  an  article  headed,  "  Alexander  H. 
Stephens. "  If  he  wrote  it,  I  have  no  doubt  his  intentions 
were  good,  but  it  abounds  in  mistakes  as  is  usual  with 
such  articles.  Had  some  conversation  with  Corporal 


490  ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS 

Geary  last  night.  Advised  him,  when  discharged  from 
the  service,  to  go  South,  study  law,  and  make  a  man  of 
himself.  I  think  from  what  I  have  seen  of  him  that  he 
would  succeed  at  the  bar.  He  is  young,  has  energy, 
perseverance,  integrity,  a  fondness  for  books  and  for 
information.  A  telegram  from  Washington  in  the  Boston 
Post,  says  nothing  has  been  done  by  the  Georgians  there 
on  the  subject  of  my  release. 

Saturday  night.  When  Dr.  Seaverns  was  here,  I 
showed  him  how  to  make  magic  squares  upon  the  princi 
ple  which  Dr.  Le  Conte  taught  me.  He  told  me  yesterday 
that  he  had  tried  and  could  not  make  one.  I  went  round 
to-day  and  showed  him  again.  Walked  out  with  Reagan. 
Saw  the  transport  arrive  at  Gallops  Island  with  the  54th 
Mass.  Regiment  of  Coloured  Troops.  They  have  come 
to  be  mustered  out  of  service. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

AUGUST  29.  —  Examined  the  original  Greek  on 
Robertson's  text  on  the  triune  nature  of  man. 
Yesterday,  Mr.  Barnham  brought  me  from 
Boston  a  Greek  Testament,  Greek  Lexicon,  Latin  Gram 
mar,  and  Robertson's  " Sermons."  I  ordered  some 
second-hand  books.  Last  night  after  candle-light,  I  read 
Arnold  on  Joubert,  and  became  interested  in  extracts 
from  Joubert's  writings. 

The  morning  boat  came.  Last  night's  telegram  to 
the  Post  says  Linton  had  an  interview  with  the  Presi 
dent  yesterday.  I  shall  now  soon  know  the  result.  Pa 
tience,  patience!  On  the  boat  came  C.  T.  Bruen,  Journal 
Clerk  in  the  late  Confederate  Senate,  to  spend  the  day 
with  me. 

The  evening  boat  has  come  and  gone.  Mr.  Bruen 
and  I  had  a  pleasant  time.  We  took  dinner  in  the  mess- 
room.  I  must  go  round  and  see  Reagan.  Bruen's 
being  here  has  kept  me  from  him. 

Met  Reagan  near  my  door.  We  went  on  the  parapet. 
He  told  me  of  a  telegram  in  evening  paper  stating  that 
an  officer  who  had  been  to  see  Mr.  Davis  reported  that 
Mr.  Davis  spoke  in  denunciatory  terms  of  Hunter  and 
myself,  saying  if  we  had  remained  firm  the  Confederacy 
would  have  triumphed,  etc.  Reagan  and  I  concurred 
in  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Davis  had  not  indulged  in  such 
expressions.  At  the  same  time,  as  I  told  Reagan,  I  have 
but  little  doubt  Mr.  Davis  conscientiously  believes  as 

491 


492  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

this  telegram  reports  him  to  have  expressed  himself,  so 
little  does  he  realize  what  was  the  real  cause  of  the  col 
lapse  of  the  Confederacy.  Supper  under  a  new  arrange 
ment.  Reagan  and  I  hereafter  mess  together.  We  took 
our  tea  together  in  the  mess-room  this  evening.  He  asked 
the  blessing. 

At  night,  alone.  It  was,  in  passing,  a  pleasant  day. 
The  visit  of  Bruen  was  interesting.  What  disturbs 
me  is  self-examination.  At  the  table  I,  in  a  pretty  full 
flow  of  spirits,  illustrated  several  matters  with  humorous 
anecdotes,  one  of  which  it  would  have  been  improper 
to  relate  in  the  presence  of  ladies.  It  had  nothing 
improper  to  the  ordinary  taste  when  told  in  a  company 
of  gentlemen.  It  was  Martin  J.  Crawford's  celebrated 
"cat  story."  Bruen  and  I  laughed  over  its  aptness; 
but  as  we  passed  out  of  the  room,  it  occurred  to  me  that 
Mrs.  Livermore  might  possibly  have  heard  it.  Now, 
this  disturbs  me  greatly ;  and  it  has  caused  me  gravely  to 
consider  whether  I  should  ever  again  in  any  conversa 
tion  indulge  in  any  vein  of  humour  unfit  for  the  ears  of 
a  lady.  Ought  men,  even  by  themselves,  ever  to  indulge 
in  anecdotes  from  which,  by  sense  of  propriety,  they  would 
refrain  in  the  presence  of  ladies  the  most  refined?  Is 
not  the  thing  in  itself  degrading  more  or  less  to  man's 
nature?  It  is  useless  to  argue:  "Oh,  it  makes  no  dif 
ference  even  if  Mrs.  Livermore  did  hear  it;  she  knows 
you  were  not  aware  that  she  was  within  hearing."  That 
is  not  the  point.  Ought  we  not  at  all  times  to  act  and 
speak,  not  only  as  we  would  in  the  presence  of  the 
best  and  purest  on  earth,  but  as  we  would  speak  in 
the  presence  of  the  best  and  purest  in  Heaven?  Is 
not  this  the  proper  discipline  of  our  minds,  thoughts, 
affections,  and  actions?  Ought  not  humour  to  be 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  493 

chaste  ?     Is   any  humour  chaste  to  which  ladies  cannot 
listen  ? 

August  30.  —  111.  I  took  a  drink  of  Harry's  whisky; 
this  seemed  to  do  me  good,  but  a  sad  thought  passed 
through  my  mind  as  I  put  down  the  bottle ;  and  that  was 
that  Harry's  whisky  was  most  out.  There  is  but  about 
one  more  drink  left.  Bruen  promised  to  send  me  a  bottle 
of  brandy.  I  cannot  well  do  without  spirits  of  some 
kind  as  a  medicine.  Breakfast  with  Reagan.  The 
grace  was  said  by  me  this  morning  at  the  Judge's  request. 

Last  night  I  read  Arnold  on  Spinoza  and  Marcus 
Aurelius.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  satisfy  myself  as 
to  this  critic's  general  object.  It  seems  to  me  that  it 
is  not  good,  that  his  spirit  is  evil,  that  he  conceals  himself 
as  well  as  he  can  and  attempts  to  inculcate  his  own 
views  through  the  teachings  of  others. 

Will  Linton  come  to-day?  This  thought  absorbs  my 
mind.  He  has  not  written  to  me.  This  is  a  mystery. 
Would  he  not  have  done  so  if  he  had  not  been  under 
some  deep  affliction  in  body  or  mind,  himself?  It  seems 
to  me  he  would.  This  disquiets  me.  My  earnest  wish 
and  prayer  is  that  all  may  be  well  with  him  and  that  I 
shall  yet  see  him.  Oh,  that  this  earnest  desire  of  my  heart 
may  be  fulfilled!  but  if  this  shall  never  be,  teach  me, 
O  Lord,  to  bow  to  thy  will. 

Last  night,  I  proposed  to  Geary  to  teach  him  Latin 
if  he  would  take  it  up.  Asked  him  what  he  thought 
about  it.  He  said  he  thought  it  was  useless  to  begin 
because  he  thought  I  would  be  released  soon.  I  told 
him  I  thought  my  release  quite  uncertain ;  while  I  hoped 
it  might  be,  and  soon,  yet  we  should  not  act  on  that  sup 
position;  and  if  he  would  begin,  I  would  take  pleasure 


494  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

in  assisting  him  so  long  as  I  remain,  let  that  be  a  long  or 
short  time.  I  handed  him  my  Adam's  Latin  Grammar, 
and  told  him  to  look  over  the  first  page  down  to  Penna, 
and  see  what  he  thought  of  it,  and  of  the  undertaking. 
Maybe  after  that,  he  would  be  able  to  come  to  a  more 
definite  conclusion.  He  took  the  grammar.  I  heard 
him  reading  aloud  in  his  room  some  time  afterward,  as 
I  have  often  heard  him  before,  but  whether  it  was  Adam's 
Grammar  or  something  else,  I  did  not  know.  He  is 
very  fond  of  reading  books  as  well  as  papers. 

Mess  board-bill  brought  in;  to  date  from  i8th  August, 
at  $i  a  day  less  19  cts.  commutation,  $11.34.  Gave 
check.  Reagan  called  and  we  played  euchre.  We 
quit  even  at  four  games  apiece.  When  we  first  began 
playing,  he  usually  beat  me  at  euchre.  To-day  I  told 
him  the  "dog  and  wolf"  story  to  illustrate  our  turns 
of  fortune,  and  it  amused  him.  A  man  who  had  a  dog 
which  he  bragged  on  as  a  wolf-killer,  went  to  a  neigh 
bouring  district  to  catch  a  noted  wolf  that  had  mastered 
all  the  dogs  in  the  vicinity.  He  felt  certain  his  dog  would 
make  an  end  of  the  wolf.  A  crowd  joined  in  the  chase. 
The  wolf  was  started,  the  dog  was  on  trail,  the  cry  was 
up,  pursuit  was  hot,  the  dog  was  soon  out  of  hearing 
of  the  horsemen.  Riding  full  speed  in  the  direction  of 
the  last  yelp,  the  man  of  the  wolf-dog  foremost,  they  came 
upon  a  traveller  of  whom  the  dog-owner  asked,  had  he 
seen  anything  of  the  dog  and  wolf?  "Oh  yes,"  said  he, 
"  they  went  by  here  just  now."  "How  were  they  going ?" 
eagerly  asked  the  dog-owner.  "Oh,"  said  he  inquired 
of,  "nip  and  tuck,  hip  and  thigh,  but  the  dog  was  a  little 
ahead" 

Walked  around  to  see  Mrs.  Livermore.  She  is  an 
exceedingly  pleasant  and  agreeable  woman,  well  informed, 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  495 

intelligent,    and    of    most    winning    manners,    winning 
mainly  by  reason  of  perfect  naturalness  and  simplicity. 

A  pleasant  time  Reagan  and  I  had  at  table,  talking  of 
old  Congress  acquaintances,  particularly  of  McConnell 
and  Bowdon,  his  successor.  I  told  the  Judge  of  a  remark 
McConnell  made  to  me  in  the  House  about  his  condition 
in  the  next  world,  as  he  feared  it  would  be.  He  was  an 
extraordinary  man,  one  of  the  most  eccentric  geniuses 
I  ever  knew.  He  was  intemperate,  profane,  and  yet 
very  religiously  inclined.  He  had  a  high  regard  for 
worship  and  always  seemed  to  join  devoutly  with  the 
chaplain  in  morning  prayers.  One  day  (he  sat  by  me) 
while  we  were  talking  together,  conversation  turned  on 
religion.  He  seemed  deeply  affected.  He  spoke  of  his 
wife  with  the  most  tender  devotion;  said  she  was  a 
pure  Christian,  that  she  had  prayed  earnestly  for  him. 
"I  know  she  will,  when  she  dies,  go  right  to  heaven, 
while  I  fear,"  he  added  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  "that  I 
shall  go  as  straight  to  hell.  But  I  tell  you,  Stephens, 
if  God  does  send  me  to  hell,  he  will  send  one  of  the  best 
friends  there  he  ever  had  in  this  world."  All  this  was  said 
with  the  most  perfect  sincerity  and  the  deepest  emotion. 

John  Pettit,  of  Indiana,  was  well  known  to  be  a  sort 
of  freethinker;  some  said  he  was  a  disbeliever  in  the 
Christian  religion.  One  day  during  the  debate  on  the 
Oregon  question  —  about  terminating  the  joint  occu 
pancy  of  Oregon  —  a  number  of  members  were  per 
mitted  by  general  consent  to  offer  and  have  laid  on  the 
table  propositions  on  this  exciting  subject.  Pettit  asked 
that  the  same  leave  be  granted  him.  McConnell,  who 
had  a  strong  aversion  to  Pettit  because  he  had  opposed 
the  election  of  a  chaplain  and  because  of  his  supposed 
irreligious  sentiments,  sprang  to  his  feet  and  said,  "Mr. 


496  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Speaker,  I  object."  A  decision  was  asked.  McConnell, 
with  great  earnestness  of  manner,  called  on  the  members 
to  vote  down  Pettit,  not  to  grant  Pettit  the  leave  asked, 
because,  he  said,  "  Pettit  does  not  believe  in  the  Saviour 
who  died  for  him."  This  coming  from  a  man  of  his 
habits  seemed  queer,  but  in  it  he  was  thoroughly  honest 
and  in  earnest. 

Soon  after  the  boat  came,  Lieut.  Newton  sent  me  in 
a  letter  from  Linton.  This  was  most  welcome.  It  was 
written  on  Sunday.  It  ought  to  have  been  here  yesterday. 
He  makes  no  mention  of  my  letter  telling  him  of  my 
release  from  close  confinement,  or  of  any  letters  received 
from  me  since  his  last.  This  is  strange.  I  do  wish  he 
would  come  along  here  and  not  be  spending  his  time 
and  money  in  Washington.  I  am,  however,  greatly 
relieved. 

General  Denver,  from  Washington,  came  to  see  me, 
Judge  Reagan  with  him.  They  sat  and  talked  until 
tea  time.  Captain  Livermore  called  and  took  General 
D.  with  him  to  tea.  Reagan  and  I  went  to  our  room 
to  tea,  and  then  I  learned  from  him  to  my  surprise  that 
General  Denver  is  on  a  visit  here  to  him  and  me  from 
the  authorities  at  Washington;  Denver  left  Washington 
Saturday;  he  had  not  seen  Linton.  There  is  some 
mystery  about  this  to  me.  After  tea,  Captain  Livermore 
with  General  Denver  returned  to  my  room  where  Judge 
Reagan  was.  The  General  sat  until  9.  We  talked  over 
many  matters,  but  he  said  nothing  implying  that  he  was 
an  agent  from  Washington;  he  gave  us  the  opinion  that 
Reagan  and  I  would  be  held  here  for  some  time  and 
then  released.  He  remarked  that  he  thought  there  would 
he  changes  in  the  Cabinet  before  long;  Stan  ton  would 
certainly  go  out  at  an  early  day;  and  changes  would  then 


ALEXANDER  H.    STEPHENS  497 

be  made  here.  He  thought  Mr.  Davis  would  be  tried, 
and  at  Richmond.  To-day,  I  got  a  letter  from  Messrs. 
O.  D.  Case  &  Co.,  of  Hartford,  Conn.,  proposing  to  pub 
lish  anything  I  may  be  preparing  for  the  press;  they 
enclosed  this  letter  from  the  Hon.  Horace  Greeley: 

Office  of  the  Tribune,  N.  Y.,  Aug.  28,  '65. 
Dear  Sir:  Messrs.  O.  D.  Case  &  Co.,  of  Hartford, 
Conn.,  publishers  of  my  history  of  our  great  struggle, 
presuming  that  you  may  be  prompted  to  give  your  view 
of  this  contest  in  some  permanent  form,  would  be  glad 
to  arrange  with  you  for  publishing  your  book,  and  would 
be  willing  to  grant  liberal  terms.  I  assure  you  that 
they  are  abundantly  able  and  have  e^ery  facility  for 
giving  your  work  a  large  sale,  and  I  venture  to  request 
that  you  do  not  arrange  with  any  other  house  before 
conferring  with  them.  Yours, 

HORACE  GREELEY. 
The  HON.  A.  H.  STEPHENS. 

Thursday,  August  31.  — Sixteen  weeks  are  now  com 
plete  since  the  bright  morn  when  I  rose  for  the  last  time 
at  my  quiet  and  beloved  home  to  greet  the  bracing  air. 
Four  lunar  months  have  rolled  around,  and  I  am  still 
far  from  those  scenes  to  me  so  dear.  Breakfast  at  8, 
Reagan  and  I  together  in  our  new  mess-room.  He 
told  me  that  General  Denver  sat  with  him  last  night  until 
10;  he  and  Denver  left  my  room  at  9.  He  thinks  the 
main  object  of  Denver's  visit  here  is  to  see  him  about 
certain  treasury  drafts  of  the  Confederate  Government; 
to  get  information  by  which  the  funds  as  covered  by 
these  drafts,  amounting  to  a  few  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
may  be  got  possession  of  by  the  authorities  at  Washington. 
Reagan  told  all  he  knew  about  them,  but  that  was  not 
certain  or  definite.  To  me,  the  visit,  without  this  expla- 


498  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

nation,  seemed  very  mysterious.  This  may  be  the  sole 
object.  Answered  Linton's  letter  of  the  2;th,  address 
ing  him  at  Willard's  Hotel,  Washington,  but  I  have  very 
little  idea  that  my  letter  will  reach  him. 

General  Denver  called  to  take  leave.  Sat  a  few  min 
utes  and  then  left  with  friendly  parting  expression 
of  sympathy  and  the  statement  that  he  would  do  what 
he  could  for  me.  One  thing  he  said  gave  me  the  impres 
sion  that  he  thinks  Mr.  Seward  rather  vindictive  toward 
me  for  some  cause  which  he  cannot  understand. 

Ten-o'clock  boat  came.  I  see  from  the  Boston  Post 
that  Linton  left  Washington  yesterday  for  this  place, 
and  that  I  shall  probably  be  paroled.  I  am  greatly 
encouraged.  From  this  letter  I  do  not  think  he  left  until 
he  got  the  parole  or  learned  that  it  was  definitely  decided 
that  there  would  be  no  action  soon.  In  the  latter  case, 
it  would  hardly  have  been  published  that  there  was  a 
probability  of  parole,  but  rather  that  he  had  not  suc 
ceeded.  This  is  my  intrepretation.  I  am  hopeful,  but 
shall  not  permit  myself  to  be  carried  away  with  hope. 
Corporal  Geary  brought  me  a  joint  letter  from  Thomas 
Charm,  Jr.,  and  his  son,  James,  of  Columbus,  Ga. 

I  shall  look  for  Linton  this  evening  or  certainly  to-mor 
row  morning.  Oh,  that  no  accident  may  befall  him  in 
coming!  May  our  Father  in  Heaven  watch  over,  guard, 
and  protect  him,  and  bring  him  safely  here!  Answered 
letters. 

At  3.30,  went  to  the  ramparts  and  staid  there  until 
the  boat  arrived.  I  thought  Linton  might  come.  Boat 
came.  No  letters  and  no  news  from  Linton.  I  shall 
wait  patiently  until  to-morrow.  I  shall  now  look  for 
him  certainly  by  the  morning  boat.  The  Judge  and  I 
went  again  upon  the  ramparts.  We  saw  Bjckley  and 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  499 

Vernon  walking  on  their  part.  We  also  saw  the  poor 
soldiers  on  a  beat  with  burdens  on  their  backs,  evidently 
suffering  punishment  for  some  offense.  The  punish 
ment  seems  to  be  to  walk  on  a  line  or  beat  on  the  drill- 
ground  back  and  forth,  with  heavy  packs  on  their  backs. 
They  seemed  very  tired,  and  I  pitied  them.  We  returned 
to  my  room;  then  went  to  our  mess-room  for  tea;  then 
came  back  to  my  room  where  we  sat  and  talked  for 
some  time;  the  subject  was  Mr.  Davis.  I  gave  the  Judge 
an  outline  of  the  correspondence  between  myself  and 
Mr.  Davis  last  winter.  While  we  were  out,  Mr.  Har 
rington  brought  his  hydrometric  registry  and  left  it  on 
my  table. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

FRIDAY,  Sept.  i.--The  summer  has  gone.    Sep 
tember    is    here.      How    much    longer    shall    I 
remain?    Linton,  I  expect,  will  be  here  to-day. 
The  news  he  will  bring  will  settle  the  question  whether 
I  am  to  be  paroled  or  remain. 

7  P.  M. — Alone  in  the  twilight.  What  emotions  have 
I  experienced  since  my  last  entry!  Linton  came  by  the 
morning  boat.  I  was  certain,  on  my  first  view  of  his 
countenance,  that  he  had  not  with  him  any  order  for 
my  release,  or  any  news  to  that  effect.  He  soon  told 
me  by  words  what  I  had  read  in  his  face.  I  was  not  much 
disappointed;  was  not  depressed;  I  was  prepared. 
Governor  H.  V.  Johnson  came  with  him;  did  not  enter 
my  room  with  Linton,  but  followed  soon  after.  Reagan 
and  I  were  playing  piquet  when  Linton  appeared. 
Reagan  quickly  left,  as  he  is  not  permitted  to  hold  con 
versations  with  my  visitors.  Governor  Johnson  was 
unwell;  rested  on  my  bed  a  good  portion  of  the  day. 
Linton  and  I  talked  a  great  deal.  We  spent  a  pleasant 
day;  he  did  not  bring  his  baggage  from  Boston  and  went 
back  this  evening  for  it.  Johnson  went  by  same  boat; 
is  going  back  to  Washington  and  to  Georgia;  said  he 
would  have  another  interview  with  the  President  on 
my  account  if  he  could  get  it.  I  indulge  but  slight  hopes 
of  early  release;  am  prepared  in  mind  to  remain  here 
for  some  time  to  come.  I  am  not  oppressed  at  the  out 
look.  I  am  schooled  to  patience.  I  feel  sad  at  Linton's 

500 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  501 

having  to  leave  me,  but  am  sustained  by  the  prospect 
of  having  him  back  to-morrow  to  spend  some  weeks 
with  me.  This  will  be  a  great  comfort. 

Letters  from  John  A.  Stephens,  Frank  Bristow,  Harry, 
the  Hon.  Peterson  Thweatt  [former  Comptroller-General  of 
Ga.],  Mr.  Baskerville,  C.  A.  Beasley,  and  R.  M.  Johnston 
added  to  the  good  things  received  this  day.  But  pleasures, 
like  other  excitements,  leave  the  spirit  in  a  state  of  ebb 
tide.  The  news  Linton  brought  from  home  was  not  all 
pleasant.  Some  was  very  sad;  two  of  my  county  friends 
are  dead,  D.  L.  Peek  and  Esau  Ellington.  Things  at 
home,  too,  are  not  going  on  as  well  as  I  could  wish.  I 
need  not  state  particulars  here.  After  dinner,  Linton 
and  I  called  on  Captain  and  Mrs.  Livermore;  met 
Mrs.  and  Captain  Perry,  their  guests.  The  boat  left 
at  5 ;  I  bade  Johnson  good-bye  with  a  full  heart ;  also, 
Linton  for  the  night.  I  felt  very  sad  when  I  turned  away 
from  them.  Oh,  may  Linton  return  in  the  morning  safely! 

Governor  Johnson  brought  good  news  for  Judge 
Reagan;  he  had  seen  in  Washington  Robert  McMatthew, 
who  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  conducting  Reagan's 
children  to  Texas.  Reagan  had  not  heard  from  his 
children  since  February.  McMatthew  told  Johnson 
he  had  placed  them  safely  with  their  grandmother  in 
Texas.  Reagan  and  I  took  supper  by  ourselves.  Linton, 
Johnson,  and  I  dined  together. 

Sept.  2. —  Was  taken  ill  last  night.  Linton  returned 
by  morning  boat.  Reagan  spent  the  morning  with  me 
until  he  came.  Dr.  Seaverns  called  early.  Corporal 
went  for  him.  Linton  has  moved  my  bed  into  the  front 
room.  Mr.  Harrington  brought  me  some  arrowroot 
nicely  prepared. 


502  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Sunday  Sept.  3. —  After  midnight,  the  fever  I  had  had 
all  day  passed  off.  Read  in  Ezra.  Linton  read  me 
portions  of  this  journal.  He  read  the  first  pages  yesterday. 
To-day,  he  read  on  from  where  he  left  off  yesterday. 
When  he  got  to  the  second  day's  imprisonment  here, 
I  told  him  to  stop.  It  made  me  sad.  For  some  cause, 
his  emotions  overpowered  him  and  he  wept  aloud.  I, 
too,  wept,  but  told  him  not  to  grieve.  It  was  all  over 
I  hoped.  I  had  suffered  greatly,  but  did  not  now.  The 
doctor  called  soon;  called  again  before  noon,  and  again 
this  evening.  Linton  and  I  spent  the  day  in  talking. 
How  pleasant  a  day  it  was  to  me!  Linton  dined  in  the 
mess-room.  Our  breakfast  was  served  here.  After 
dinner,  Linton  lay  down  for  a  nap.  I  walked  round  to 
see  Reagan.  We  walked  out  on  the  ramparts.  Then 
Linton  and  I  walked  on  the  ramparts. 

Tuesday,  Sept.  5.  —  Sundown.  Retreat  is  beating. 
I  have  been  crowded  with  company.  Dr.  and  Mrs. 
James  T.  Paterson  of  Georgia,  William  D.  Crocket 
and  wife  from  Boston,  and  Malcolm  Mosely  (Dick 
Johnston's  nephew),  Sergeant  in  U.  S.  Infantry  at  Fort 
Independence,  called.  Had  quite  a  dinner  party.  Seven 
of  us  sat  down  at  the  table.  Geary  waited  upon  us  very 
well.  All  went  by  the  boat  at  5.  Early  in  the  day,  I 
wrote  to  Harry,  John  A.  Stephens,  Mr.  Baskerville  and 
others.  No  news  in  the  papers  except  a  telegram  from 
Washington  saying  it  is  now  fixed  to  have  Mr.  Davis 
tried  before  the  Chief  Justice  at  Norfolk  in  October. 
Letter  from  John  A.  Stephens.  All  my  people  well. 
All  well  at  the  homestead.  Senator  Henry  Wilson  sent 
me  a  copy  of  his  book,  "  Anti-Slavery  Measures  in  Con 
gress." 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  503 

Sept.  6.  —  Linton  and  I  walked  out  twice.  In  the 
evening,  I  joined  Reagan  in  a  walk.  Dr.  Seaverns 
called  and  sat  with  us  an  hour  after  night.  Linton  and 
I  had  called  to  see  him  but  he  was  not  in.  We  called 
on  Mrs.  Livermore;  sat  some  time  in  conversation; 
the  Captain  was  with  us  part  of  the  time.  Mrs.  Liver- 
more  has  sent  us  some  of  the  best  pears  I  ever  ate.  This 
entry  is  not  made  on  the  6th  but  on  the  yth,  such  has 
become  my  negligence  of  my  journal  since  Linton  came. 
Wrote  several  letters. 

Linton  got  a  letter  from  S.  J.  Anderson  which  gives 
the  opinion  that  no  demonstrations  in  my  behalf  by  the 
Republicans  in  New  York  would  avail  anything,  but 
that  I  will  be  pardoned  and  released  "  before  long."  This 
he  learned,  through  Sheriff  Kelley,  from  Republicans. 
Linton  and  I  met  Mrs.  Appleton  on  the  parapet.  She 
was  on  a  visit  here,  spending  the  day  with  Mrs.  Seaverns. 
Mrs.  Seaverns  and  little  family  of  children  were  walking 
with  her.  I  called  to  see  her  in  the  evening.  Linton 
was  reading  my  journal.  After  my  visit,  Reagan  and 
I  took  a  long  walk  on  the  parapet. 

I  wrote  a  number  of  letters  of  introduction  for  Mr. 
Micajah  O.  Hall  who  is  going  to  Atlanta  to  open  a  book 
store.  He  has  been  a  clerk  in  the  sutler's  office.  Linton 
wrote  to  the  Hon.  B.  H.  Bigham,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Dr.  Seaverns  called  at  9  p.  m.  I  was  in  bed;  Linton 
was  reading.  He  came  to  tell  me  that  the  ladies,  Mrs. 
Livermore  and  Mrs.  Seaverns,  had  wormed  out  a  dif 
ferent  answer  to  the  charade  from  the  one  I  got.  Their 
answer  was  " wormwood"  [see  p.  306,  308]. 

Sept.  9.  —  The  Corporal  tells  me  that  Mrs.  Nutler, 
who  has  moved,  will  do  no  more  washing  here.  What 


504  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

I  am  to  do,  I  do  not  know.  She  was  the  only  person 
here  who  took  in  washing.  The  Corporal  thinks  I  will 
have  to  send  washing  to  Boston.  Got  two  copies  of 
the  Constitutionalist  of  Augusta,  Ga.  In  one,  saw 
two  letters  from  Judge  Starnes  to  Colonel  M.  C.  Fulton, 
of  Snow  Hill.  The  Atlanta  Intelligencer  comes 
regularly. 

6  P.  M. — Mr.  Myers  came.  I  was  very  glad  to  see 
him.  He  brought  me  a  bottle  of  brandy  and  a  box  of 
cigars.  We  spent  a  pleasant  day.  He  told  me  all  the 
news  about  home,  and  of  some  things  that  have  happened 
since  he  left.  Amongst  other  things,  he  brought  me 
the  pen  with  which  I  am  writing.  It  is  a  good  pen; 
cost  $4.50  in  New  York.  I  was  sad  when  he  left.  Linton 
went  out  on  the  ramparts  to  see  him  depart;  I  sent  by 
him  to  Mr.  John  Phillips,  of  Boston  to  supply  me  with 
a  bedstead,  bed,  and  bedclothes.  Myers  said  he  would 
send  me  an  overcoat  and  five  pounds  of  candles.  I  sent 
by  him  two  peach  seeds  for  Harry  to  plant,  and  also  some 
sweet  cakes  for  Ellen,  Tim,  Dora,  Fanny  and  Quin 
[young  Negroes,  Harry's  children]. 

Sept.  ii.  —  Made  no  entry  yesterday.  It  was  Sun 
day.  Passed  the  day  pleasantly  with  Linton.  He  read 
to  me  most  of  the  time,  when  we  were  not  walking  out. 
We  spent  a  very  pleasant  time  after  candle-light,  talking 
of  old  matters,  scenes  of  his  early  childhood,  his  recol 
lections  of  events  at  the  old  homestead  before  he  was 
three  years  old,  of  Aunt  Nimmie  Gordon;  and  of 
many  things  which  awakened  pleasant  but  melancholy 
reminiscences.  My  old  Aunt  Betsy,  Uncle  Aaron, 
and  many  other  persons  once  dear  to  us  both,  were 
talked  of. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  505 

Sept.  12. —  Linton  went  to  Boston.  Phillips  brought 
my  bed  and  other  things  down;  $73.13.  Reagan  and 
I  spent  the  day  together  and  watched  for  the  approach 
of  the  boat  from  Boston.  Linton  returned.  Brought 
me  various  articles  needed.  Wm.  Prescott  Smith,  of 
Baltimore,  called.  Promised  to  call  again;  was  passing 
by  to  Portland,  Maine. 

Sept.  13.  —  Did  not  sleep  well  on  my  new  bed.  I 
thought  from  smell  the  feathers  were  old.  Wrote  to 
Senator  Henry  Wilson.  Linton  received  a  letter  from 
S.  J.  Anderson  which  seems  to  settle  the  question  of 
my  release;  all  prospects  buried  for  the  present.  Hon. 
Anson  B.  Burlingame  came  down  to  the  fort  at  4,  with 
a  party  of  friends.  In  this  were  Sir  Frederick  Bruce, 
the  British  Minister.  Also  Mrs.  Van  Lew  and  daughter, 
from  Richmond;  they  came  to  see  me.  A  Mrs.  Revere 
also  called,  as  did  Air.  Livermore,  father  of  the  Captain, 
who,  by  the  by,  has  been  promoted  and  is  now  Major. 
General  Schouler,  Adj. -General  of  the  State,  called. 
He  seems  to  be  a  warm  friend  to  me.  Mr.  Burlingame 
seems  quite  kind-hearted.  These  gentlemen  told  me 
that  Governor  Andrew  (of  Mass.)  has  written  to  Wash 
ington  in  my  behalf. 

Sept.  15.  —  I  told  Linton  I  had  a  presentiment  that 
I  should  be  released  before  long.  I  was  reluctant  to 
tell  him  this,  for  I  thought  he  might  consider  it  super 
stitious,  and  so  it  may  be,  but  O  my  God,  in  Thy  mercy 
make  it  true !  I  dreamed  of  being  at  home,  of  seeing  Bob 
and  giving  Charlton  a  coat.  Judge  Erskine,  who  now 
resides  in  New  York,  called  to  see  me.  By  the  evening 
boat,  Major  Jones,  Quartermaster  for  New  York  State, 


5o6  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

who  resides  in  Albany,  called.  He  is  my  relative.  He 
showed  me  a  letter  from  Colonel  Babcock,  of  General 
Grant's  staff,  stating  that  the  General  is  in  favour  of 
my  release.  He  presented  me  with  a  light  walking- 
cane.  I  met  him  at  City  Point  last  February;  he  was 
kind  and  attentive  to  me  there;  sent  me  a  dozen  Scotch 
ale.  Rev.  Dr.  Stebbins,  of  Cambridge,  Major  Liver- 
more's  uncle,  called  this  evening;  the  Major  brought 
him.  Dr.  Stebbins  expressed  strong  sympathy  for  me 
and  an  earnest  desire  for  my  early  discharge. 

Sept.  1 6.  —  Linton  was  to  have  gone  to  Boston  to-day 
to  see  after  some  matters  for  me;  but,  as  I  was  taken  ill 
and  as  Lieut.  Newton  was  going  up,  he  remained.  I  wrote 
to  the  President  and  to  General  Grant.  I  reminded  the 
President  of  his  promise  by  telegram  to  reply  to  my  request 
for  a  personal  interview,  and  again  urged  it  as  it  is  import 
ant  for  me  to  be  released  —  if  I  am  to  be  released  —  by 
the  middle  of  October.  To  General  Grant,  I  gave  the 
facts  of  my  case  and  asked  him,  if  consistent  with  his 
sense  of  duty,  to  lend  the  great  weight  of  his  name  and 
influence  for  my  release  on  parole ;  this  is  a  copy : 

LIEUT.  GEN.  U.  S.  GRANT,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir:  All  the  apology  I  have  to  offer  for  this 
letter,  as  well  as  its  explanation,  is  to  be  found  in  the 
facts  herein  presented.  I  am  now  in  confinement  in 
this  place,  as  you  are  probably  aware.  I  have  been  here 
since  the  25th  of  May  last.  I  am  exceedingly  anxious 
to  be  paroled  as  a  great  many  others  have  been,  who  were 
arrested  as  I  was.  I  think  I  am  as  justly  entitled  to 
discharge  on  parole  as  many  of  those  to  whom  I  allude. 
No  man  in  the  Southern  States,  I  think,  exerted  his  powers 
to  a  greater  extent  than  I  did  to  avert  the  late  lamentable 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  507 

troubles  of  our  country,  no  man  strove  harder  to  bring 
about  peace,  and  no  man  can  be  more  anxious  to  see  peace, 
order,  harmony,  and  prosperity  restored  than  myself. 
You  knew  my  feelings  on  this  subject  when  we  met  at 
Hampton  Roads.  They  were  correctly  set  forth  in  youu 
telegram  to  the  Secretary  of  War;  upon  that,  the  Hampton 
Roads  Conference  was  granted.  When  I  parted  with 
you,  I  assured  you  that  while  nothing  definite  had  been 
accomplished,  I  was  hopeful  that  good  would  result. 
In  that  hope  I  was  disappointed.  No  one  could  have 
been  more  pained,  mortified,  and  chagrined  than  I 
was  at  the  result.  I  refer  to  this  because  you  were  then 
fully  informed  of  my  views.  And  I  now  drop  you  this 
line  simply  to  ask  you,  if  you  feel  at  liberty  to  do  so,  to 
lend  the  great  weight  of  your  name  and  influence  with 
the  President,  and  the  Secretaries  of  War  and  State,  for  my 
release  on  parole.  I  have  applied  to  the  President  for 
amnesty,  but  if  the  President  for  any  reason  feels  dis 
posed  to  postpone  decision  of  that  matter,  I  am  perfectly 
content.  What  I  desire  mainly  is  a  release  from  impri 
sonment  on  parole,  as  others,  or  on  bail,  if  it  should  be 
required.  In  no  event  would  I  attempt  to  avoid  a  prose 
cution  or  trial,  if  it  should  be  thought  best  for  any  reason 
to  adopt  such  a  course  toward  me.  I  wish  release 
both  in  consequence  of  my  health  and  private  affairs. 
My  case  and  request  are  briefly  submitted  to  you.  Act 
in  the  premises  as  your  sense  of  duty  shall  direct. 
Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Sunday  —  I  feel  better,  but  am  not  well.  Read  in 
Psalms.  I  talked  with  Reagan  for  some  time.  He  is  low- 
spirited.  I  advised  him  to  write  again  to  the  President. 

Sept.  18. — William  W.  Simpson,  of  Sparta,  Ga., 
called,  a  most  agreeable  surprise.  His  news  from  home 
generally  was  interesting.  He  spent  the  day  with  us. 


5o8  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Reagan  sent  for  me  and  submitted  a  letter  he  had  written 
to  the  President.  I  liked  it  very  well.  He  said  he  would 
send  it  this  evening.  Last  night  Linton  and  I  read  his 
memoirs. 

Sept.  19.  -  -  Linton  went  to  Boston.  General  W. 
Raymond  Lee  had  written  at  Miss  Van  Lew's  instance, 
asking  Linton  to  meet  him  at  his  office  this  morning. 
Before  he  left,  we  had  a  long  talk  on  revolutions  and 
resort  to  violence  as  a  means  of  advancing  human  rights 
or  progress.  He  agreed,  as  heretofore,  that  these  great 
ends  are  better  attained  in  the  forum  of  reason  than  in 
the  arena  of  arms.  By  the  boat,  some  friend  sent  a  copy 
of  the  National  Intelligencer  in  which  appears  in  my 
behalf,  an  article  signed  "Justice."  Who  wrote  it,  I 
cannot  imagine.  The  fact  that  none  of  the  leading  papers 
have  republished  it,  convinces  me  that  there  is  not  that 
general  sympathy  in  my  behalf  at  the  North  which  I 
supposed  might  exist.  My  views  are  changed  on  that 
point,  and  I  am  nerved  with  new  fortitude  and  patience 
to  bear  my  lot.  I  am  now  satisfied  that  I  am  nothing 
but  a  sort  of  political  hostage,  held  without  any  regard 
to  personal  merits  or  demerits  and  simply  to  answer  the 
purpose  of  designing  men  in  accomplishing  their  own 
selfish  ends.  I  am  merely  a  victim  to  be  sacrificed  to 
propitiate  others. 

I  see  R.  M.  T.  Hunter  is  in  Washington,  and  in  con 
ference  with  Seward.  Here  I  am  held  in  this  prison 
while  leading  fire-eaters,  Mr.  Davis  and  a  few  others 
excepted,  are  at  large. 

By  evening  boat  I  got  a  letter  from  theHon.B.H.Bigham 
replying  to  mine;  and  one  from  Joseph  Myers,  New  York; 
Myers  says  he  has  sent  me  a  pair  of  blankets  and  a  bottle 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  509 

of  cologne;  and  that  an  overcoat  has  been  sent  to  me  as 
a  present  by  some  one.  Bigham  writes  that  Seward 
assigned  as  a  reason  for  my  detention,  the  fact  that  I 
was  Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy,  and  in  the  case 
of  Mr.  Davis' s  death,  the  presidency  would  devolve  on 
me;  it  would  be  hazardous  to  set  me  at  large  until  all 
the  seceded  States  are  back  in  the  Union  with  Secession 
Ordinances  abrogated,  etc.  This  reason  has  not  enough 
speciousness,  even  as  a  pretext,  to  commend  it  to  my 
charitable  consideration.  Linton  did  not  return. 
Reagan  and  I  walked  out.  Waited  two  hours  looking 
for  the  boat  and  Linton.  We  talked  over  our  misfor 
tunes  pretty  freely  and  fully.  Dr.  Seaverns  called  after 
supper  and  played  piquet  until  10.30. 

Sept.  20.  —  I  wrote  this  letter  to  the  Hon.  Wm.  H. 
Seward : 

Dear  Sir:  You  will,  I  trust,  excuse  me  for  addressing 
you  upon  a  subject  of  very  great  interest  to  me  personally: 
I  mean,  my  release  on  parole.  I  am  induced  to  do  this 
from  a  letter  just  received  from  a  distinguished  friend 
in  Washington.  That  friend  writes  to  me  that  the 
reason  you  assigned  to  him  for  my  continued  imprison 
ment  was  the  fact  that  I  was  the  Vice-President  under 
the  Confederate  States  organization  and  in  case  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Davis  the  duties  of  that  office  would  devolve 
on  me,  etc.:  hence,  the  danger  of  permitting  me  to  go 
at  large  until  all  the  States  of  that  organization  should 
be  restored  to  their  proper  relations  to  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment.  ...  In  my  letter  to  the  President  making 
special  application  for  amnesty,  etc.,  I  expressly  stated 
that  all  further  contest  was  abandoned;  that  it  was 
not  abandoned  as  soon  as  I  wished  it  to  be,  but  its 
abandonment,  when  it  was,  had  my  cordial  approval; 


5io  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

and  I  accepted  the  results  of  the  war  [illegible  words]  and 
I  was  willing  to  abide  by  the  results  in  good  faith, 
and  to  take  the  prescribed  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  Can  you  or  the  authorities 
at  Washington  desire  to  have  stronger  evidence  than  this 
that  no  such  danger  as  suggested  by  you  need  be  enter 
tained  from  my  enlargement  ?  Indeed,  I  stated  to  the  Pre 
sident  that  I  would,  if  released,  use  my  utmost  exertions 
and  influence  in  bringing  about  a  restoration  of  peace 
and  harmony  in  the  country  on  the  basis  of  the  Execu 
tive  policy.  I  present  these  facts  for  your  consideration 
as  a  full  answer  to  the  objection  raised  by  you  to  my 
release  in  that  view.  Again,  if  released  on  parole  or  bond, 
I  should  still  be  in  custody  of  the  authorities  on  such 
terms  as  they  might  think  proper  to  prescribe.  Allow 
me  to  add  in  explanation  of  my  importunity  on  this  sub 
ject,  that  it  is  a  matter  of  the  utmost  importance  to  my 
present  welfare  and  that  of  others,  to  say  nothing  of  my 
health,  that  if  I  am  to  be  released  at  all,  it  should  be  done 
at  an  early  day  —  at  least  by  the  middle  or  latter  part 
of  October.  By  that  time  my  business  at  home,  the 
nature  of  which  you  are  apprised  of,  now  in  suspense, 
must  be  attended  to,  or  great  confusion,  if  not  ruin  to 
me,  must  ensue.  My  presence  is  almost  absolutely 
necessary  for  any  proper  settlement  of  estates  and  trust 
property  in  my  hands.  These  matters  have  been  post 
poned  in  expectation  that  I  would  be  released,  to  give 
them  my  personal  attention.  They  cannot  be  postponed 
beyond  the  close  of  this  year.  If  I  am  not  released  before 
cold  weather  sets  in,  I  could  not,  without  great  hazard 
and  risk  undertake  the  travel  home  before  next  summer. 
It  is,  moreover,  essential  to  the  well-being  of  the  freedmen 
with  their  families  on  my  place  at  home  that  I  should 
perfect  my  arrangements  with  them  at  least  by  the  first 
of  November.  They  are  anxiously  and  earnestly  looking 
for  me  now  daily.  I  must  confess  that  I  cannot  see  any 
reason  of  State  policy  that  should  keep  me  in  prison  - 
especially  as  so  many  others  infinitely  more  responsible 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  511 

than  myself  for  all  these  troubles  have  been  fully  par 
doned.  Of  this  I  do  not  complain.  I  think  the  Presi 
dent  has  acted  patriotically  and  wisely  in  the  clemency 
exercised  by  him  in  this  particular.  I  only  mean  to  say 
that  I  cannot  see  any  reason  of  State  policy  that  applies 
to  me  that  does  not  apply  with  equal  force  to  many  I 
could  name  of  these. 

Yours  most  respectfully, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Linton  came.  Says  the  opinion  prevails  in  Boston, 
with  those  he  met,  that  I  will  be  released  soon.  Hope 
their  opinion  may  prove  true.  Got  a  letter  from  Frank 
Bristow;  Tim  had  lost  one  of  his  calves;  it  died.  I  am 
sorry  for  the  calf  as  well  as  for  Tim. 

Thursday  —  Nineteen  weeks  since  "ny  arrest ;  seven 
teen,  I  have  been  in  this  fort.  I  did  not  sleep  well. 
Pain  in  the  chest.  A  pair  of  superb  bed-blankets  came 
by  the  boat,  where  from  I  do  not  know. 

P.  M. — Linton  got  a  letter  from  Gen.  W.  Raymond 
Lee,  of  Boston,  or  West  Roxbury,  stating  that  he  thought 
he  might  safely  say  the  day  of  my  release  is  at  hand.  He 
invited  us,  when  I  shall  be  released,  to  spend  an  evening 
with  him  and  meet  Governor  Andrew,  etc.  This  was 
cheering  news  to  me.  Telegram  from  Joe  Myers,  inform 
ing  me  of  his  safe  arrival  home,  and  that  all  were  well 
at  my  home  and  at  Sparta.  Lieut.  Newton  called,  with 
board  and  appendages,  to  teach  me  the  Garrison  Game. 
I  took  the  men  and  beat  him  the  first  time.  Linton  then 
took  the  officers  and  beat  him  with  the  men.  It  is  on 
the  "Fox  and  Geese"  order,  but  much  more  complicated. 
Dr.  Seaverns  also  called,  and  he  and  I  played  piquet 
until  Newton  left;  then  Linton  and  he  played  piquet. 


512  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Sept.  22. — Dr.  Paterson  came  by  boat.  He  brought 
a  copy  of  the  Boston  Traveller  containing  a  com 
munication  about  my  release  on  parole.  We  spent  a 
pleasant  day.  He  left  by  evening  boat.  No  news  in 
in  the  evening  Boston  Journal.  I  am  now  in  suspense 
about  my  case.  No  reply  from  General  Raymond  Lee 
to  Linton's  note  of  this  morning.  Linton  got  a  long 
and  interesting  letter  from  Mrs.  Salter.  Mr.  Harring 
ton  brought  me  in  his  registry  of  the  meteorological 
changes,  etc. 

A  cat  has  taken  up  in  my  room.  He  belongs  to  the 
boat's  mess,  and  has  remained  all  day,  quite  domesticated. 
I  patted  him  on  the  head  this  morning  down  in  the  mess- 
room  of  the  boat's  crew,  and  he  took  up  with  me  immedi 
ately.  Dr.  Seaverns  called  after  supper.  Sat  a  while  and 
told  us  of  a  ride  in  the  horse-car  to-day  in  Boston  with  Dr. 
Paterson  and  Mr.  Crocket.  Linton  read  to  me  Schlcgel 
on  Literature. 

Sept.  23. —  The  cat  staid  all  night  with  me.  By  the 
boat  I  got  a  basket  of  fruit  from  Mrs.  Paterson :  peaches, 
pears,  and  plums.  Linton  and  I  took  a  long  walk.  The 
evening  boat  did  not  come.  We  staid  on  the  rampart 
until  retreat  beat.  After  I  went  to  bed,  the  boat  came. 
The  Corporal  brought  me  the  Journal.  No  news.  Noth 
ing  about  my  release.  Did  not  go  to  sleep  for  hours, 
thinking  of  my  imprisonment,  and  brooding  over  my 
suspense. 

Sunday  —  Had  bad  dreams ;  dreamed  of  seeing  several 
people  hanged.  After  breakfast,  Linton  and  I  walked 
on  the  ramparts.  He  gave  me  this  conundrum:  "Why 
is  your  old  overcoat  (I  had  put  it  on  for  the  walk)  like 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  513 

a  good  Christian?"  After  searching  my  mind  for  seme 
word  that  would  express  similarity  in  the  line  of  tribu 
lation  or  adversity,  I  gave  it  up.  Whereupon,  he  said, 
"  Because  it  has  received  Devine  assistance."  Mr. 
Devine  had  mended  it.  We  whiled  away  an  hour,  wait 
ing  for  the  boat. 

The  cat,  which  we  have  named  Tom,  answers  to  his 
name  and  seems  quite  at  home  with  us. 

The  mail  came  without  the  boat,  or  in  advance  of  it. 
Somebody  sent  me  the  Boston  Express,  which  has  two 
articles  advocating  my  release.  Got  my  two  Georgia 
papers;  I  see  Judge  Jenkins's  acceptance  of  nomination 
to  the  State  Convention.  Lin  ton  got  a  note  from  General 
Lee,  of  Boston.  It  states  that  Governor  Andrew  has 
not  returned,  and  that  the  opinion  he  expressed  about 
my  early  release  was  based  on  opinions  expressed  to 
him  by  some  who  are  in  communication  with  the  powers 
at  Washington  and  who  ought  to  know. 

The  boat  came  at  noon,  and  with  it  the  Boston  Herald 
containing  last  night's  Washington  telegram.  I  was 
disappointed  and  mystified  at  seeing  no  allusion  to  my 
release.  I  feel  heartsick.  "Soon"  and  " before  long," 
as  applied  to  my  release  by  those  who  use  such  terms, 
may  mean  weeks  or  months;  even  years,  compared  with 
life  or  eternity,  may  be  styled,  "soon,"  or  "before  long." 
I  feel  worse  than  for  weeks. 

Sept.  25. --The  papers   contained  nothing  about  my 
release.     Mr.  Mallory  at  Fort  Lafayette,  the  Times  says, 
had  an  interview  with  Secretary  Stanton.     Linton  had  a,- 
letter  from  Miss  Van  Lew,  at  Yonkers,  saying  I  would  * 
soon  be  released.     She  had  seen  General  Hooker;    said 
Governor  Andrew  would  call  to  see  me  as  soon  as  he 


514  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

could.  This  does  not  look  much  like  my  release  at  an 
early  day.  Governor  Andrew  was  then  with  Secretary 
Stanton  in  New  York.  She  requested  Linton  to  write 
again,  giving  her  the  names  of  prominent  and  active 
secessionists  who  had  been  pardoned;  also,  those  who 
had  been  paroled.  Linton  answered  her;  wrote  her  a 
good  letter.  The  boat  came.  No  letters.  The  Savan 
nah  News  came,  sent  me  from  Hilton  Head,  I  suppose, 
by  Lieut.  Woodman.  No  allusion  in  evening  paper  to 
my  release.  I  feel  more  chagrined  and  humiliated  than 
since  my  arrest;  I  feel  that  I  have  been  treated  with 
indignity  and  insult.  I  am  enraged  at  myself  for 
ever  having  made  to  President  Johnson  or  Mr. 
Seward  anything  other  than  a  simple  statement  of 
my  case  and  a  demand  for  my  constitutional  and 
legal  right.  I  should  feel  better  if  I  had  borne  in 
silence  whatever  they  saw  fit  to  inflict,  even  if  it  had 
been  death. 

Sept.  26.  —  I  got  a  basket  of  fruit  from  Mrs.  Salter, 
and  Linton  received  a  long  letter  from  her.  The  label 
on  the  basket  bore  her  name.  Directly  under  was  this 
in  pencil,  "How  are  you,  Alex?"  Who  added  this  is 
a  mystery  to  me.  It  is  perhaps  a  taunt  by  some  enemy. 
This  brings  to  my  mind  a  tract  sent  me  a  few  days  ago 
through  the  mails.  It  is  a  campaign  tract  for  1864, 
and  is  made  up  of  what  purports  to  be  extracts  from 
my  speeches;  all  forgeries;  I  made  no  such  speeches. 
Yesterday,  in  conversation  with  Major  Livermore,  I 
told  him  of  these  forgeries.  I  showed  him  my  "Union 
speech,"  of  November  1860,  and  as  it  appears  in  the 
"Rebellion  Record."  He  showed  me  a  letter  he  had 
received  from  the  Hon.  Mr.  Upham,  of  Salem,  expressing 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  515 

a  wish  to  come  to  see  me  again.  I  thanked  him  and 
told  him  I  should  like  much  to  see  Mr.  Upham. 

I  see  in  the  New  York  Times  an  abstract  of  a  sermon 
by  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  which  is  rather  remarkable. 
He  freely  admits  all  I  ever  maintained  about  the  inferi 
ority  of  the  Negro  race  to  the  white.  The  only  real 
difference  in  our  views  concerns  the  system  by  which  the 
influence  of  the  superior  race  can  be  best  exerted  upon 
the  inferior  for  the  latter's  advantage.  Subordination 
of  the  inferior,  I  thought  necessary.  Hence,  the  "  Corner 
stone"  idea  in  my  Savannah  speech. 

Linton  wrote  to  General  Lee,  inquiring  if  he  could 
give  any  opinion  from  his  sources  of  information  as  to 
whether  I  should  be  released  in  the  course  of  a  week* 
He  also  wrote  to  Dr.  Paterson  for  me,  asking  him  to 
send  me  the  Harper's  Monthly  for  October,  containing 
Jordan's  article  on  Mr.  Davis  and  as  many  of  the  recent 
numbers  of  Harper's  Weekly  as  he  could  get.  He  wrote 
Mrs.  Salter  for  both  of  us.  I  paid  Mrs.  Livermore  a 
visit,  and  had  a  long  talk  with  her  on  the  President's 
policy  and  the  state  of  the  country.  I  told  her  that  I 
thought  the  President  was  committing  a  great  error  in 
bringing  into  prominence  the  secession  element  at  the 
South  instead  of  the  original  Union  element.  This, 
in  my  opinion,  is  but  sowing  dragons'-teeth,  though  I 
hope  my  opinion  is  not  correct.  It  is  acting  over  the  old 
policy  of  the  General  Government  after  1850:  the  Union 
men  of  that  day  were  ignored;  the  secessionists  were 
brought  immediately  into  power;  and  the  secession 
movements  of  1860  were  the  fruits. 

Sept.  27.  — Wrote  a  letter  to  General  James  S.  Pratt, 
of  East  Glastonbury,  Ct,  in  answer  to  one  from  him. 


516  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Boat  came.  A  letter  from  the  Hon.  H.  V.  Johnson,  Wash 
ington,  says  nothing  more  encouraging  than  that  I  should 
with  patience  and  fortitude  bear  what  is  upon  me  in  hopes 
of  deliverance  after  a  while.  He  had  not  been  able  to  get 
an  interview  with  the  President.  The  Hon.  Mr.  Upham, 
of  Salem,  Mass.,  spent  the  day  with  us.  He  was  in  Con 
gress  with  me;  he  is  an  intelligent  and  agreeable  gentle 
man.  The  time  passed  pleasantly.  We  walked  on  the 
ramparts.  Mr.  Upham  is  a  friend  of  mine.  Major 
Livermore  delivered  me  a  message  from  Lieut.  Woodman, 
and  a  card  bearing  his  "kind  remembrances."  He  is 
at  the  Sea  Island  Hotel,  Hilton  Head,  S.  C.  Evening 
boat  brought  two  letters  for  Linton.  One  from  Mrs. 
Salter  in  which  she  says  that  Colonel  Ives,  who  married 
Miss  Cora  Semmes,  is  her  brother.  The  other,  from 
General  Raymond  Lee,  in  answer  to  Linton's  note, 
advises  Linton  to  remain  until  next  week  to  see  if  I  shall 
not  be  released  by  then.  Governor  Andrew,  he  says, 
has  not  returned,  but  is  expected  by  Monday  night. 
Dr.  Seaverns  called  after  supper  and  sat  until  late.  We 
had  a  long  talk  on  public  affairs,  the  policy  of  the  admin 
istration,  my  confinement,  etc. 

Thursday  -  -  Thursday  is  said  to  have  been  an  unlucky 
day  for  the  house  of  Henry  VIII. ,  of  England.  On  a 
Thursday,  he  died;  so  did  his  son  Edward,  his  daughter 
Mar}7,  and  the  great  Elizabeth.  It  has  certainly  been 
an  unlucky  day  for  me.  This  completes  the  twentieth 
week  since  my  arrest.  If  I  had  known,  when  I  entered 
these  walls,  that  I  should  be  here  eighteen  weeks,  could 
I  have  stood  it?  I  might;  no  one  knows  what  he  can 
stand.  But  I  feel  certain  such  knowledge  would  have 
greatly  increased  my  tortures  of  mind.  For  though  I 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  517 

did  think  I  might  be  imprisoned  for  years,  yet  there  was 
a  latent  hope  that  confinement  would  be  short.  This 
sustained  me  even  in  the  darkest  hour.  Wrote  to  Lieut. 
Woodman.  Lin  ton  is  reading  the  first  volume  of  this 
journal.  I  am  low-spirited.  O  Father,  let  not  my  pre 
sentiment  of  two  weeks  ago  be  unfulfilled!  I  know 
Thou  dost  move  the  hearts  of  men ;  in  Thee,  and  not  in 
them,  do  I  put  my  trust. 

A  despatch  to  the  World  says  "it  is  believed  that  General 
Howell  Cobb  has  been  arrested  on  charge  of  complicity 
in  the  atrocities  at  Anderson ville."  I  think  this  can 
hardly  be  true.  Dr.  Paterson  writes  Linton  to  come  up 
to  Boston  to  consult  upon  some  plans  which  he  has  on 
foot  in  my  behalf;  says  it  is  understood  that  the  Presi 
dent  has  left  the  case  to  Seward.  I  answered  the  Hon.  H. 
V.  Johnson's  letter;  expressed  the  hope  that  he  might 
be  in  our  State  Convention  and  that  all  things  would 
then  be  done  rightly;  said  I  thought  the  suffrage,  under 
proper  restrictions,  ought  to  be  extended  to  the  freedmen, 
that  they  should  be  permitted  to  testify  in  the  courts, 
and  that  provision  should  be  made  for  the  education  of 
their  children.  Linton  left  me  to  go  up  to  Boston. 

Sept.  29.  —  Last  night,  Reagan  took  supper  with 
me  and  sat  until  9.30.  We  played  piquet.  He  beat  some 
of  the  games,  but  I  beat  most.  Dr.  Seaverns  called.  He 
was  amused  at  a  story  I  told  Reagan,  illustrating  our  game. 
I  had  seven  cards,  hearts,  all  but  the  king,  three  aces  and 
a  six  sequence;  I  stood  at  98  and  he  at  10.  I  thought 
I  was  safely  out,  I  announced  my  hand.  Reagan  called, 
"Not  good,"  to  my  astonishment.  He  had  seven 
spades  and  seven  sequence  on  the  king,  four  kings  and 
three  jacks,  and  four  other  sequence,  which  gave  him 


518  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

ninety;  this,  with  the  ten  scored,  put  him  out.  The  story 
was  this:  "When  Colonel  Alfred  Cumming,  a  very 
popular  man,  was  running  for  Mayor  of  Augusta,  the 
contest  was  thought  to  be  very  close.  About  three  on 
election  day,  a  friend,  in  great  excitement,  came  to  him 
in  his  office  and  found  him  very  quiet.  He  was  strong 
with  the  people,  and  master  of  all  electioneering  arts. 
The  friend,  surprised  to  find  him  so  composed,  said, 
"Colonel,  they  are  giving  us  the  devil  down  at  A  ward. 
They  have  polled  at  least  twenty-five  illegal  votes  there; 
the  day  is  lost,  I  fear."  "Never  mind,"  said  the  Colonel 
coolly,  "if  they  are  giving  us  the  devil  at  A  ward,  we  are 
giving  them  hell  in  the  same  way  at  B  ward.  Don't 
be  uneasy  about  the  result."  And  so  it  turned  out; 
he  had  beat  his  opponents  on  their  own  line  of  attack. 
"So,"  said  I  to  Reagan,  "while  I  thought  I  was  giving 
you  Jesse  on  hearts,  you  were  giving  me  fits  on  spades." 
Reagan  last  night  turned  over  the  spittoon  again.  He 
is  terrible  on  spittoons.  This  is  twice  he  has  turned 
one  over  in  my  room.  He  seemed  quite  concerned  about 
it. 

Tomcat  has  deserted  my  room  for  several  days.  What 
has  become  of  him,  I  do  not  know. 

Wrote  another  letter  to  Mr.  Seward,  simply  to  say 
that  Linton  would  remain  here  until  next  Tuesday;  if 
I  am  to  be  released  by  the  middle  of  October,  a  few  days 
earlier  would  make  no  difference  to  him  (the  Secretary), 
I  supposed :  and  it  would  add  greatly  to  my  gratification 
and  Linton's  if  I  should  be  permitted  to  accompany 
him  home;  I  did  not  wish  to  annoy  the  Secretary  with 
importunities,  but  merely  to  let  him  know  in  case  a 
release  was  contemplated  at  all,  how  I  would  be  affected 
by  a  month's,  a  week's,  or  even  a  day's  delay.  I  was 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  519 

without  authenic  information,  but  wrote  because  divers 
rumours  that  I  was  to  be  released  before  long  had  reached 
me.  I  thought  it  was  proper  he  should  know  how  a 
few  days  earlier  or  later  might  affect  me  as  to  my  private 
business  at  home  and  my  personal  accommodation  in 
getting  there. 

Walked  out.  In  our  walk  on  the  rampart,  Reagan 
called  my  attention  to  some  sort  of  sea-monster  out  in 
the  harbour  just  south-east  of  the  south-eastern  bastion. 
What  it  was  we  could  not  make  out.  It  moved  about 
in  the  water  exactly  like  a  serpent,  holding  its  head 
above  the  surface.  From  currents  produced  by  its  move 
ments,  it  appeared  to  be  not  less  than  fifteen  feet  long; 
it  might  have  been  twenty.  We  got  sight  of  no  part 
but  the  head  and  breast.  It  moved  up  to  a  rock,  and 
put  its  head  and  breast  on  it,  much  as  a  water-moccasin 
does.  We  were  about  400  yards  away,  and  could  see 
only  its  general  outline.  The  head  looked  at  that  dis 
tance  fully  as  large  as  a  man's.  In  our  second  walk  on 
the  rampart,  we  staid  until  the  boat  came  to  the  wharf, 
saw  Linton  get  off,  and  then  returned  to  our  respective 
quarters.  Linton  brought  no  special  news.  Dr.  Pater- 
son  had  conversed  with  him  on  his  plan,  which  was  a 
petition  from  Boston  men,  etc. 

Sept.  30.  —  I  got  a  passport  for  Dr.  Salter  and  fam 
ily  to  visit  me.  Linton  sent  it  by  mail.  Linton  met  the 
Hon.  John  E.  Ward  in  Boston.  Just  returned  to  this 
country.  He  sent  me  kind  messages,  and  the  British 
Quarterly  Review  for  July,  which  has  an  article  on  the 
American  War.  Mrs.  Salter  sent  me  "Silvio  Pellico." 
A  Washington  telegram  in  the  Herald  states  that  certain 
State  prisoners  at  Fort  Warren,  Fortress  Monroe,  etc., 


520  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

who  are  expecting  unconditional  release  are  soon  to  be 
ordered  to  Washington  for  trial;  that  the  provost-mar 
shals  are  getting  evidence  against  them.  This,  I  am 
disposed  to  regard  as  a  settler  of  the  question  of  my 
early  release.  Be  it  so.  All  I  desire  on  this  line  is  an 
early  hearing.  Suspense  is  what  hurts  me  most.  This 
intimation  of  a  trial,  however,  I  regard  as  merely  a  mean 
trick;  to  divert  efforts  made  in  my  behalf,  it  is  pretended 
that  the  Government  has  strong  evidence  against  me. 
I  consider  it  as  a  semi-official  answer  to  my  letters  about 
my  early  release. 

Yesterday,  notice  came  to  the  garrison  to  get  ready 
to  be  mustered  out  at  an  early  date.  There  was  a  general 
shout  by  the  men  when  the  news  reached  them;  all  seemed 
greatly  elated.  This  morning,  preparations  are  being 
made  for  their  early  return  home.  Linton  and  I  walked 
on  the  rampart.  Showed  him  where  Reagan  and  I  saw 
the  sea-monster  yesterday,  the  rock  on  which  he  put  his 
head  and  breast.  Linton  thought  it  at  least  400  yards 
from  the  bastion.  Went  round  to  see  Reagan.  He  had 
seen  the  telegram  in  the  Herald.  It  had  affected  him, 
I  think. 

Lieut.  Newton  has  brought  me  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Seward.  It  is  in  these  words: 

Department  of  State,  WASHINGTON,  Sept.  26,  1865. 
ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS,  Esquire, 
FORT  WARREN,  Boston  Harbour,  Mass. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  i8th  instant  has  been  received 
and  submitted  to  the  examination  of  the  Attorney- General. 
I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

Comments  are  unnecessary. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  521 

Sunday  —  October  is  here  and  I  am  here  too,  in  Fort 
Warren.  Linton  wrote  Mrs.  Salter  to  come  down 
to-morrow.  In  the  evening  he  wrote  to  Becky  [his  little 
daughter].  We  walked  out  three  times  this  beautiful 
day.  I  went  to  see  Reagan.  Had  a  good  long  talk  with 
him.  He  was  transcribing  his  biography  in  a  blank- 
book.  Seemed  oppressed,  but  not  wholly  uncheerful. 
Geary  went  to  town  to-day.  Baily  waits  on  us  in  his 
stead.  I  finished  "  Silvio  Pellico"  *  last  night.  Read 
aloud  to  Linton. 

Oct.  2.  —  I  am  looking  for  Mrs.  Salter.  Dr.  Seaverns 
called  with  a  message  from  Mrs.  Appleton,  and  two 
photographs  of  herself  out  of  which  I  was  to  select  one 
for  my  keeping.  I  made  my  choice.  I  must  write  to 
her.  [Copy  found  among  his  papers]: 

Dear  Mrs.  Appleton:  A  thousand  thanks  to  you 
for  your  kind  remembrance  and  the  photograph  through 
Dr.  Seaverns.  Verbal  acknowledgements  are  all  the 
requital  I  can  make  now  for  favours  bestowed.  These 
utterances  of  the  heart,  however,  you  will,  I  trust,  accept 
at  the  greatest  value  that  sincerity  can  give  them.  Please 
present  my  highest  regards  to  the  Major  when  you  write 
to  him.  Give  little  Mabel  a  kiss  for  me.  The  whole 
group  —  father,  mother,  and  the  little  darling  —  will 
ever  hold  a  cherished  place  in  my  memory. 
Yours  truly  and  sincerely, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Linton  told  me  this  morning  that  he  will  go  not  before 
Thursday.  This  is  gratifying  to  me,  yet  I  fear  he  ought 
to  go.  The  boat  whistles  at  Gallops  Island.  I  am 


*  Silvio  Pellico's  book  is  a  record  of  his  prison  life. 


522  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

anxious  to  see  Mrs.  Salter  and  her  daughters.  Oh,  if  the 
boat  should  also  bring  good  news  for  me  from  Washington ! 
How  my  heart  would  beat  with  joy,  and  in  gratitude 
to  God!  The  boat  whistles  at  the  landing.  Soon  our 
friends  will  be  here. 

Mrs.  Salter  did  not  come.  No  news  in  papers  except 
that  the  Hon.  L.  P.  Walker  has  been  pardoned.  So  it  goes. 
I  am  glad  at  another's  good  fortune.  But  I  do  complain 
of  being  kept  here  to  the  hazard  of  my  health  and  the 
ruin  of  my  private  affairs  while  leading  men  who  forced 
the  South  into  secession  against  my  efforts  are  not  only 
permitted  to  go  at  large  but  are  pardoned.  The  course 
of  the  Administration  toward  me  seems  personal  and 
vindictive.  Dr.  Seaverns  told  me  this  morning  that  an 
old  lady  died  here  yesterday,  the  mother  of  Mrs.  Nutler, 
the  late  laundress. 

Reagan  came  round  after  the  boat  left,  and  brought 
the  joyous  news  that  the  indulgence  is  extended  him  to 
meet  his  friends  generally,  and  to  mess  with  Linton  and 
me;  and  that  he  is  to  be  removed  from  his  damp  under 
ground  cell  to  a  room  on  a  level  with  mine.  This  was 
good  news  indeed,  and  I  felt  exceedingly  glad.  He, 
Linton,  and  I  immediately  took  a  walk  together  on  the 
rampart.  The  day  was  beautiful.  On  our  return, 
Reagan  and  I  played  piquet.  We  all  dined  together; 
this  was  very  pleasant. 

Boat  brought  Mrs.  Salter  and  her  two  daughters, 
Miss  Mary  and  Miss  Edith.  I  was  much  pleased  with 
the  mother  as  well  as  with  the  daughters.  The  youngest, 
Edith,  is  about  eleven  years  old;  Miss  Mary  is  grown, 
and  has  an  intellectual,  as  well  as  a  modest  appearance. 
Miss  Edith  gave  Mr.  Reagan  a  basket  of  delicious  grapes^ 
Mrs.  Salter  brought  me  a  picture,  which  she  presented? 


ALEXANDER.  H.   STEPHENS  523 

requesting  me  to  hang  it  at  the  head  of  my  bed  while 
there,  and  to  take  it  home  with  me.  It  is  the  portrait  of 
a  man  devoutly  holding  the  cross.  She  also  left  with 
me  a  work  by  a  French  author  on  Protestantism  and 
Catholicism.  They  all  went  back  by  the  boat.  Linton 
accompanied  them  to  the  wharf.  I  got  the  Corporal 
to  take  the  basket  of  books  packed  this  morning  —  books 
Mrs.  Salter  had  lent  me.  The  Judge  and  I  staid  in  my 
room. 

I  feel  deeply  mortified  with  myself  for  the  irritation 
of  spirit  I  permitted  myself  to-day  over  my  imprison 
ment.  It  is  wrong  to  grow  impatient  under  conscious 
wrong.  O  Father,  forgive  me  the  trespass  as  I  for 
give  all  who  trespass  against  me!  "  Father,  forgive 
them;  for  they  know  not  what  they  do."  Reagan, 
Linton,  and  I  supped  together.  I  felt  badly  thinking 
of  my  passion.  May  the  Lord  forgive  it!  Lieut. 
Newton  brought  the  board-bill  for  Linton,  me,  and  our 
visitors,  up  to  23d  September.  I  gave  a  check  for  it, 


Oct.  3.  —  Mr.  Phillips  came  down.  Said  he  would 
have  another  bed,  of  good  feathers,  sent.  Linton  wrote 
a  note  to  Mrs.  Salter,  and  by  the  boat  got  one  from  her 
reporting  arrival  home  last  night.  I  rather  looked  for 
Governor  Andrew,  as  General  Lee  said  in  his  note  to 
Linton  yesterday  that  the  Governor  would  come  yesterday 
or  to-day.  Major  Livermore  called,  and  showed  me  a 
letter  from  the  Hon.  Charles  W.  Upham,  desiring  a  copy 
of  Harry's  letter  which  I  read  to  him  the  day  he  was 
here.  While  the  Major  was  talking,  the  whistle  of  a  boat 
was  heard.  He  thought  it  might  be  from  a  boat  bringing 
Governor  Andrew,  and  left.  Linton,  Reagan  and  I 


524  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

walked  on  the  rampart,  and  saw  a  small  boat  at  the 
wharf;  supposing  that  Governor  Andrew  might  have 
come  in  it,  we  returned.  But  we  have  seen  nothing  of 
him. 

I  read  Harry's  letter  to  Major  Livermore.  He  asked 
if  Harry  wrote  it  himself.  I  told  him  I  did  not  think 
so,  but  I  had  not  the  least  doubt  about  its  being  his  own 
dictation  and,  in  most  instances,  his  own  words.  We  had 
a  long  talk  on  reconstruction.  I  told  him  frankly  that 
I  thought,  with  all  due  deference  to  the  wisdom  of 
the  authorities  at  Washington,  President  Johnson  had 
committed  a  great  error  in  his  reconstruction  policy 
in  building  up  the  old  secession  element  in  the  South. 
None  should  have  been  proscribed,  yet  the  basis  of 
reconstruction  should  have  been  on  the  old  Union 
element,  the  men  who  believed  that  the  Union  was 
not  a  curse  to  either  section  but  that  it  was,  when 
properly  administered,  for  the  best  interest  of  the  people 
of  all  the  States,  etc. 

The  boat  arrived  out  of  regular  time.  Brought  Gen 
eral  Ripley.  At  night,  Linton  and  I  played  Francois 
Fou.  He  beat  me  badly  as  he  generally  does.  I  went 
to  bed  and  he  read  me  to  sleep  with  Disraeli's  "Curi 
osities  of  Literature." 

Oct.  4.  -  -  I  could  enjoy  myself  very  well  here 
if  it  were  not  for  agitation  of  the  question  of 
my  release.  I  am  most  anxious  to  go  home;  but 
this  would  cease  to  disturb  me  so  much  were  I 
once  satisfied  that  it  is  impossible,  and  were  I  not 
kept  excited  by  hope  and  expectation.  Evening  paper 
copies  from  Georgia  paper  the  news  that  it  had  been 
telegraphed  to  Atlanta  that  I  am  paroled.  This  was 


ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS  525 

doubtless   to   affect   the    elections    that    took   place   in 
Georgia  yesterday. 

Linton  wrote  this  evening  to  Mrs.  Salter.  By  the  boat 
he  got  two  notes  from  her,  or  rather  letters;  I  received 
a  box  of  grapes  and  pears;  also  got  a  box  of  fruit  from 
Mrs.  Erskine  and  "Pepys'  Diary"  from  Judge  Erskine. 
Tomcat  has  come  back  again  and  is  domesticated. 
Linton  and  I  played  Francois  Fou  for  several  hours; 
after  supper,  we  resumed  the  game.  He  then  wrote  a 
long  letter  to  Mrs.  Salter. 

Oct.  6.  —  Last  night  Linton  got  a  letter  from  Mrs. 
Salter,  stating  that  she,  Miss  Mary,  and  little  Edith 
would  come  down  to-morrow.  After  I  went  to  bed 
last  night,  Linton  answered  her  note.  I  answered 
Gip  Grier's  letters.  Got  another  letter  from  Sec 
retary  Seward.  *  I  cut  from  the  papers  several 
notices  of  my  imprisonment,  advocating  my  release. 
Amongst  others  Judge  Bigham's  letter  to  G.  W.  Adair, 
Atlanta,  Ga. 

Oct.  7.  —  Mrs.  Salter,  Miss  Mary,  and  little  Edith 
came  by  the  boat.  Linton  went  to  the  wharf  to  meet 
them.  A  most  pleasant  day  we  had  of  it,  indoors  and 
out.  Mrs.  Salter  brought  me  a  beautiful  floor-cloth, 
thick  and  warm,  and  rich  in  colours,  just  such  as  I 
have  in  my  library  at  home.  Miss  Mary  read  to  us 
"  Enoch  Arden,"  and  other  pieces  from  Tennyson.  I 
never  before  saw  any  beauty  in  Tennyson.  Her  reading 
gave  his  productions  a  charm  I  had  never  perceived 
before.  Little  Edith  amused  herself  with  the  marble 

*  He  undoubtedly  preserved  it,  but  it  is  not  among  his  papers. 


526  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

and  board  with  which  the  Garrison  Game  is  played. 
She  also  went  out  and  found  two  beautiful  puppies 
which  she  brought  in,  nestled  up  to  her  breast.  We 
walked  out  on  the  parapet,  Judge  Reagan  with  us.  The 
sky  was  beautiful;  on  the  whole,  it  was  one  of  the  most 
charming  and  agreeable  days  I  have  spent  at  this  Post. 
Geary  had  gone  to  town,  so  Baily  waited  on  us  at  dinner. 
Mrs.  Salter  carried  away  the  measure  that  Mr.  Devine 
took  for  a  sackcoat,  vest,  and  pants  for  me.  She  also 
took  with  her  some  of  my  clothes  to  mend.  I  have 
a  letter  from  Robert  A.  Matthews,  Washington,  and  one 
from  Mr.  Force,  of  Greensboro,  Ga.,  who  is  in  Boston 
and  wishes  to  see  me. 

Sunday  —  Rested  well  last  night.  Dreamed  of  Bob 
at  home.  Linton  said  this  morning  he  did  not  think 
he  slept  an  hour  all  night.  Wet,  gloomy,  day.  Judge 
Reagan  got  a  letter  from  his  mother-in-law,  the  first 
directly  from  her  in  several  months.  The  wood  has  given 
out.  I  sit  with  my  overcoat  on.  Dr.  Seaverns  called. 
We  had  a  full  conversation  on  the  subject  of  the  collapse 
of  the  Confederacy  It  began  by  his  asking  me  if  I  had 
seen  General  Jordan's  article  in  Harper's  Monthly. 
I  told  him  that  Jordan's  article  was  superficial.  The 
errors  and  blunders  of  Mr.  Davis  noticed  by  Jordan 
were  small  matters  compared  with  errors  not  noticed. 
The  first  great  error  was  in  favouring  secession;  the 
second  was  the  end  he  aimed  at  by  it,  the  establishing 
of  a  close  Southern  Confederacy;  the  third  was  the 
policy  adopted  to  secure  that  result;  all,  I  thought, 
serious  errors  in  statesmanship.  I  enlarged  upon  all 
these  views,  differing  widely  with  Jordan  on  conscrip 
tion,  etc. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  527 

Oct.  9.  -  -  I  got  this  letter  from  General  Grant,  or 
rather,  from  his  aide : 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.,  1865. 
A.  H.  STEPHENS,  Esq., 
FORT  WARREN,  Boston,  Mass. 

Lieut-Gen.  Grant  desires  me  to  say  in  reply  to  your 
note  of  Sept.  16,  that  he  has  already  spoken  once  or  twice 
to  the  President  in  reference  to  your  case,  and  will  do  so 
again.  Respectfully  yours, 

C.  B.  COMSTOCK,  BRET.  BRIG.-GEN.,  A.  D.  C. 

Lin  ton  got  a  letter  from  Miss  Van  Lew,  in  which  she 
alludes  to  me.  Whereupon  I  wrote  her  as  follows: 

My  dear  Miss  Van  Lew:  I  am  truly  obliged  to  you 
for  your  message  through  my  brother.  You  will  please 
accept  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  kind  remembrance, 
and  especially  for  the  interest  you  manifest  in  having 
me  released  from  this  place.  I  was  elated  some  weeks 
ago  with  the  hopes  of  an  "early"  release,  but  I  say  to 
you  frankly  that  I  am  now  free  from  such  illusory  antici 
pations.  I  have  settled  down  into  a  quiet  state  of 
mental  composure,  prepared  patiently  to  wait  the  course 
of  events.  Whether  the  objection  to  my  release,  which 
you  mention  as  having  heard,  has  anything  to  do  with 
my  prolonged  imprisonment,  or  has  effected  a  change 
of  purpose  once  formed  in  my  favour  on  the  part  of 
authorities  at  Washington,  I  do  not  know.  My  con 
tinued  imprisonment  has,  at  times,  seemed  to  me  so 
unaccountable  that  I  have  been  forced  to  attribute  it 
to  some  malign  influence,  springing  from  motives  of 
vindictiveness  to  me  personally  for  some  cause  or  other 
to  me  entirely  unknown. 

There  is  not  the  slightest  foundation  in  fact  for  the 
"objection"  which  you  have  heard  mentioned,  to  wit, 
that  my  "Union  speech  at  Milledgeville,  in  1860,  was 


528  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

a  prearranged  thing  for  Secession  service,  to  win  influence, 
and  that  at  the  time  it  was  made,  the  other  speech,  so 
contrary  and  opposite,  was  already  written,"  etc. 

My  speech  for  the  Union,  in  November,  1860,  was  an 
earnest  and  honest  outpouring  if  ever  such  emanated 
from  human  heart  and  head.  And  never  before  or  since 
have  I  uttered  a  sentiment  inconsistent  with  it.  Since 
I  have  been  here,  I  have  been  taunted  by  anonymous 
communications  calling  my  attention  to  certain  extracts 
from  speeches  made  by  me,  which  were  published  at  the 
North  in  pamphlet  form  under  the  heading  of  "  Campaign 
Tract  for  1864."  These  are  forgeries  outright.  None 
such,  either  in  words  or  sentiments,  were  ever  made 
by  me.  One  other  remark  on  the  statement  of  facts 
on  which  this  objection  rests.  I  never  wrote  a  speech 
to  be  delivered  in  my  life,  except  college  essays  or 
addresses.  The  Union  speech  was  extemporaneous. 
The  only  report  ever  made  was  that  by  Mr.  Marshall. 
Upon  that  speech  and  its  sentiments,  even  down  to 
abiding  by  and  sharing  the  fortunes  and  fate  of  my 
State  if  she  should  go  against  my  counsels,  I  now  stand. 
This  much  I  feel  it  is  my  duty  to  you  and  myself  to 
state. 

My  course,  whether  right  or  wrong,  has  been  at  least 
uniform,  conscientious,  and  consistent  with  my  principles. 
I  opposed  the  movement  that  led  to  the  war  with  my 
utmost  power  in  the  most  perfect  good  faith.  I  opposed 
it  on  grounds  of  policy  alone,  not  on  grounds  of  abstract 
right.  I  am  in  no  way  responsible  before  God  or  man 
for  the  origin  of  the  war  (at  least  intentionally),  nor  for 
its  continuance,  much  less  its  atrocities.  I  did  all  I  could 
to  avert  the  monster  evil  in  the  beginning,  and  after  it 
was  upon  us,  I  did  all  I  could  to  mitigate  its  horrors  and 
to  end  them  as  speedily  as  possible.  After  the  war  was 
commenced,  all  my  energies  were  directed  to  getting  the 
questions  involved  taken  from  the  arena  of  arms  and 
submitted  to  the  forum  of  reason  and  justice  for  peace 
ful  solution  and  adjustment,  not  upon  a  sectional  but 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  529 

upon    a    broad    and    continental   basis.     My    offending 
has  this  extent.     No  more. 

Please  excuse  so  much  about  myself.  Your  message 
seemed  to  make  it  not  only  proper  but  almost  necessary 
for  your  own  correct  understanding  of  my  true  position 
in  these  matters.  With  sentiments  of  the  highest  esteem 
toward  you  and  kindest  regards  toward  your  mother, 
I  remain,  Yours  Truly, 

ALEXANDER  H.  STEPHENS. 

Oct.  10.  —  Dreamed  of  the  Hon.  Solomon  G.  Haven. 
He  was  in  Congress  with  me.  He  died  since  the  war. 
Dreamed  of  the  Hon.  Francis  H.  Cone  who  has  been  dead 
some  time.  Last  night  Captain  Allen,  of  the  fort,  called 
and  sat  with  us.  He  is  from  Buffalo.  We  talked  of 
Haven,  who  was  once  Mayor  of  Buffalo. 
__  LintoiT"made  a  communication  to  me  to-day  which 
leeply  impresses  me.  What  it  was  I  will  not  state  here 
further  than  that  it  was  in  relation  to  his  future  life. 

The  evening  boat  now  leaves  Boston  at  3  and  gets 
here  at  4.  Tomcat  has  become  quite  domesticated 
again.  Yesterday  Linton  tried  an  experiment  in  seeing 
how  much  Tom  could  eat.  He  ate  all  we  left  from  din 
ner,  and  still  looked  for  more. 

Oct.  ii.  —  Letter  from  John  A.  Stephens  stating 
that  all  are  well.  The  freedmen,  from  his  account, 
were  doing  well.  He  and  Major  Henly  Smith  were 
candidates  for  the  Convention.*  The  letter  was  dated 
3oth  September;  the  election  was  to  take  place  on  the 
4th  October;  so  I  suppose  John  is  elected,  of  which, 
if  so,  I  shall  be  truly  glad.  Linton  sent  his  letter  to  Mrs. 


"Called  under    President  Johnson's  proclamation  providing  for  restoration  of  the  State  "to 
constitution?!  relations  with  the  Federal  Government." 


530  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

Salter  to-day.  By  boat  we  got  the  papers,  nothing  in 
them  except  the  Journal  which  states  that  Dr.  Seaverns, 
of  this  post,  and  several  other  surgeons,  are  to  be  mustered 
out  of  service.  The  Tribune  expresses  the  hope  of 
Reagan's  and  my  early  release.  The  New  York  Day 
Book  sends  an  extract  that  I  wished  to  see,  a  published 
letter  by  Lieut.  Newton,  of  this  fort,  about  me.  It 
makes  out  a  very  good  case  of  treatment  toward  me. 
I  am  "  furnished  meals  from  the  officers'  mess."  I  am 
furnished  at  my  own  expense.  This  is  very  kind,  indeed. 
My  room  is  comfortably  supplied.  This,  too,  and  all 
else  I  get  here,  except  soldiers'  fare  and  soldiers'  rations, 
is  at  my  own  expense.  I  do  not  consider  it  very  humane 
to  imprison  a  man  and  impoverish  him  by  allowing  him 
to  spend  what  he  has  while  depriving  him  of  all  power 
to  make  more,  or  even  to  save  what  he  has  made. 

Received  a  suit  of  clothes,  presented  by  Pierce  and 
Bacon,  of  Boston;  vest  and  pants  came  to-day;  the  coat, 
cap,  and  shawl  yesterday.  Also  by  express  an  overcoat 
from  New  York,  sent  by  Mr.  L.  W.  Harris,  of  Carter, 
Kirkland  &  Co.,  and  presented,  he  says,  by  Thos.  F. 
Hooker,  formerly  of  Rome,  Ga.,  and  now  of  Aberdeen, 
Miss. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THURSDAY,  Oct.  12.— This  never-to-be-for 
gotten  day  of  the  week  is  again  upon  me.  It 
is  a  blustering  morning.  Linton  went  up  by 
the  boat. 

Soon,  Dr.  Seaverns  appeared  and  stated  that  orders 
had  come  for  my  release.  Major  Livermore  soon  fol 
lowed  with  the  telegram.  It  embraced  Judge  Reagan 
and  myself.  So,  I  am  again  free  as  far  as  personal 
locomotion  is  concerned.  It  is  just  twenty-two  weeks 
to  the  day  since  the  first  keys  were  turned  upon  me  as 
a  prisoner.  What  events  come  to  me  on  Thursday! 
Major  Livermore  said  he  would  give  me  a  copy  of  the 
order.  Meantime  I  see  in  the  Boston  Post  the  General 
Order  embracing  Judge  Campbell,  General  Clark,  Judge 
Reagan,  myself,  and  Trenholm.  I  wish  Linton  were 
here.  Wrote  letters  to  John  A.  Stephens,  C.  T.  Bruen, 
S.  J.  Anderson,  Lieut.  W.  H.  Woodman. 

Linton  returned  by  the  evening  boat.  He,  Reagan,  and 
I  took  a  last  evening  walk  on  the  rampart.  Dr.  Seav 
erns  called  after  supper  and  sat  some  time. 

Oct.  13.  —  I  rose  early  and  now  make  this  last  entry. 
I  expect  to  start  by  this  evening's  boat  for  my  dear  home. 
It  is  a  long  and  hazardous  trip  for  me,  beset  with  many 
dangers,  and  I  am  beset  in  the  outset  with  many  anxi 
eties  concerning  many  things.  But,  O  God,  in  whom 
I  put  my  trust,  deliver  me  from  all  evil ! 

531 


532  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

CRAWFORDVILLE,  GA.,  Oct.  27,  1865 — Thanks  be  to  the 
Giver  of  all  good,  the  Father  of  all  mercies,  and  the 
Bestower  of  all  blessings,  I  am  once  more  at  home!  I 
am  sitting  in  the  same  room  and  at  the  same  table  from 
which  I  arose  to  suffer  arrest  on  the  nth  of  May.  As 
a  sequel  to  this  Journal,  I  record  briefly  some  of  the 
incidents  intervening  between  my  departure  from  Fort 
Warren  and  my  reaching  home,  yesterday,  Thursday: 

On  the  1 3th  of  October,  Linton,  Judge  Reagan,  and 
I  left  Fort  Warren  at  4,  on  the  William  Shand,  the  regu 
lar  evening  boat.  I  gave  Corporal  Geary  my  bedding 
and  room  furniture  and  nearly  all  the  things  that  I  had 
had  brought  there  for  my  use  and  comfort,  except  books 
and  wearing  apparel.  The  amount  paid  by  me  for 
these  articles  was  about  $100.  Linton  gave  him  $10  in 
currency.  I  gave  Major  Livermore  my  copy  of  Greeley's 
"American  Conflict";  Lieut.  Newton  my  Prescott's 
"Conquest  of  Mexico";  Dr.  Seaverns  my  Robertson's 
"Sermons,"  Greek  Testament,  lexicon,  etc.  To  Cor 
poral  Geary  I  gave  my  copy  of  Burns's  "Poems"  and 
wrote  him  a  friendly  farewell  letter.  All  the  officers  of 
the  fort  and  all  the  men  seemed  kind  in  feeling  toward 
me,  and  all  who  met  with  me  took  a  friendly  leave.  Mrs. 
Livermore  was  sick,  I  did  not  see  her,  but  addressed 
her  a  note.  I  saw  Mrs.  Seaverns,  the  doctor,  Mrs.  Har 
rington,  Captain  Baldwin  and  Mrs.  Baldwin.  Lieuts. 
Niebuhr  and  Newton  accompanied  us  to  Boston.  Linton 
was  quite  unwell  and  hardly  able  to  attend  to  anything. 
I  packed  all  his  clothes  and  felt  very  badly  on  his  account. 
We  slept  at  the  Revere  House,  where  rooms  had  been 
ordered  for  us  by  friends  in  Boston. 

It  was  about  6,  and  a  little  after  dark  when  we  reached 
Boston.  Great  numbers  of  persons  called  to  see  us 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  533 

at  the  Revere  House,  amongst  them  Mrs.  Salter  and  Dr. 
Salter.  Linton  and  I  had  a  room  to  ourselves,  and 
Reagan  one  to  himself.  Mrs.  Salter  brought  me  an 
invitation  from  Mr.  Thos.  W.  Pierce  to  spend  Saturday 
and  Sunday  at  his  country  place.  Saturday  morning 
I  bought  two  trunks  and  packed  all  our  things,  carpet 
bags  and  all,  in  them. 

Sunday  —  Went  out  to  Mr.  Pierce's  Saturday  night, 
Judge  Reagan  with  me.  Linton  remained  at  the  Revere 
House ;  was  better  when  we  left  him  than  on  the  previous 
evening.  We  went  by  train  some  25  miles,  starting  at 
5  p.  m.,  and  reaching  Pierce's  about  7.30.  Mr.  Pierce 
is  a  relation  of  ex-President  Pierce,  and  a  gentleman  of 
wealth  and  great  generosity.  He  has  a  beautiful  place 
at  Topsfield;  is  a  merchant  and  was  worth  about  four 
million  before  the  war.  He  had  large  interests  at  the 
South  and  may  lose  a  good  deal  there.  Saturday  night 
there  was  a  heavy  fall  of  rain.  It  was  greatly  needed; 
there  had  been  an  unusual  drought  throughout  New 
England.  I  told  our  host  that  our  welcome  had  brought 
the  long-prayed  for  rain.  Several  gentlemen  were  invited 
to  meet  us  at  dinner,  but  in  the  storm  which  has  con 
tinued  all  day,  no  one  came  except  Mr.  Edward  Pierce, 
our  host's  brother,  and  the  Hon.  Mr.  Hillard,*  who  drove 
out  from  Boston  in  spite  of  the  weather;  no  trains  run 
on  Sunday. 

We  spent  a  pleasant  day  at  Topsfield.  It  is  a  famous 
spot.  Here  is  where  the  witches  lived;  and  where  two 
old  women,  whose  names  I  forget,  were  arrested  for  witch 
craft.  The  stone-pile  on  the  road  where,  it  was  charged, 


*  Reference  probably  to  G.  S.  HQlard,  lawyer,  legislator,  author  and  journalist.  U.  S. 
District  Attorney  for  Mass.,  1866-70;  or  Francis  Milliard,  jurist,  legislator,  and  author  may  be 
meant. 


534  RECOLLECTIONS   OF 

they  held  their  nightly  orgies,  is  still  pointed  out.  Mr. 
Pierce  has  a  variety  of  fruit  trees  —  especially  pears  — 
Massachusetts  is  noted  for  pears.  By  far  the  best  pears 
I  ever  saw  grew  in  this  State. 

Oct.  1 6.  -  -  We  left  Topsfield  at  8;  drove  over  four 
miles  to  depot.  Mr.  Pierce  has  a  splendid  team;  said 
he  could  get  $6,000  for  the  pair.  Reagan  drove  to  Bos 
ton  with  Mr.  Edward  Pierce;  Mr.  Hillard  travelled  with 
Mr.  F.  W.  Pierce  and  me  on  the  cars.  All  the  persons 
I  saw  or  met  on  this  trip,  common  people  and  all,  seemed 
delighted  to  see  me  out  of  prison.  Reached  Boston  at 
10 ;  found  Linton  better.  Many  persons  called  to  see 
me. 

Oct.  17.  —  Last  night  great  numbers  called.  It 
was  late  before  I  got  to  bed.  I  wish  I  could  mention  all 
my  visitors;  their  names  are  on  the  cards  which  I  have 
kept  and  laid  away.  Mr.  Hillard  was  the  last  to  leave. 
He  sent  by  me  a  message  to  President  Johnson,  that 
if  he,  the  President,  will  pursue  the  course  he  has  mapped 
out,  he  will  get  the  support  of  everybody  in  New  England 
whose  support  is  worth  having.  In  this,  I  did  not  fully 
agree  with  Mr.  Hillard,  but  received  the  message  as  he 
gave  it.  He  went  with  me  to  take  leave  of  Mrs.  Salter's 
family.  It  was  past  midnight  before  we  got  to  sleep. 
Linton  was  better  but  not  well.  We  rose  early  and  took 
the  cars  by  Springfield  and  New  Haven  to  New  York, 
Reagan,  Linton,  and  myself.  I  forgot  to  state  that 
Lieuts.  Newton  and  Niebuhr  called  Saturday  and  took 
leave  of  us.  Also,  Sergeant  Malcolm  Mosely,  who  had 
come  up  with  us  from  Fort  Independence. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  535 

Oct.  18. — In  New  York;  at  Astor  House.  Great  num 
bers  of  people  called,  amongst  them  the  Robbe  family 
(Elizabeth  Church  Craig)  and  S.  J.  Anderson.  Quite  un 
well,  which  prevented  my  calling  on  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robbe. 

Thursday  —  Left  for  Washington  at  7 ;  that  is,  Linton 
and  I  left.  Mr.  Reagan  remained  in  New  York.  I  have 
parted  with  him  perhaps  forever.  We  had  been  with 
or  near  each  other  since  the  i/j-th  of  May.  At  Fort  War 
ren,  we  spent  some  pleasant  days  together.  Prisoners 
or  common  sufferers  in  any  cause  are  apt  to  become 
attached  to  each  other.  I  became  much  attached  to 
Reagan.  I  think  him  a  clever,  upright,  honest  man. 
He  had  but  few  opportunities  for  education  or  culture 
in  his  youth.  He  is,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  the 
term,  "  self-made. "  The  real  foundations  of  his  charac 
ter  are  truth,  integrity,  and  energy.  He  wrote,  while 
in  close  confinement,  a  biographical  sketch  of  his  early 
life  for  the  information  of  his  children.  This  he  let  me 
read.  Its  perusal  was  exceedingly  interesting  to  me. 

Oct.  20.  —  In  Washington.  Reached  here  last  night 
at  seven.  A  great  many  old  acquaintances  and  other 
persons  called  to  see  me.  Saw  Joseph  H.  Echols  and 
Judge  O.  A.  Lochrane  of  Georgia.  Called  to  see  Presi 
dent  Johnson  early  in  the  morning;  went  about  7.30, 
Lochrane  with  me.  Met  at  the  White  House  door  an 
Irishman  who  knew  me.  Said  he  had  known  me  ever 
since  I  brought  Mr.  Smith  O'Brien  there  to  introduce 
him  to  Mr.  Buchanan;  he  gave  me  his  name,  but  I 
didn't  hear  it  distinctly.  I  asked  him  if  he  could  de 
liver  my  card  to  the  President.  He  was  very  glad  to  see 
me  and  seemed  disposed  to  favour  me  in  any  way  he 


536  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

could;  said  he  could  not  deliver  it,  but  would  hand  it  to 
Slade*  who  would.  I  told  him  to  bring  Slade  to  me; 
this  he  did.  I  asked  Slade  if  he  would  deliver  my 
card  to  the  President  personally.  He  said  he  could. 
I  think  my  Irish  friend  had  given  him  a  private  talk 
in  my  behalf.  I  gave  my  card  to  Slade.  It  was  a 
blank  piece  of  square-cut  paper  with  these  words  writ 
ten  on  it: 

"Alexander  H.  Stephens  would  like  to  present  his 
respects  in  person  to  the  President,  if  agreeable  and 
convenient  to  him." 

I  was  immediately  invited  by  Slade  up  into  the  sitting- 
room,  where  I  waited  a  while.  The  President  came  in. 
We  held  an  interview  of  about  an  hour  and  a  half.  I 
delivered  Mr.  Hillard's  message.  He  directed  his  secre 
tary  to  leave  us,  and  we  had  the  interview  to  ourselves. 

The  conversation  took  a  wide  range.  It  was  upon 
public  affairs  generally.  I  gave  him  my  own  views  very 
fully  and  freely  upon  the  subject  of  Negro  suffrage.  I 
told  him  the  adjustment  of  that  question  belonged  exclu 
sively  to  the  States  separately,  but  in  my  judgment  the 
States  ought  not  to  exclude  the  blacks  entirely  from  the 
polls.  I  outlined  the  plan  of  a  classification  I  had  thought 
of,  but  said  I  believed  it  too  late  now  to  consider  such 
a  change  in  our  system.  As  things  are,  I  thought  the 
principle  should  be  established  of  allowing  the  franchise 
to  such  members  of  the  black  race  as  could  come  up  to 
some  proper  standard  of  mental  and  moral  culture  with 
the  possession  of  a  specified  amount  of  property.  Such 

*  Answering  inquiry,  Col.  W.  H.  Crook,  of  the  official  staff  of  the  White  House  from 
Lincoln's  time  till  now,  wrote  me  :  "William  Slade  was  President  Johnson's  steward,  a  man 
of  whom  he  was  very  fond."  Editor. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  537 

an  arrangement  would  be  right  in  duty.  It  would  have 
a  good  effect  at  the  South  in  breaking  the  strength  of  the 
violent  radical  element,  and  it  would  have  a  beneficent 
effect  upon  the  black  population  in  holding  out  a  strong 
inducement  for  improvement.  I  thought  the  blacks 
should  be  allowed  to  testify  in  the  courts;  arrangements 
for  schools  should  be  made,  and  some  system  adopted 
to  require  them  to  educate  their  children. 

Our  talk  was  civil  and  agreeable.  I  can  only  give 
in  brief  its  outlines.  My  inference  from  the  conversation 
was  that  his  policy  was  to  have  the  Negroes,  as  soon  as 
possible,  removed  from  the  country  as  the  Indians  were. 
He  was  very  evidently  desirous  to  have  the  proposed 
Amendment  *  to  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.  adopted 
by  the  South.  I  could  see  no  purpose  for  this  but  the 
ultimate  removal  under  this  Amendment  of  the  Negroes 
by  Congress. 

Oct.  21.  —  Linton  better.  Last  evening  we  called 
to  see  John  C.  Burch,  the  Misses  Nichol,  and  Judge 
Wayne,  also  my  old  landlord  and  cook,  Crotchett.  John 
was  glad  to  see  us,  drove  out  to  his  brother  Raymond's, 
and  brought  Raymond,  Raymond's  little  daughter, 
Maggie,  and  her  brother,  Alexander,  in  to  see  me.  Mar 
garet  is  named  for  my  mother,  and  Alexander  for  me. 
They  sat  with  me  till  past  midnight. 

This  morning  we  started  for  Lynchburg.  The  Burches 
were  at  the  depot  to  see  us  off.  We  passed  through  Alex 
andria,  by  Manassas,  Gordonsville,  Charlottes ville,  and 
reached  Lynchburg  at  5  p.  m.  The  desolation  of  the 
country  from  Alexandria  to  near  Charlottesville  was 
horrible  to  behold. 


*  The  Thirteenth,  abolishing  slavery. 


538  RECOLLECTIONS  OF 

Oct.  22.  --We  —  Linton,  Judge  Lochrane,  and  myself 
rested  at  Lynchburg.  Professor  Holcombe,  a  Mr. 
Mosely,  and  a  Mr.  Britton  called  to  see  me.  They 
expressed  the  opinion  that  I  would  run  some  hazard 
of  personal  violence  in  passing  through  East  Tennessee 
on  the  route  we  were  following.  The  account  given 
of  the  state  of  things  there  was  very  bad.  I  was  fixed, 
however,  in  my  determination  to  pursue  that  route. 

Oct.  23.  —  Left  Lynchburg  for  Bristol  at  7.  Took 
our  leave  of  the  hotel  and  of  Ralph,  one  of  the  best 
coloured  servants  or  waiters  I  ever  saw.  Passed  the 
mountains,  the  tunnel.  Met  on  the  cars  a  daughter  of 
William  Ballard  Preston ;  she  lunched  with  us.  We  took 
dinner  at  no  place,  took  supper  at  Wytheville.  I  had  a 
good  sleep  on  two  seats  in  the  cars  fixed  for  the  purpose. 
We  reached  Bristol  about  5  a.  m.,  took  breakfast  and 
changed  cars. 

Oct.  24.  -  -  Passed  through  East  Tennessee.  From 
all  we  heard,  a  terrible  state  of  things  is  there;  no  law; 
all  men  who  sympathized  with  the  Southern  Cause,  it 
is  said,  have  to  leave  the  country  or  be  killed.  Just 
before  we  reached  Knoxville,  an  elderly  man  came  in 
to  see  if  he  could  get  a  seat  for  his  mother.  The  seat 
was  procured;  an  old  woman,  seemingly  eighty,  or 
upward,  maybe  a  hundred,  was  brought  in.  She  was 
very  infirm  and  decrepit.  The  son,  an  old  man,  said  his 
mother  had  never  been  on  the  cars  before.  She  seemed 
alarmed  when  we  started.  He  stood  by  her  and  told 
her  there  was  no  danger.  He  went  no  farther  than  the 
next  station ;  there  he  bade  her  farewell ;  he  said :  "  Well, 
mother,  I  must  leave  you  here;  there  is  no  danger. 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS  539 

Good-bye."  He  took  her  hand,  she  choked  in  her  utter 
ance  of  good-bye,  and  the  big  drops  trickled  down  her 
cheeks.  She  seemed  to  be  quitting  the  country.  From 
Knoxville  to  Dalton  I  paid  fare  —  not  being  able  to 
find  the  U.  S.  quartermaster  on  whom  I  had  an  order 
for  transportation  from  that  place  to  Crawfordville. 
Got  to  Dalton  at  2 ;  staid  until  10. 

Oct.  25.  —  War  has  left  a  terrible  impression  on 
the  whole  country  to  Atlanta.  The  desolation  is  heart- 
sickening.  Fences  gone,  fields  all  a-waste,  houses  burnt. 
Reached  Atlanta  after  7. 

Thursday  —  Linton  and  I  left  Atlanta  at  6,  parting 
from  Lochrane  there.  We  took  dinner  at  Union  Point 
and  reached  home  at  3  p.  m.,  24  weeks  to  a  day  from 
my  arrest. 

Oh,  how  changed  are  all  things  here  I  Change,  change, 
indelibly  stamped  upon  everything  I  meet,  even  upon  the 
faces  of  the  people !  I  learned  at  the  depot  that  all  were 
well  at  the  lot  and  at  the  homestead.  But  poor  Binks 
was  dead.  The  cars  had  run  over  him  some  weeks  ago, 
when  he  was  going  with  Harry  to  the  mill  at  Union 
Point.  This  news  filled  me  with  sadness.  Among  the 
other  and  great  pleasures  I  had  promised  myself  was 
this  small  —  no,  not  small  —  one  of  meeting  Binks. 
Harry  was  at  the  depot  and  told  me  the  sorrowful  news. 
As  we  came  from  the  depot  to  the  house,  the  children, 
Ellen,  Tim,  Dora,  Fanny,  and  Quin,  all  met  us  out  by 
the  Academy.  The  children  all  cried  for  joy.  Dora 
blubbered  right  out;  the  eyes  of  all,  except  Fanny  and 
Quin,  were  tearful;  Eliza  met  us  at  the  gate;  her  eyes, 
too,  were  full. 


540  ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS 

The  house  and  lot  looked  natural  and  yet  withal  sadly 
changed  in  some  respects.  I  seemed  to  myself  to  be 
in  a  dream.  But  my  heart  went  up  in  fervent  thanks 
giving  to  Almighty  God  for  preserving  and  guiding  me 
back  once  more  to  this  spot  so  dear  to  me. 

And  with  this  entry  this  Journal  closes  forever :  Linton 
this  day  left  me  for  his  home.  He  went  to  meet  again 
his  dear  little  ones.  He  has  been  constantly  with  me 
since  the  ist  of  September.  He  has  a  severe  cold,  and 
I  fear  he  got  wet  to-day  for  it  commenced  raining  soon 
after  he  left.  I  am  to  look  after  my  affairs  here  and  at 
the  homestead,  to  see  my  dear  ones  there.  Next  week 
I  am  to  go  over  to  see  Linton  and  his  children.  May 
God  bless  him! 


CONCLUSION 


CONCLUSION 

DURING  Mr.  Stephens's  stay  in  New  York,  his 
room  at  the  Astor  House  was  thronged  with 
callers,  among  these  Senator  Wilson,  George  T. 
Curtis,  and  a  number  of  other  prominent  men.  His 
appearance,  as  described  by  the  press,  was  that  of  a 
"  skeleton  with  eyes  more  piercing  in  their  gaze  by  reason 
of  the  straggling  white  locks  that  fell  over  his  temples  in 
silken  threads."  Until  his  imprisonment,  his  hair  had 
kept  its  glossy  chestnut.  He  "walked  with  the  feeble 
ness  of  age";  his  "conversation,  manner,  and  handgrasp 
indicated  his  natural  goodness  of  heart." 

The  Georgia  Legislature,  convening  under  the  John 
son  reconstruction  measures,  elected  him,  over  his  pro 
test,  to  the  United  States  Senate.  In  a  letter,  Feb.  5,  1866, 
to  President  Johnson,  explaining  "the  motives  of  the 
Legislature,"  Mr.  Stephens  said : 

It  was  thought  that  as  the  Hon.  H.  V.  Johnson  [elected 
for  the  short  term]  and  myself  had  been  the  most  promi 
nent  exponents  of  the  Union  sentiment  of  the  large 
body  throughout  the  South  who  had  gone  with  their 
States  against  their  judgment,  our  utterances  would  be 
received  as  most  expositive  of  their  views  now  —  to  say 
nothing  of  secessionists,  who,  I  assure  you,  as  I  did  at 
Fort  Warren,  are  more  ready  to  listen  to  me  now.  I 
have  no  desire  for  office.  Still  I  could  not  refuse  the 
call  of  the  people  to  serve  them  if  I  be  permitted  to  do  so. 
I  can  of  course  do  nothing  unless  my  parole  shall  be 
enlarged,  and  I  be  at  least  permitted  to  go  to  Washington 

543 


544  CONCLUSION 

and  confer  with  you.  I  do  not  wish  to  embarrass  you 
in  your  policy  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  If  you 
think  my  presence  in  Washington  would  not  only  do  no 
good  in  this  respect  but  would  in  the  least  degree  em 
barrass  you,  I  do  not  ask  enlargement  of  parole.  But  if, 
on  the  contrary,  you  may  be  of  opinion  that  it  would  do 
no  harm  and  might  possibly  do  some  good,  then  I  respect 
fully  ask  it.  Individually,  I  think  that  a  personal  con 
ference  with  you  and  others  at  Washington  might  do 
some  good.  Still,  I  may  be  mistaken. 

The  parole  was  granted  Feb.  26.  On  Washington's 
birthday,  he  addressed  the  Legislature,  advising  cheer 
ful  acceptance  of  the  issues  of  war,  charity,  patience, 
a  fair  trial  of  the  new  system  as  affecting  the  Negro, 
with  qualified  suffrage  for  the  race.  "The  whole  United 
States  is  our  country  to  be  cherished  and  defended  as 
such  by  all  our  hearts  and  arms,"  he  said.  The  address 
was  widely  published  and  applauded.  His  evidence 
before  the  Reconstruction  Committee  of  Congress  was 
of  similar  temper  on  like  points,  though  a  brave  and 
candid  exposition  of  the  Southern  attitude  on  all  matters 
about  which  he  was  questioned.  The  New  York  Times 
pronounced  it  "statesmanlike"  and  "the  ablest 
analysis  of  Southern  political  action"  yet  given.  Of 
the  Washington  atmosphere  toward  him  socially  and  of 
his  impression  of  it  politically,  we  are  informed  by  Mr. 
Stephens  in  this  letter  in  April  8,  1866,  to  his  brother: 

The  President  received  me  with  frankness  and,  I  may 
say,  cordially.  The  Cabinet  received  me  as  cordially 
as  any  Cabinet  ever  did.  All  sides  —  Democrats  and 
Republicans,  Conservatives  and  Radicals  —  seemed  glad 
to  see  me.  General  Grant  seems  to  be  very  marked 
in  his  regards  for  me.  The  invitation  given  me  to  spend 


CONCLUSION  545 

the  evening  with  him,  to  which  I  alluded  in  my  other 
letter,  was  for  one  of  his  receptions.  There  was  a  very 
large  company.  President  Johnson  was  there  —  the 
first  instance  of  a  President  of  the  United  States  ever 
going  out  into  society,  as  it  may  be  termed,  or  accepting 
an  invitation  to  join  a  party  of  friends  on  such  an  occa 
sion.  I  was  impressed  with  one  thing;  that  is,  that 
General  Grant  and  the  President  seemed  a  little  awk 
ward,  or  not  at  ease,  in  the  characters  they  were  acting; 
both  seemed  to  be  out  of  their  element.  This,  in  Grant, 
I  was  pleased  at;  but  somehow,  I  would  have  preferred 
to  see  the  President  more  graceful  and  elegant  —  or 
rather,  more  at  ease.  Everything  passed  off  agreeably. 
There  was  a  perfect  jam,  and  a  great  array  of  fashion 
and  court  style.  I  was  more  looked  at  than  any  man 
present,  and  more  talked  to,  though  I  endeavoured  to 
keep  in  the  background.  Sir  Frederick  Bruce  sought 
an  introduction  to  me.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  fine  appear 
ance  and  talks  well.  I  declined  to  see  him  on  his  visit 
to  Fort  Warren;  Mr.  Burlingame  told  me,  at  the  time, 
that  Sir  Frederick  wished  to  see  me,  and  Major  Liver- 
more  said  if  I  would  request  to  see  Sir  Frederick,  he 
would,  under  his  orders,  allow  it;  but  I  told  Mr.  B. 
that  it  might  not  be  approved  at  Washington,  as  I  was 
a  State  prisoner  and  Sir  Frederick  a  foreign  minister, 
etc.  Sir  Frederick  alluded  to  his  visit,  etc. 

I  called  to  see  Senator  Wilson  yesterday.  This  was 
in  discharge  of  an  act  of  duty  for  his  personal  kindness 
to  me  at  Fort  Warren.  He  introduced  me  to  Mrs. 
Wilson  at  General  Grant's  party;  I  therefore  called  to 
see  them  both.  We  had  a  long  pleasant  talk,  differing 
widely  on  many  points,  but  agreeably. 

Nothing  will  be  done  toward  the  admission  of  South 
ern  members  this  session.  This  question  will  most  prob 
ably  be  decided  by  the  fall  elections.  The  most  radical 
men  in  Congress  —  the  most  rabid  —  talk  with  me  heart 
ily,  freely,  and  fully;  and,  I  think  I  may  say,  almost 
unanimously  would  prefer  to  see  me  in  the  Senate  to  any 


546  CONCLUSION 

other  man  from  the  South  —  or  at  least,  they  say  so. 
So  my  election  has  certainly  done  the  State  no  harm. 
The  point  on  which  they  are  going  to  rally  is  a  propo 
sition  to  amend  the  Constitution  on  the  suffrage  question 
—  to  allow  admission  to  those  States  which  will  agree 
to  an  amendment  allowing  representation  on  the  ratio 
of  votes.  I  need  not  say  that  I  think  it  will  be  a  dan 
gerous  platform  for  us  before  the  Northern  people.  How 
easily  this  might  have  been  avoided  by  the  Southern 
people  in  allowing  a  wisely-restricted  suffrage  to  the 
black  race  in  their  new  constitutions!  This  platform 
emanates  from  no  real  philanthropic  sentiment  for  the 
Negro;  it  is  founded  upon  a  desire  for  power.  It  is  not 
believed  that  the  South  will  grant  suffrage  to  the  black 
race.  The  object  is  to  deprive  the  South  of  political 
power,  and  to  leave  the  poor  unfortunate  sons  of  Africa, 
as  our  fellow  citizens,  to  their  fate. 

Mr.  Stephens  was  never  allowed  to  take  his  seat  in 
the  Senate.  The  friendlier  feeling,  which  was  beginning 
to  obtain  between  the  sections  at  the  time  of  his  release, 
was  soon  turned  to  exceeding  bitterness  by  the  action 
of  a  Radical  Congress  in  overthrowing  Johnson's  recon 
struction  measures  and  inaugurating  the  period  which 
has  become  infamous  in  our  history  as  that  of  carpet-bag, 
scalawag,  and  Negro  rule  in  the  South.  Mr.  Stephens 
was  a  delegate  in  August,  1866,  to  the  National  Union 
Convention  in  Philadephia  from  which  so  much  good 
was  hoped  and  so  little  came.  Replying  March  29,  1867, 
to  a  letter  from  Dr.  E.  M.  Chapin,  Washington,  D.  C. 
he  gives  his  views  of  the  times : 

My  judgment  was  that  it  [the  Convention]  would 
prove  a  failure.  .  .  .  The  Congress  plan  of  Recon 
struction  will  be  carried  out,  whether  the  whites  who  are 
not  disfranchised  join  in  forming  the  new  organizations 


CONCLUSION  547 

or  not.  ...  I  think  they  should  be  governed  by  the 
public  interest  only.  They  should  not  be  controlled  by 
sympathy  for  the  disfranchised  class.  As  for  myself, 
I  would  not  only  cheerfully  submit  to  proscription  for 
ever,  but  I  would  offer  up  my  life  if  thereby  a  restoration 
of  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  could  be  effected. 
By  taking  part,  they  may  secure  control,  and  thus  save 
themselves  from  the  dominion  of  the  black  race.  Thus 
might  they  erect  a  temporary  shield  against  impending 
danger.  All  depends  upon  the  ethnological  problem: 
Whether  self-government  can  be  successfully  maintained 
by  the  Caucassian  and  African  races,  when  they  exist 
in  the  proportion  that  they  do  in  this  section,  upon  the 
basis  of  perfect  political  equality  in  all  respects.  I  do 
not  think  the  problem  can  ever  be  solved  so.  My  earnest 
desire  is  that  the  experiment  may  succeed.  Had  the 
existence  of  the  Union  been  recognized  by  Congress,  as 
it  was  by  the  President,  and  had  I  not  been  disfranchised, 
my  purpose  was  to  devote  all  my  energies  to  giving  the 
experiment  of  the  civil  equality  of  the  black  race  before 
the  law  the  fairest  possible  trial.  I  was  not  opposed  to 
a  qualified  suffrage  writh  the  door  open  for  enlargement. 
"  Blood  is  thicker  than  water."  No  man-made  law  can 
prevent  antagonism  between  races  —  between  Scotch 
and  English,  Irish  and  English,  German  and  French, 
when  interests  or  prejudices  clash;  much  less  between 
the  white  and  black  races.  .  .  .  We  cannot  remain 
long  under  military  rule  without  the  North's  sharing  our 
fate.  .  .  .  The  only  hope  is  for  reaction  at  the 
North  in  time  to  save  the  Republic. 

To  the  Hon.  Montgomery  Blair  he  wrote  Feb.  3,  1867: 

For  your  letter  and  the  pamphlets  I  return  my  thanks. 
I  have  carefully  read  General  Blair's  speech.  ...  If 
both  races  would  act  rightly,  all  might  move  on  smoothly. 
No  labour  is  so  well  suited  to  the  South,  and  nothing 
is  more  essential  to  the  direction  of  that  labour  than  the 


548  CONCLUSION 

superior  skill  and  provident  care  of  the  white  man.  All 
possible  effort  should  be  made  to  bring  about  harmonious 
action.  This  can  only  be  done  in  conformity  with  nature. 
The  natural  inequality  must  be  recognized.  With  this 
should  follow  ample  legal  protection  for  the  weak  against 
the  strong.  .  .  .  After  the  most  intense  study,  I 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  one  of  three  results 
will  be  the  issue  of  our  race  question:  (i)  The  races 
will  be  brought  to  harmonious  action  on  the  line  indicated. 
(2)  A  war  of  races  ending  in  the  destruction  of  one  or 
the  other.  (3)  Exodus  of  the  black  race.  A  few  of 
my  many  reasons  for  preferring  the  first  to  General 
Blair's  colonization  idea  are:  (i)  I  believe  it  to  be  the 
interest  of  both  races  to  live  together  on  the  basis  out 
lined,  if  it  can  be  worked.  (2)  The  expense  of  remov 
ing  three  and  a  half  million  people  would  be  enormous  - 
probably  more  than  the  Government  could  meet.  (3) 
The  sufferings  and  loss  of  life  attending  the  migration 
of  such  a  vast  multitude  would  be  enough  to  shock  human 
nature.  (4)  The  Negro  race  can  not  maintain  civiliza 
tion  except  when  in  contact  with  a  higher  type  of  human- 
ity. 

He  devoted  his  time  of  political  inaction  to  writing 
his  "Constitutional  View  of  the  War  Between  the  States," 
and  his  "  School  History  of  the  United  States."  In  1881, 
he  wrote  a  "History  of  the  United  States."  The  first 
is  his  masterpiece.  The  London  Saturday  Review  said 
of  it,  "No  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  Civil  War 
of  equal  value  has  yet  been  made,  or  is  likely  to  be  made, 
unless  some  one  of  General  Lee's  few  surviving  lieuten 
ants  should  do  for  the  military  history  of  the  struggle 
what  Mr.  Stephens  has  done  for  its  political  aspect." 
He  taught  "for  recreation"  a  law  class  of  young  men 
who  "agree  to  reimburse  me  hereafter  for  their  board." 

His  "War  Between  the  States"  brought  him  $35,000 


CONCLUSION  549 

in  royalties  on  a  sale  of  70,000  copies.  A  newspaper 
venture  absorbed  most  of  the  profits  from  his  books, 
and  his  bounties  and  hospitalities  kept  him  in  straits. 
He  bought,  in  1871,  the  Atlanta  Sun,  that  he  might  have 
columns  of  his  own  in  which  to  fight  the  proposed  coali 
tion  of  the  Liberal-Republicans  and  Democratic  parties; 
which  coalition  came  about,  however,  with  Greeley 
for  Presidential  standard-bearer  in  1872.  His  course 
in  opposing  Greeley  was  unpopular.  Before  an  Atlanta 
audience,  Dec.  20,  1872,  he  said: 

Three  weeks  ago  I  was  requested  for  my  views  on  the 
public  situation.  I  appointed  the  second  day  after 
the  election.  When  the  time  arrived,  I  was  not  here. 
Mr.  Greeley's  obsequies  were  being  performed.  I  knew 
him  well.  Between  us  personally  never  a  harsh  word 
or  feeling  passed.  He  was  as  truly  an  honest  man  as 
any  I  ever  met.  That  is  true,  notwithstanding  our  great 
political  differences.  He  belonged  to  that  party  which 
advocated  centralized  government ;  that  doctrine  and  party 
I  could  not  favour.  It  was  inappropriate  for  me  to  speak 
of  matters  which  had  necessary  reference  to  him,  in  the 
hour  of  his  funeral.  I  have  canvassed  Georgia  for  twenty 
years.  I  have  been  diseased  and  infirm  all  that  time. 
I  have  made  more  than  a  thousand  appointments,  per 
haps,  and  never  failed  to  fill  more  than  two  till  now: 
these  by  an  occurrence  which  laid  me  aside  for  two  months 
[the  Cone  encounter],  and  that  some  of  you  may  remem 
ber.  These  matters  I  state  in  reply  to  a  fling  at  me  in 
the  papers. 

The  charge  had  been  made  that  I  was  not  in  accord  with 
the  people  of  Georgia,  that  I  do  not  move  with  her  Dem 
ocracy.  What  are  the  principles  of  her  Democracy? 
Were  they  not  the  principles  adopted  in  this  hall  in 
August,  1870?  Who  brought  them  here?  That  brother 
of  mine  to  whom  such  touching  allusion  has  been  made. 
That  brother  came  from  my  house.  They  brought  you 


550  CONCLUSION 

into  power.  .  .  .  Am  I  thus  accused  because  I 
did  not  go  with  the  Convention  of  1872  in  its  nomination 
of  Greeley  —  when  the  majority  adopted  the  candidate 
but  utterly  refused  the  platform?  I  did  not  think  that 
good  policy.  You  all  know  now  its  results.  .  .  .  The 
liberties  of  this  country  depend  on  these  principles  taught 
by  the  Revolutionary  fathers:  that  this  is  a  great  con 
federated  republic  and  not  a  consolidated  empire.  With 
a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  earnest  men,  there  will 
be  no  difficulty  that  cannot  be  overcome  in  recovering 
our  liberties.  There  are  true  men  at  the  North,  men 
true  to  Democratic  principles  in  New  Hampshire,  Maine, 
Massachusetts.  It  is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that 
there  are  not  true  men  there,  as  true,  liberty-loving  men 
as  you  are. 

"The  principles  that  brought  you  into  power"  is  a 
reference  to  the  Georgia  Platform  in  1870,  framed  by 
Mr.  Stephens  and  his  brother.  On  this  platform  the 
State  wrested  her  government  from  carpet-bag  rule. 
In  the  fall  of  1872,  the  people  sent  Mr.  Stephens  to 
represent  his  old  Eighth  District  in  Congress.  He  was 
again  in  the  seat  which  he  had  occupied  for  sixteen  years, 
and  perhaps  he  was  more  at  home  in  it  than  he  had  ever 
been  when  presiding  over  the  Confederate  Senate.  He 
had  an  influence  there  that  had  never  been  his  in  the 
Confederate  Senate.  He  addressed  himself  to  his  old 
task  of  reconciling  sections,  preserving  peace,  and,  as 
always,  of  proclaiming  the  sacredness  of  the  Constitu 
tion.  A  newspaper  described  his  appearance : 

An  immense  cloak,  a  high  hat,  and  peering  somewhere 
out  of  the  middle  a  thin,  pale,  sad  face.  How  anything 
so  small  and  sick  and  sorrowful  could  get  here  all  the 
way  from  Georgia  is  a  wonder.  If  he  were  laid  out  in 
his  coffin,  he  needn't  look  any  different,  only  then  the 


CONCLUSION  551 

fires  would  have  gone  out  in  the  burning  eyes.  Set  as 
they  are  in  the  wax-white  face,  they  seem  to  burn  and 
blaze.  That  he  is  here  at  all  to  offer  the  counsels  of 
moderation  and  patriotism  proves  how  invincible  is  the 
soul  that  dwells  in  this  sunken  frame.  He  took  the 
modified  oath  in  his  chair,  and  his  friends  picked  him 
up  in  it  and  carried  him  off  as  if  he  were  a  feather. 

"  Whatever  he  wants  done  is  done,  and  every  measure 
he  advocates  passes,"  a  Northern  paper  said  kindly 
but  not  quite  correctly.  He  tried  to  adapt  himself  to 
conditions,  doing  the  best  he  could  "with  circumstances 
as  they  arise,"  according  to  the  rule  he  cites  so  often  in 
his  Journal.  For  instance,  believing  Tilden  to  be  the 
legally  elected  president,  he  advised  acceptance  of  the 
finding  for  Hayes  because  resistance  might  have  plunged 
the  country  into  another  war.  He  was  criticized  for  this 
and  for  several  other  stands  that  he  took,  but  events  or 
a  maturer  consideration  justified  him  in  each  case.  His 
speech  on  the  unveiling  of  Carpenter's  picture  of  Lincoln, 
"The  signing  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,"  was 
the  dramatic  event  of  his  term  of  1878  in  the  House. 
It  is  no  mean  proof  of  his  wisdom  and  tact  that  he  dis 
charged  his  office  of  representing  the  South  on  this  occasion 
in  a  manner  approving  itself  to  both  sections.  Yet  he 
simply  told  the  truth  as  he  saw  it.  The  larger  part  of 
his  tribute  to  Mr.  Lincoln  personally  is  printed  in  the 
earlier  pages  of  this  book;  taking  up  its  concluding 
sentences,  we  produce  his  tatement  of  Lincoln's  pur 
pose  and  of  the  South's  part  in  emancipation. 

Every  fountain  of  his  heart  was  ever  overflowing  with 
the  "milk  of  human  kindness."  From  my  attachment 
to  him,  so  much  the  deeper  was  the  pang  in  my  breast 


552  CONCLUSION 

at  the  horrible  manner  of  his  taking  off.  .  .  .  Eman 
cipation  was  not  the  chief  object  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  issu 
ing  the  Proclamation.  His  chief  object,  to  which  his 
whole  soul  was  devoted,  was  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  The  Proclamation  itself  did  not  declare  free 
all  the  coloured  people  of  the  Southern  States;  it  applied 
only  to  those  parts  of  the  country  then  in  resistance  to 
the  Federal  authorities.  If  the  emancipation  of  the 
coloured  race  be  a  boon  or  a  curse  to  them,  then,  repre 
senting  the  Southern  States  here,  I  must  claim  in  their 
behalf,  that  the  freedom  of  that  race  was  never  con 
summated  and  could  not  be  until  the  Southern  States 
sanctioned  the  Thirteenth  Amendment,  which  they  did, 
every  one  of  them,  by  their  own  former  constituencies. 

"During  the  conflict  of  arms,"  he  said,  "I  frequently 
despaired  of  the  liberties  of  our  country  both  North  and 
South."  He  pleaded  for  friendship  between  the  sections, 
for  conscientious  discharge  of  duty  to  the  Negro,  and 
for  faithful  adherence  to  the  Constitution.  This  was  the 
spirit  of  his  every  argument  as  long  as  he  was  in  the  House. 

In  1882,  he  retired  from  Congress,  after  a  service, 
all  told,  of  twenty-six  years,  to  become  Governor  of 
Georgia,  accepting  the  position  in  spite  of  great  age  and 
feebleness,  because  her  people  assured  him  that  he  alone 
could  unite  her  jarring  factions  and  heal  her  political 
wounds.  Transference  of  his  domestic  life  from  his 
familiar  quarters  at  the  National  Hotel,  Washington, 
and  his  beloved  Liberty  Hall  to  the  Executive  Mansion 
in  Atlanta  was  a  trial  for  him  at  his  years,  but  he  was 
deeply  touched  at  the  mark  of  public  confidence  which 
placed  him  there.  During  his  brief  period  of  office  he 
was  very  busy  and  not  unhappy.  The  one  criticism 
recorded  of  his  administration  is  that  he  made  excessive 
use  of  the  pardoning  power. 


CONCLUSION  553 

Again  we  will  take  up  the  thread  of  his  family  life. 
A  romance  grew  out  of  his  brother's  visit  to  him  at  Fort 
Warren,  where  Mrs.  Salter  and  her  daughters  were  his 
good  angels.  Judge  Stephens  and  Mary  Salter  had 
met  before,  when  she  was  very  young  and  when  they 
were  both  visitors  in  Washington  City,  where  her  uncle, 
Joseph  C.  Ives,  and  his  wife,  the  sister  of  Senator  Semmes, 
were  living  and  were  as  great  social  favourites  as  they 
afterward  found  themselves  in  Richmond.  During  the 
wTar,  Colonel  Ives,  though  a  New  Yorker,  was  on  Mr. 
Davis's  personal  staff,  his  sympathies  following  those 
of  his  wife.  The  development  of  an  attachment,  which 
ended  in  marriage  in  1867,  was  the  natural  sequence  of 
the  meeting  between  Linton  and  Mary  at  Fort  Warren, 
a  sequence  that  gave  much  happiness  to  Mr.  Stephens  as 
well  as  to  themselves.  A  great  sorrow  befell  Mr.  Stephens 
in  1875  when  Linton  died,  and  the  " light  of  his  life" 
went  out.  But  he  found  relief  from  grief  in  renewed 
public  activities  and  in  fresh  interests  in  friends  and 
associates  and  in  the  young  nieces  and  nephews  that 
clustered  around  him.  Upon  "Billy,"  as  William  Grier 
Stephens  was  affectionately  called,  Linton's  mantle 
most  nearly  fell.  Billy  died,  and  then  John  A.  Stephens 
became  the  staff  of  the  statesman's  declining  years.  From 
Mr.  Stephens' s  numerous  letters  to  John,  space  must  be 
claimed  here  for  a  few  characteristics  extracts;  as  for 
this,  written  at  Liberty  Hall  to  John  in  Atlanta  just 
before  the  Convention  of  1870  to  which  Judge  Stephens 
and  Herschel  V.  Johnson  were  delegates: 

I  wish  you  would  go  to  the  Post  Office  and  get  me 
500  stamped  envelopes.  Linton  tells  me  he  will  be  in 
the  Convention.  I  have  written  Governor  Johnson 
asking  him  to  come  and  see  me  on  his  way  to  Atlanta. 


554  CONCLUSION 

Shall  I  take  the  liberty  of  inviting  him  to  your  house? 
Or,  will  you  write  to  me  and  ask  me  to  extend  an  invita 
tion  to  him  for  you?  I  know  the  Governor's  means 
are  limited,  and  it  may  be  that  it  would  be  very  accept 
able  to  him  to  be  invited  to  stop  with  a  friend.  I  know 
that  in  my  life  such  an  invitation  would  on  many  occa 
sions  have  been  very  acceptable.  If  he  accepts,  I  want 
you  to  consider  the  extra  expense  as  chargeable  to  me. 
I  will  willingly  foot  the  bills  for  all  the  good  eating  —  and 
he  likes  good  eating  —  that  you  may  furnish  him.  If 
you  will  write  me  a  letter  telling  him  and  Linton  to  go 
to  your  house,  I  will  myself  deliver  it. 

Of  course  John  wrote  the  invitation,  and  dutifully 
fell  in  with  his  uncle's  plan  to  establish  for  himself  an 
Atlanta  centre  of  hospitality.  As  John  was  vicarious 
entertainer,  so  was  he  minister  of  mercy.  After  Harry's 
death  in  1881,  Mr.  Stephens  wrote  from  Washington: 

Be  sure  and  attend  Harry's  sale.  I  want  you  to  buy 
all  the  shucks,  corn,  etc.,  unless  the  bids  go  above  the 
town  price.  I  do  have  sympathy  for  the  poor  old  horses 
and  will  give  more  for  them  than  they  are  worth.  I 
should  buy  them  simply  to  feed  them.  If  my  feelings 
are  thus  for  dumb  brutes  which  have  served  me  faithfully, 
how  much  stronger  are  they  to  human  beings!  I  wish 
Eliza  and  her  children  to  have  all  the  aid  in  my  power  to 
render  them  comfortable.  I  shall  write  her  of  my  views 
of  what  she  shall  do  and  what  I  will  do  to  aid  her.  I 
wish  you  to  attend  to  having  her  dower  properly  assigned. 
My  deed  to  Harry  is  of  record. 

Rarely  is  there  a  letter  to  John  that  does  not  charge 
him  with  some  commission  for  an  old  servant  or  some 
other  beneficiary.  One  knows  not  whether  to  smile  or 
sigh  at  Mr.  Stephens's  quaint  interest  in  the  family 
babies,  as  displayed  in  thoughtful  epistles  to  "  Sister 


CONCLUSION  555 

Mary"  and  "Cousin  Emma"  (John's  wife)  about  the 
trials  of  these  infant  prodigies  in  croup  and  measles.  His 
care  for  business  and  domestic  affairs  of  his  nephews 
was  unfailing.  "I  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  know 
how  you  were  fixed  up  for  the  reception  of  Cousin  Emma; 
whether  you  had  got  your  furniture  moved  in  time  to 
occupy  your  house  that  night,"  he  writes,  on  John's 
moving  to  Atlanta  in  1869,  a  young  lawyer  making 
up  as  well  as  he  could  for  time  lost  in  the  war.  "How 
are  you  getting  on  in  your  practice?"  "I  have  no 
objection  to  association  of  my  name  with  yours  in  bringing 
the  case.  It  is  just  such  a  case  as  I  like  to  plead.  From 
the  facts  stated,  your  client  has  been  greatly  wronged." 
The  following,  written  eight  days  after  John  reached 
Atlanta,  repeats  advice  given  to  Linton  years  before: 

I  am  glad  to  hear  you  have  got  a  case.  This  is  your 
first  in  your  new  location,  and  I  can  not  do  better  than 
to  repeat  that  a  young  man's  first  cases  at  the  law 
are  the  most  important  to  him  he  will  ever  have.  His 
reputation  is  at  stake.  It  should  be  a  leading  object 
with  him  to  succeed  in  them  beyond  expectation.  He 
ought  to  take  no  case  except  such  as  he  believes  on  inves 
tigation  to  be  right. 

This  to  John,  in  1870,  is  a  blow  at  graft: 

What  Mr.  meant  by  what  he  said  to  you  about 

the  State  Road,  I  cannot  conjecture.  I  do  not  wish 
you  to  have  anything  to  do  with  him.  Lobbying  before 
a  corrupt  legislature  is  one  of  the  lowest  and  meanest 
businesses  anybody  can  engage  in.  A  legal  opinion, 
professionally  given,  has  no  sort  of  impropriety  in  it. 
I  have  given  such  in  more  cases  than  one.  In  such,  I 
represent  a  client's  interest  before  the  Legislature  as  I 


556  CONCLUSION 

would  before  a  court.  But  this  is  a  very  different  thing 
from  becoming  interested  in  procuring  legislation  not  as 
a  matter  of  legal  right  and  duty  but  of  policy,  and  that, 
too,  without  any  consideration  of  the  public  interests. 
Were  I  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  I  should  advocate 
a  sale  or  lease  of  the  State  Road  if  I  could  get  it  effected 
upon  proper  terms,  but  nothing  could  induce  me  as  an 
attorney  to  accept  a  fee  or  reward  from  outside  parties 
to  procure  such  legislation.  If  a  question  of  law  should 
arise  as  to  how  such  a  lease  or  sale  was  to  be  perfected, 
I  should  not  hesitate  to  charge  a  proper  professional  fee 
for  giving  an  opinion.  But  I  could  never  be  induced  to 
offer  an  opinion  to  influence  the  Legislature  to  sell  or 
lease  the  road.  That,  in  my  judgment,  would  be  exceed 
ingly  reprehensible.  I  hope  you  will  even  have  nothing 
to  do  with  parties  who  can  make  such  propositions  to 
you. 


It  happened  that  the  road  was  leased  later  in  the 
year,  and  Mr.  Stephens  took  an  interest  to  the  "extent 
of  his  property."  The  next  year,  there  was  a  cry  of 
"  swindle."  When  information  seeming  to  show  that 
the  State  had  been  cheated  in  the  lease  was  received  by 
Mr.  Stephens,  he  promptly  deeded  his  holdings  back 
to  the  Commonwealth. 

He  named  one  condition  to  his  candidacy  for  governor 
that  the  public  did  not  know;  it  was  that  John  and 
" Cousin  Emma"  should  enter  the  Mansion  with  him: 
"I  shall  die  there,  and  I  want  you  to  close  my  eyes," 
he  said.  They  did  not  care  to  give  up  their  cozy  home 
for  that  temporary  abode,  but  they  went  with  him;  and 
it  was  a  great  pleasure  to  him  to  have  them  there  and  to 
hear  the  children  pattering  about  the  place.  He  proudly 
made  John  Adjutant-General  of  Georgia,  a  position 
which  the  gallant  ex-Confederate  held  with  credit  to  him- 


CONCLUSION  557 

self  and  to  his  State,  under  successive  governors  until 
failing  health  compelled  him  to  resign  the  year  before 
his  death  in  1887.  Never  in  the  history  of  the  Mansion 
before  or  since  have  so  many  needy  people  and  so  many 
tramps  been  fed  there  in  the  same  period  of  time  —  or 
perhaps  any  period  —  as  during  Mr.  Stephens' s  residence. 
"Cousin  Emma"  dutifully  endeavoured  to  keep  the 
gubernatorial  nose  from  the  grindstone.  One  morning 
she  entered  his  room,  where  he  was  dictating  to  his  sec 
retary,  and  proudly  displayed  her  accounts,  showing 
a  good  saving  in  housekeeping  expenses  for  the 
month.  " Uncle  Alex"  praised  her  thrift,  and  turning 
to  his  secretary,  said:  "Seidell,  add  $25  to  the  check 
in  that  last  letter  for  the  woman  who  asked  me  to 
help  her." 

From  the  Sesqui-Centennial  in  Savannah,  where  the 
people  greeted  him  lovingly,  Mr.  Stephens  came  back 
to  the  Mansion  to  die.  Sunday  at  dawn,  March  4,  1883, 
after  a  brief  illness,  he  breathed  his  last.  Thursday, 
he  was  laid  to  rest  in  a  vault  in  Oakland  Cemetery 
pending  removal  of  his  remains  to  Crawfordville, 
where  he  now  sleeps  in  the  grounds  at  Liberty 
Hall.* 

While  he  lay  in  state  in  the  Capitol  in  Atlanta,  many 
of  the  poorest  class  of  whites  came  from  a  distance  to 
pay  their  respects.  Many  Negroes  came.  Never  before 
in  the  history  of  Atlanta  was  there  such  a  funeral  pro 
cession  as  the  long  line  of  military  and  civic  bodies  and 
mourning  populace  which  followed  him  to  the  tomb. 
Not  only  in  Georgia,  not  only  in  the  South,  was  pub- 

*  The  ownership  of  Liberty  Hall  is  now  vested  in  the  Stephens  Monumental  Association, 
which  is  seeking  to  establish  at  Crawfordville,  as  a  memorial  to  Mr.  Stephens,  a  school  for 
poor  boys  and  girls.  The  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy  have  some  oversight  of  the  dwelling 
and  will  doubtless  have  final  charge  of  it  and  arrange  for  its  preservation  as  a  National  shrine. 


558  CONCLUSION 

lie  tribute  paid  to  his  memory.  In  far-off  Vermont, 
State  offices  were  closed  on  the  day  of  his  funeral  and 
the  National  flag  was  displayed  at  half-mast  over  the 
Capitol.  When  the  news  of  his  death  reached  Wash 
ington  City,  the  House  of  Representatives  unanimously 
adopted  a  resolution  expressing  "hearthfelt  sympathy 
with  the  people,  not  only  of  Georgia,  but  of  the  whole 
country,  in  the  loss  of  a  statesman  and  a  patriot. " 

THE     END 


INDEX 


INDEX 


ABOLITION,  in  Philadelphia,  15; 
Seward,  leader,  25;  Stephens 
charged  with,  29,  31 ;  his  view  of, 
17,54, 1 99-20 1, 249;  manifesto,  37 

Adair,  G.  W.,  525 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  374 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  21,  30 

African  Church,  84,  183,  241 

Aikens,  Gov.   222 

Alabama,  67,  164 

Alexander,  A.  L.,  279 

Alexandria,  537. 

Alfriends,  The,  154 

Allen,  H.  A.,  132,  135,  179,  392, 396, 

399 

Allison  letter,  34 
American    people,    "  our    common 

country,"  53,  59,  60,  74,  82,  94- 

96,  146,  196-97,  200.  330,  463-65, 

550 

Amesby,  Captains,  486 
Anderson,  Gen.  Robert  309 
Anderson,  S.  J.,  22,  375,  382,  447, 

482,  489,  503,  505 
Anderson ville,  233-36  403,  444 
Andrew,  Gov.  J.  A.,  505,  511,  513, 

514,  516,  523 
Anthony,    Negro    servant,  101-23, 

164,  177,  ISO,  204,  221 

Appleton,  Major,  meets  Stephens, 
393;  kindness  to,  399,  404;  other 
mention,  405,  413, ,415,  419-420, 
424,  431-32,  436,  441-42,  451-52, 
521 

Appleton,  Mabel  Landon,  377,  433- 
34,  471,  521 

Appleton,  Mrs.,  396,  399,  400,  405, 
413,  415,  436,  441-42,  452,  458, 
503,  521 

Appleton,  Wm.,  413 

Appleton,  Samuel,  413 

Arago,  D.  P.,  44 

Aristocracy,  Southern,  420-23 

Arnold,  F.  G.,  44 

Arnold,  Matthew,  483, 493 

Arnold,  Richard,  164 

Ashmun,  George,  483 

Asia,  The,  411 

Astor  House,  23,  535,  543 


Athens,  Ga.,  8,  in,  277 

Atlanta,  Douglas  in,  55,  107;  Sher 
man,  78;  fall,  248;  ruins,  104,  107, 
539;  Stephens,  prisoner,  100-04; 
in  1843,  460;  other  mention,  150, 
179,  341-42,  524,  549,  554,  557 

Atlanta,  The,  145,  410 

Atlanta  Intelligencer,  379,  504 

Atlanta  Sun,  549 

Atlantic  Cable,  44,  403,  430,  433, 
436,  465,  474 

Augusta,  Ga.,  52,  106,  no,  150,  154, 
164,  179,  247,  35.1-52 

Augusta  Constitutionalist,  504 

A  vary,  Mrs.  Robert  Lee,  90 

Aztec,  311 

BABCOCK,  Colonel,  80,  506 

Babinet,  J.  F.,  44 

Bacon,  Mr.,  451 

Bailey,  Corporal,  370,  448,  450,  455, 

521,526 

Baker,  Sallie,  154 
Baldwin,    Captain,   417,   453,   457, 

459,  472,  474,  532 
Baldwin,  Mrs.,  472,  532 
Balloons,  307,  317 
Baltimore,  14,  56 
Barksdale  case,  154 
Barnett,  Ga.,  109,  179 
Barnham,  Mr.,  Librarian,  396,  491 
Bartow,  Francis  S.,  89 
Baskerville,  H.  C.,   164,   177,  204, 

221,  260,  412,  448,  501 
Baskerville,  Hamilton,  260 
Baskins,  James,  3 
Bates's  testimony,  139,  216 
Baton  Rouge,  34 
Battle,  Isaac,  13 
Beasley,  C.  A.,  501 
Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  309,  515 
Bell,  Mr.,  publisher,  485 
Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  84,  216,  247 
Benton,  Thomas  H.,  14 
Berckmans,  Doctor,  223 
Bermuda,  222 
Berrien,  Judge  J.  M.,  16 
Bible   Reading,    152;    Prisoners   of 

Hope,    459,    472,    483;    Paul,    a 


56a 


INDEX 


prisoner,  305,  307;  Paul  and 
Cicero,  454;  Epistles,  320,  336, 
345,  360;  Job  and  John,  262;  and 
Elihu,  296;  Job,  145,  225,  286, 
290,  381;  Psalms,  229,  232,  370; 
Solomon  and  immortality,  390; 
Song  of,  392;  code  of  Jesus,  398; 
the  Incarnation,  361,  398,  402, 
423, 425 ;  falling  from  grace,  336 

Bickley,  G.  W.  L.,  324,  378,  437, 
486,  498 

Bigham,  Hon.  B.  H.,  503,  508,  525 

Bingham,  J.  A.,  291 

Binks  (dog),  88,  180,  211,  539 

Bird,  Rev.  W.,  10,  43,  310 

Blair,  F.  P.,  77,  79,  81,  83,  265,  547 

Blair,  Montgomery,  61,  547 

Bob  (Negro),  315,  505,  526 

Bond  &  Co.,  150 

Boston,  and  Webster,  36;  kindness 
to  Stephens,  92 ;  view  of,  209, 244, 
261,  303;  Copper  Works,  462; 
Gun  Works,  439;  Stephens  in, 
532-34;  other  mention,  45,  185, 
357,  370,  400,  424,  476,  477,  500, 
506,  508,  511,  513,  517 

Boston  Advertiser,  477 

Boston  Express,  513 

Boston  Herald,  129,  207,  210,  230, 
319,  326,  346,  368,  400,  454,  488, 

5J3 
Boston  Journal,  129,  133,  146,  151, 

260,  304,  335,  530 
Boston  Post,  164,  222,  239,  264,  271, 

338,  400,  407,  481,  485,  490,  491, 

53i 

Boston  Traveller,  217,  512 

Botts,  John  Minor,  25,  215 

Bowdon,  Hon.  Mr.,  495 

Boyce,  Hon.  W.  W.,  219 

Boykin's  Memorial  of  Cobb,  58 

Breckinridge,  J.  C.,  139,  186,  216 
222 

Bristol,  Tenn.,  538 

Bristov/,  Chesley,  365 

Bristow,  G.  F.,  87,  154,  481,  501, 
511 

British  Quarterly  Review,  519 

Brown,  Gov.  Joe.,  Stephens'  esti 
mate,  353;  other  mention,  58,  151, 
177,  219,  352,  414,  418,  487,  488 

Brown,  Major,  356 

Brown,  Milton,  18 

Brown's  Raid,  John,  60 

Bruce,  Sir  Frederick,  505,  545 

Bruen,  C.  T.,  491,  531 

Buchanan,  President,  29,  41,  51, 
193,  224 


"Bucket  Letters,"  380 

Buena  Vista,  22 

Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  529 

Bunker  Hill,  209,  261 

Burch,  Raymond  W.,  288,  375,  382. 

537;  Alex.,  537;  J.  C.,  289,  537, 

Margaret,  289,  537 
Burlingame,  A.  B.,  442-46,  505,  545 
Burns,  Robert,  347,  457,  467,  473, 

532 
Burt,  Hon.  Mr.,  18 

CABELL,  E.  C.,  22 

Calhoun,  J.  C.,  15,  18 

Calhoun,  Mayor,  336 

California,  27,  35,  37,  54 

Cambridge,  261,  303,  317,  506 

Cameron,  Doctor,  143 

Campbell,  J.  A.,  79,  214,  531 

Campbellton,  460 

Canadian  Mission,  105,  165,  181-83 

Cape  May,  378,  433 

Capital  punishment,  279 

Carpet  bag  rule,  550 

Carter's,  Mrs.,  49,  309,  348 

Carter,  Kirkland  &  Co.,  530 

Cass,  Lewis,  19 

Cat,  The,  512-13,  518,  529 

Catholics,  43,  47 

Catiline,  279 

Cavaliers  and  Puritans,  420 

Chaingang,  The,  245 

Chancellorsville,  78 

Chandler,  Daniel,  363 

Chapin,  Dr.  E.  M.,  546 

Charade,  306,  308,  503 

Charleston,  29,  46,  56,  63,  80,  418 

Charleston  Courier,  47 

Charlotte,  139,  216,  349 

Charlotte  Democrat,  216 

Charlottesville,  537 

Charlton  (little  Negro),  315,  505 

Chelsea,  462 

Chicago,  45,  486 

Chronicle   and   Sentinel,    264,    271, 

275.  423 

Church,  Rev.  Dr.,  9,  230,  398 

Citizenship,  129,  148,  192;  naturali 
zation,  312 

City  Point,  78,  401,  506 

Clark,  General,  531 

Clarke  Men.,  15,  232 

Clay",  C.  C.,  105,  110-25,  165,  178 
181 

Clay,  Mrs.  C.  C.,  110-25 

Clay,  Henry,  14,  17, 22,  36, 49 

Clayton,  J.  M.,  25 


INDEX 


563 


Cobb,  Howell,  20,  27,  41,  49,  58, 
139,  146, 177,  216,220,  247,  301, 

5i7 

Cobb,  T.  R.  R.,  58,  67 
Cole,  H.  G.,  417,  465 
Coleridge,  Samuel  T.,  483 
Collamer,  Jacob,  49,  347 
Colquitt,  W.  T.,  47 
Columbia,  S.  C.,  76,  219,  236,  349 
Columbus,  Ga.,  II,  14,  150. 
Compromise  of  1850,  26,  36,  40,  54, 

63 

Compromise,  Clayton's,  35 

Compromise,  Missouri,  31,  37, 39,40 

Comstock,  C.  B.,  527 

Cone,  Judge  F.  H.,  35,  529 

Confederacy,  Stephens  and  presi 
dency,  50-2,  509;  Vice-President, 
51,  62;  why  he  adhered  to,  51,  62, 
189-96,  281-84;  charged  with 
treason  to,  35,  52,  107,  200; 
prisoners,  233-36,  356,  444-45; 
administration,  64-73,  75-9,  83, 
85,  93,  167;  collapse,  165-70,  201, 
241,  281,  326-33 

Confederate  Cause,  what  it  was, 
74,  165-71,  235,  328-30,  544 

Congress,  Confederate,  Stephens  in, 
62;  measures  of,  71-2,  330;  peace 
and,  77,  84;  Stephens  would 
resign,  49 

Congress,  U.  S.,  Stephens  in,  10,  13, 
17,  50,  61,  63,  71,  81,  93,  495; 
Reconstruction  Committee,  544; 
refused  seat,  543,  546;  in  the 
House,  550-52;  at  his  death,  558 

Congressional  Year,  44 

Connecticut,  27 


Connel,  Cosby,  154 
Constitution,     "life 


te  and  soul  of 
Nation,"  148,  293,  306;  compact, 
190-92,  215;  "richest  inherit 
ance,"  58,  95;  cause  he  had  at 
heart,  94,  147-49,  372;  South 
tried  to  save,  329;  violations,  32, 
71,  167,  169,  210,  328,  330,  342; 
in  war,  292;  other  mention,  31, 
41.  53.  56,  189,  196,  201,  219, 
329,  333,  5io,  537 

Constitution,  Confederate,  Ste- 
phens's  resolution,  171-74,  195; 
administration's  violation,  32,  71, 
94,  167,  330 

Constitutional  Union  party,  28,  39 

Constitutions  of  Aragon  and  Castile, 
227-29,  272 

Cooper,  Major,  105 

Corbin,  Major,  178 


Cornerstone  Speech,  172-74 

Corwin,  Governor,  454 

Cotton,  64-8,  352 

Craven,  J.  J.,  65,  68 

Crawford,  W.  H.,  15,  16,  230,  289, 

363.  365;  G.  W.,  24,  27;  Joel,  16; 

Martin,  492 
Crawfordville,  7,  10,  n,  13,  43,  64, 

86,  108,  205,  362,  447,  532,  539- 

40,  557 

Crittenden,  J.  J.,  24,  27,  34,  49 
Croak,  Lieutenant,  133,  177 
Crocket,  Mr.,  512 
Crook,  Col.  W.  H.,  536 
Crotchett,  537 
Culpeper,  Va.,  425 
Gumming,   Gov.  Alfred,    179,  465, 

467,471,  518;  Mrs.,  179 
Curtis,  G.  T.,  543 
Curtis,  Justice,  39,  94,  461 
Cuyler,  Doctor,  381 

DAHLGREN,  raid  of,  236 

Dalton,  Ga.,  218,  539 

Darien,  Ga.,  436 

Diavis,  Jefferson,  author  of  "new 
plank,"  63;  Confederate  Presi 
dent,  62,  330;  and  Stephens  com 
pared,  63-64;  Toombs  on,  67; 
dictator,  dynasty,  72-3,  167,  329- 
30;  on  cotton,  65,  68,  352;  deser 
tions,  169;  political  course,  70-3, 
84,  145,  167-70,  241,  326-35,  343, 
349-52;  Stephens's  estimate,  85, 
93,  326-35,  492;  Northern  peace 
sentiment,  75-7,  330;  to  prison 
ers,  235,  444-46;  death  reported, 
51-2;  Lincoln's  assassination,  139, 
181-83,  216;  capture,  105,  307, 
315,  461 ;  to  Fort  Monroe,  106-25; 
in  irons,  95,  133;  Jordan  on,  515, 
526;  other  mention,  140,  144,  147, 
241,  343,  407,  436,  468,  482,  497, 
499,  508.  See  Peace  Conference, 
Slavery,  etc. 

Davis,  Mrs.  Jefferson,  66-8;  jour 
ney  to  Fortress  Monroe,  109-25; 
baby,  no,  119;  black  ward,  116; 
sends  mattress,  113;  orders  din 
ner,  117;  asks  that  servant  go 
with  Mr.  S.,  123;  in  New  York, 

47.4  ^ 

Davis,  Wmme,  no 
Dawson,  A.  H.  H.,  92,  435 
Dawson,  W.  C.,  363 
Decatur,  460 
Democratic  Party,  16-20,  28-9,40, 

56,  63,  75,  254,  544,  549 


INDEX 


Denver,  General,  496 

Devine,  Mr.,  429,  442,  448,  455, 486, 
513,  526 

Dictator,  72,  369,  404,  411 

P'Israeli's  "Curiosities  of  Litera 
ture,"  554 

Dix,  Gen.  J.  A.,  130,  134,  139,  147, 
152,  179,271,274,316,432 

Dobbins 's  School,  279 

Doty's  resolution,  37 

Dougherty  County,  366 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  29,  37,  41,  51, 
55,  107 

Draper,  General,  22 

Dreams,  258-59,  262,  345,  346,  468, 
478,  479-8o,  483 

Dred  Scott  Case,  39,  461 

DuBose,  D.  M.,  123,  134,  162,  211, 
220,  369,  390,  419,  475 

DuBose,  Mrs.  D.  M.,  123,  162,  211 

Duncan,  J.  W.,  104,  108 

Duncan,  Mrs.,  44 

Dyer,  Major,  144 

EAST  Haddam,  213 

Echolas,  J.  H.,  535 

Education,  Stephens  struggles  for 
his  own,  5-12,  227;  helps  others 
to  get,  43,  226;  Chairman  of  Com 
mittee,  30;  advocate  of  State 
University  and  higher  education 
of  women,  30,  44;  education 
denied  Negro,  174,  250;  would 
have  been  given,  175;  advises  his 
servants,  213;  advocates,  517, 

Eliza,  chief  woman  servant,  wed 
ding,    87;    widowed,    534;   other 
mention,  456,  539,  554. 
Elliott,  Bishop  Stephen,  249 
Emancipation,  Lincoln  on,  81,  83, 
137,    281;   his   object,    552;    the 
South  and,  552;  Hunter  on,  83, 
137;  Stephens's  views,  250,  254, 
136,  372;  Aristotle  on,  322 
England   and   Oregon,    18-19;   ex 
pansion,  31;  friendly  promises  to 
the  South,  67;  and  Espy,  44;  and 
Davis,  326;  liberty,  33,  74,  171, 
328;  King  George,  304;  Church, 
420,  477;  Toombs's  ancestry,  425 
"Enoch  Arden,"  525 
Equality,  dogma  of,  157-61 
Erskine,  John,  239,  415,  505,  525 
Erskine,  Mrs.,  418,  525 
Espy,  J.  P.,  44 
Europe,  65,  67,  73,  74 
Evans,  Gen.  Clement  A.,  233 


Evans,  Mr.,  154 

Everett,  Mr.,  436 

Ewell,  General,  220,  302,  356 

Exile,  217,  244,  279 

Expansion,  31-2,  41,  52-4 

FANEUIL  Hall,  36,  64,  400 
Farragut,  Rear  Admiral,  309 
Felix  (Negro),  104,  106,  107 
Fillmore,  President,  27-8 
Florida,  f86 
Follett's  Yacht,  220 
Force,  Mr.,  526 
Ford,  Bill,  23 
Forney,  J.  W.,  415 
Forsyth,  John,  55 
Forsyth,  Senator  John,  15 
Fort  Delaware,  122;  Independence, 
534;  Lafayette,  513;  Pulaski,  214, 

436 

Fort  Warren,  Stephens's  first  view, 
14;  library,  132,  299,  399,  400; 
Sunday,  156,  318,  455,  >  489; 
music,  164,  404;  gun  carriages, 
404,  439;  guards,  238,  265-67, 
300,  406,  437-38,  448;  Company 
A  at  dinner,  446;  noon  signal,  403, 
408,  439;  night  signal,  435,  440; 
messes,  459;  incident,  480;  Cap 
tain  Moody's  report,  122;  grass 
cutters,  1 86;  chaingang,  245; 
graves,  410;  visitors,  150,  186-87, 
217,  308,  400 

Stephens  in,  91-3,  138,  153, 
283,  306,  358,  366,  396;  odors, 
vermin,  378,  381,  456;  rations, 
175,  178,  181,  183,  185;  from  sut 
ler,  178,  209,  222,  257,  etc.;  juste 
milieu,  222;  expenses,  128-29, 
132,  149,  151,  155,  162,  164,  179, 
209,  408,  457,  494;  solitary,  "cut 
off,"  133,  136,  281,  299,  323,  376, 
431;  sick,  206,  457,  469,  501; 
weeps,  366-67;  stared  at,  150, 
185,  187,  308,  400;  failing  vision, 
etc.,  181,  289,  375-76,  430;  asks 
communication  with  friends,  101- 

02,     112,    122,    128,     130-33,     135; 

granted,  152;  asks  pardon,  parole, 
trial,  mitigation,  189,  204,  252, 
286-88,  339-4L  366-67,  37I-75. 
466;  enlargement,  394;  transfer, 
92,  459,  465,  474-75;  release 
sought,  92,  500,  503-28;  release, 
531 

Fortress  Monroe,  80,  108,  133,  164, 
179,  407,  519 

Foster,  Gen.  I.  R.,  105 


INDEX 


565 


Foster,  Thomas,  12 
Fountain  (Negro),  109,  315 
Fourth  of  July,  13,  304,  318 
France,  friendly  promises  to  South, 
67;  and  Epsy,  44;  the  Directory, 

75 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  466 
French  Academy  of  Sciences,  44 
Friendship,  180,  338,  347,  395,  403 
Fulton,  Col.  M.  C.,  504 

GALES  &  Seaton,  45 

Gallops  Island,  461,  490,  521 

Garrett,  J.  W.,  92 

Geary,  Corporal,  129;  kind  and  at 
tentive,  151,  223,  233,  214,  240, 
295.  307.  314.  436,  454.  457.  461, 
502;  muster,  291;  refuses  draft, 
294;  Stephens  misses,  243,  368; 
glad  to  see,  244-45;  advises  him 
to  study  law,  490;  offers  to  teach 
Latin,  493;  gifts,  532;  other  men 
tion,  222,  243,  262,  285,  289,  302, 
336,  399.  424.  438,  442,  etc. 

George  (Negro),  109,  186 

Georgia,  Stephens's  love  for,  150, 
193,  196,  214,  218,  225,  244,  253, 
437.  466;  allegiance  to,  129,  148, 
192;  platforms  1843,  1850,  1870, 
!7,  27,  37,  549;  "Union"  and, 
"Empire  State,"  37;  politics, 
1824-43,  15-17;  secession  con 
vention,  56,  58,  62,  189,  195,  204, 
215;  reconstruction,  513,  524, 
529,  544,  546;  Stephens  redeems, 
549-50;  legislature,  14,  27,  29,  44, 
57,  70-1,  136,  189,  210,  543 

Georgia,  State  Road,  30,  69,  70,  556 

Georgia,  State  University,  8,  30,  88 

Gettysburg,  78 

Gilpin,  Captain,  104,  108 

Girardey,  Camille,  220,  237,  280 

Glentworth,  Doctor,  460 

Golden  Rule,  Stephens's  version, 
161,  208 

Gordon,  Nimmie,  504 

Gordonsville,  537 

Graft,  70 

Graham,  Governor,  182 

Graham,  J.  M.,91 

Grant,  U.  S.,  Stephens's  estimate  of, 
79-80,  400-02;  anxious  for  peace, 
80;  Peace  Conference,  80,  375, 
507;  and  Lincoln,  84,  401;  cor 
respondence,  506,  527;  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  400;  manner  to  Stephens, 
544;  reception,  544-45;  mention, 


Great  Eastern,  403,  430,  465 
Greeley,  Horace,  "American  Con 
flict,"    133,    138,    149,    170,   212; 
letter,  497 ;  Stephens's  estimate  of, 
212-13,  4^5,  5491  peace  mission, 
182;  on  secession,  194 
Greer,  Mrs.  Catherine,  5,  86,  346; 
Mollie,  86,  346,  468;  W.  A.,  86, 

233 

Grier,  Betsy,  5,  8,  13,  504 
Grier,  Gen.  Aaron,  3,  5,  6,  12,  13, 

382,  504 
Grier,  Gip  (A.  G.),  104,  105,  108, 

i5i.36i,395,396,4U,48i,525 
Grier,  Justice  Robert,  3 
Grier,  Robert,  3 

HABEAS  Corpus  and  Peace  Resolu 
tions,  71-5,  136,  210;  Habeas 
Corpus  Case,  Cozzens,  314 

Hale,  J.  P.,  49 

Hall,  Bros.,  132,  429,  450,  462,  503 

Hambleton,  J.  A.,  55 

Hamilton,  James,  46 

Hampton,  Gen.  Wade,  431 

Hampton  Roads  Conference,  77, 
79-85,  113,  137,  141,  145,  183, 
241,  264,  271,  275,  280-81,  371- 

7S..423,  507 
Hardin,  prisoner,  205 
Harper's  Ferry,  67 
Harper's  Weekly,  409,  461,  515 
Harper's  Monthly,  515,  526 
Harrington,  E.  E.,  396,  404,  419, 

453,  459,  465,  469.  484,  501,  512 

Harrington,  Mrs.,  436,  532 

Harris,  Ben,  154,  298 

Harris,  L.  W.,  530 

Harris,  Singleton,  102 

Harrisburg  Convention,  16 

Harrison,  President,  16,  232 

Harry,  chief  man  servant,  why 
bought,  87;  at  master's  capture, 
101,  102,  109,  144;  bottle,  128, 
178,  209,  213-14,  236,  243,  262, 
367,  395;  his  letter  exhibited, 
523-24;  other  mention,  154,  186, 
480,  504,  539;  his  children,  87, 
100,  1 80,  456,  480,  504,  539 

Harvard  College,  88 

Haven,  S.  G.,  529 

Hayne,  R.  T.,  46 

Hays,  President  R.  B.,  551 

Henry,  Professor,  46 

Henry  (Negro),  108-23,  164,  204, 
221 

Heraldry  Journal,  415 

Herring,  Mr.,  55 


566 


INDEX 


Hibbell,  Lieutenant,  412. 

Hidell,  Mr.,  101,  108,  164 

Hill,  Senator  B.  H.,  58,  146,  177, 414 

Hill,  Joshua,  183,  229,  270 

Hillard,  G.  S.,  533.  536 

Hilton,  Head,   106,   114,   117,   149, 

435,  458,  477 
Holt,  Dave,  380 
Hooker,  General,  355,  376,  432,  480, 

482,  485,  513 
Hooker,  T.  P.,  530 
Howard,  J.  H.,  14 
Howell,  J.  D.,  112 
Howell,  Miss,  112,  120 
Howell,  Mrs.,  474 

Hull,  220,  396,  404 

Hull,  Robert,  99 

Hunt,  Ben,  298 

Hunter  (or  Vernon)  Captain,  325, 

378,  389,  486,  499 
Hunter,  R.  M.  T.,  79,  83,  137,  214, 

265,  280,  508 

IMPERIALISM,  31-2 
Independence  Hall,  304 
Ingersoll,  C.  J.,  19 
Insanity,  184 
Ives,  J.  C.,  516,  553 

JACKSON,  President  Andrew,  n,  14 
Jackson,  Gen.  H.  R.,  134,  150,  161, 

220,  317 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  54,  173,  190,  192, 

194 

Jeffries,  Swepston,  n,  362,  365 
Jenkins,  Judge  C.  J.,  248,  419,  513 
Johnson,  Gov.,  James,  estimate  of, 

230-32;  letter  to,  339-41 
Johnson,  H.  V.,  55,  58,  439,  447, 

451,481,500,501,543,553 
Johnson,  President,  and  Seward,  26; 
powerful  speech,   353;   amnesty, 
135,  147,  177,  184,  219,  242,  252, 
261;   Stephens  appeals  to,    187- 
204,   286-88,    372,   466-67,    543; 
Richmond  delegation,  335;  tele 
gram,   474;   sees   Stephens,    536, 
544;  Cabinet,  496,  544;  at  Grant's 
reception,  545;  mention,  210,  225, 
395,  407,  414,  488,  491,  514,  516- 
17,  529,  534,.536.     See  Negro  and 
Reconstruction 
ohnson,  Reverdy,  25,  242,  292 
ohnson's  Island,  141 
ohnston,  Colonel,  in,  179 
ohnston,  E.  J.  J.,  410,  448 
ohnston,  Gen.  J.  E.,  67,  69,  84 
ohnston,  Mary  Walton,  345 


Johnston,  R.  M.,  42,  46,  8t>,  131-32, 
154,  221,  248-56,  280-84,  298- 
302,  345,  358-60,  462-65,  468, 
50i 

Jones,  G.  W.,  107 

Jones,  J.G.,  28 

Jones,  Major,  505 

Jordan,  General,  515,  526 

KANAWHA  Valley,  442 
Kansas-Nebraska  legislation,  37, 41, 

47,  63 

Keener,  H.  C.,  310 
Kelley,  Sheriff,  503 
Kennedy,  Captain,  109 
Kentucky,  70,  72,  112,  189,  440 
Kettle  Creek,  3 

Knapp,  Sheppard,  392,  407,  413 
Know  Nothing  Party,  47 
Knoxville,  Tenn.,  538 

LAFAYETTE,  138,  283 

Lamar,  G.  B.,  356 

Lane,  S.  J.,  154,  298 

Lawyers,  office  and  duty,  383-89; 
his  rule,  310-12,  385-86;  and 
preachers,  387-88;  an  incident, 
14;  advice  to  Linton  and  John, 

555 

Le  Conte,  John,  10 

Le  Conte,  Joseph,  10 

Le  Conte,  Louis,  10,  488,  490 

Lee,G.W.,  104 

Lee,  Rear  Admiral,  78 

Lee,  R.  E.,  Stephens  meets,  80; 
estimate  of,  80;  exile,  244;  move 
ment  into  Pennsylvania,  350; 
mention,  78,  548 

Lee.W.R.,  508,  511,515 

Leonard,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  483 

Letcher,  Governor,  353 

Liberty  County,  10,  487 

Liberty  Hall,  Stephens  buys,  10; 
life  at,  love  for,  43,  86-7,  109,  139, 
144,  163,  202,  224,  236,  238,  253, 
258,  299,  410,  455;  mention,  85, 
204,  214,  339,  366,  478,  553; 
return  to,  532,  539;  grave,  557 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  election,  56,  219; 
Impression  of  Stephens,  61;  con 
siders  for  Cabinet,  61 ;  Stephens 's 
estimate  of,  61,  276,  401,  551; 
political  course,  32,  56,  74-5,  95, 
328,  342;  correspondence,  59-60; 
and  Grant,  84,  401;  and  Mc- 
Clellan,  76-7;  and  John  Stephens, 
82,  141;  on  secession,  194;  assas 
sination,  95,  115,  139,  181,  551; 


INDEX 


567 


fast  for,    142;   Sumner's  eulogy, 
153;  picture  unveiled,  551 ;  Young 
Indian,     21,     81.      See     Peace, 
Emancipation,  etc. 
Lincoln,  Elder  Harmon  and  wife, 

.309 

Lindsay,  Col.  John,  4 
Little,  Doctor,  106 
Livermore,     C.     P.,     meets,     405; 

courtesies,  379,  462,  470,  496,  503, 

505»  523;  other  mention,  442,  454, 

514,516,531 
Livermore,   Mrs.  C.  F.,  370,  403, 

451,  469,  477,  483,  485,  492,  501, 

503,  532 

Livermore,  George,  452,  460 
Livermore,  Miss,  469 
Lobbying,  555 

Lochrane,  O.  A.,  488,  535,  539 
Locust  Grove  Academy,  7 
London  Herald,  326 
London,  Saturday  Review,  548 
London  Times,  418,  423 
London,  Royal  Society  of,  44 
Longly,  Lieut.  Wm.,  150,  155,  186 
Louisville,  Ky.,  488 
Lubbock,  Governor,  in,  260 
Luck,  276,  353 

Lumpkin,  Judge  J.  H.,  363-64 
Lumpkin,  Wilson,  16 
Lying,  polite,  383-84 
Lynchburg,  Va.,  538 

MCCLELLAN,  General,  75 
McClelland,  Governor,  59 
McConnell,  Hon.  Mr.,  495 
McDuffie,  Gov.  George,  9 
McKinley,  Judge  John,  49,  305 
McLean,  Judge  John,  49 
McMatthew,  Robert,  501 
Macon,  Ga.,  104,  106,  150,  162,  206, 

378 

Macon  Female  College,  30 
Macon  Telegraph,  379 
Madison,  President,  173 
Madison,  Ga.,  10 
Magna  Charta,  171,  287 
Magrath,  Judge,  219 
Mail,  14,  89,  155,432 
Maine,  550 

Mallory,  Stephen  R.,  146,  177,  513 
Manassas  (Bull  Run),  68,  329,  537 
Manning,  Rev.  Jacob,  309 
Marietta,  418 
Marshall,  Humphrey,  22 
Martinsburg,  67 
Maryland,  61,67 
Massachusetts,  534,  550 


Mason,  James  M.,  216 

Mat,  Aunt  (Negress),  87,  456 

Matthews,  R.  A.,  526 

Medical  Convention,  185,  217 

Memminger,  C.  G.,  65 

Memphis,  102,  440 

Mercer,  General,  436 

Mexico,  19,  34,  79;  "Conquest  of," 

133,  149,  424,  439;  See  War 
Midway,  Ga.,  487 
Military  Court,  115,  139,  164,  181, 

242,  291-93 
Milledgeville,  Ga.,  16,  89,  215,  232, 

M?Us3  Mr.,  7 
Minnesota,  41 
Mitchel,  John,  73,  223 
Monroe,  Doctor,  461,  465,  469 
Monroe,  Judge,  112 
Monroe,  Mr.,  112 

Monroe,  Doctrine,  79,  8l,  265,  374 
Moody,  Captain,  122 
Morgan,  General,  350 
Morse,  Editor,  no 
Mosely,  Malcolm,  502,  534 
Mouse,  The,  399,  402,  405,  473 
Myers,  Joseph,  109,  131,  179,  186, 
210,  247,  324,  361,  488,  504,  508, 


NANCY  (Negress),  221 

Napoleon  III,  threatens  Monroe 
Doctrine  in  Mexico,  79 

National  Hotel,  552 

National  Intelligencer,  27,  37,  45, 
508 

National  Union  Convention,  546 

Negro,  equal  rights,  156-61,  517; 
subordination,  166,  173-75,  207, 
250;  Beecher  on,  515;  grave  prob 
lem,  198,  267,  444,  547;  extinction, 
293;  deportation,  537,  548;  coloni 
zation,  548;  labor,  38,  69,  72,  547; 
racial  antagonism,  207,  249-50, 
379.  548;  suffrage,  Stephens'  plan, 
267-70,  273-74,  293,  372,  414, 
547;  President  Johnson  and,  268, 
4I5>  5371  Reagan  for,  461; 
Stephens  advises  South,  517,  544; 
South  's  mistake,  461,  546;  other 
mention,  181,  318;  see  Secession, 
etc. 

Nelson's  Command,  100 

New  Haven,  44 

New  Mexico,  35 

New  Moon,  276,  370,  380,  484 

New  Orleans,  45 

New  England,  clergymen,  37;  in- 


568 


INDEX 


consistencies,    155;    English    no 
bility,    420;    drought,    533;    Hil- 
lard's  message,  543 
New  York  City,  22-4,  392,  432,  476, 

485,  488,  535.  543 

New  York  Commercial,  488 

New  York  Day  Book,  530 

New  York  Herald,  129,  137,  164, 
217,  222,  239,  260,  308,  315,  337 

New  York  News,  224 

New  York  Post,  343 

New  York  Times,  129,  181,216,222, 
229,  324,  337,  343,  474,  513,  5*5. 
544 

New  York  Tribune,  129,  186,  194, 
208,  213,  246,  275,  293,  337,  348, 
485,  530 

New  York  World,  216,  293,  487,  517 

Newton,  Lieutenant,  offers  hand, 
92,  357;  attentions,  375,  389,  395, 
398-99,  403,  443,  447-48,  451, 
453-54,  457,  463,  468-69,  472, 
480-82,  488,  496,  511,  520;  sam 
ples  tobacco,  379;  removes  locks, 
394,  486;  weather  signs,  391,  396; 
and  Reagan,  458,  461,  484; 
Stephens  visits,  446,  470;  fare 
well  and  memento,  532,  534 

Niagara,  427 

Nichols,  E.  R.,  375,  382,  537 

Niebuhr,  Lieutenant,  532,  534 

Norfolk,  Va.,  502 

North  Carolina,  313 

Nourse,  B.  F.,  245,  256 

Nullification,  15,  16,  29 

Nutler,  Charles,  424,  478 

Nutler,  Mrs.,  424,  459,  503,  522 

OATH  of  Allegiance,  required  by 
Constitution,  never  broken  by 
him,  149;  prescribed  by  Johnson, 
254,271,  369,  371 

Oglesby,  T.  K.,  91 

Old  homestead,  family  gathering, 
141 ;  farewell  talk  to  servants,  109, 
144,  202,  315;  other  mention,  3, 
II,  86,  101,  108,  139,  214,  254, 
339, 400, 408,  539,  540 

Old  Point,  381 

O'Neal,  Quinea,  86,  163,  365 

Oratory,  48,  454. 

Oregon,  18,  29,  41 

Orr,  J.  L.,  50,  346 

Overseers,  armed,  420 

PALEY,  Wm.,  383-86 
Palmer,  Mrs.,  213 
Parker,  Captain,  122 


Parrott,  J.  R.,  413,  467 

Paterson,  J.  T.,  155,  324,  502,  512, 
515,517 

Peace,  basis  of,  57,  59,  73-7,  136, 
166,  182,  197,  329-30,  374,  528- 
29;  Mission  1863,  78,  446;  party, 
75~7;  resolutions,  73-7,  136;  see 
Hampton  Roads 

Peek,  D.  L.,  501 

Pemberton,  Gen.  J.  C.,  78 

Pendleton,  John,  21 

Pennsylvania,  3,  18,  78 

Pepys'  Diary,  525 

Perry,  Governor,  482 

Perry,  Captain  and  Mrs.,  501 

Peters,  Colonel,  107 

Pettit,  John,  495 

Philadelphia,  14,  22,  314,  546 

Phillips,  John,  504,  523 

Phillips,  Wendell,  335 

Pierce,  Edward,  533 

Pierce,  President  Franklin,  28,  37, 
533 

Pierce,  T.  W.,533 

Pierce  (Negro),  106 

Polk,  President  J.  K.,  18,  20,  32,  63, 
71. 

Pope's  "Universal  Prayer,"  446 

Port  Hudson,  141 

Porter,  Admiral,  84 

Postell  of  Savannah,  346 

Pouillett,  C.  S.  M.,  44 

Powder  Creek,  7 

Powell,  Doctor  and  Mrs.,  106 

Pratt,  J.  S.,  451,  515 

Preachers,  and  the  war,  37,  156; 
defect,  309-12;  eagle-screaming, 
318;  and  lawyers,  387-88;  sug 
gestion,  345 

Presentiments,  258-60,  262,  430, 
456,  458,  468,  505 

Presidency,  U.  S.,  32,  50,  51 

Preston,  Wm.  Ballard,  21,  24,  538 

Preston,  Wm.  C.,  46 

Prisoners,  exchange,  78-81;  Steph- 
ens's  feeling  for,  96,  446;  work 
for,  78-81,  96,  201,  418;  advice 
to  Davis,  235,  445;  Andersonville, 
233-36, 356, 444-45 1  Camp  Chase, 
235;  "Paul,  a  prisoner,"  305,  307 

Pritchard,  Colonel,  112-25 

Pumpkin  Pie.,  289,  294 

Puritans,  Cavaliers  and,  420 

RALPH  (Negro),  538 

Reagan,  Judge,  capture,  ill;  jour 
ney  to  Fort  Warren,  1 12-26;  parts 
with  Stephens,  127;  glimpsed, 


INDEX 


569 


149,  2IO;  inquiries,  132,  134,  450; 
bows,  319;  peaches,  399;  meeting, 
443-  .457-5?;  letters  to  Texas, 
461;  Memoir,  470,  475,  477;  en 
largement,  486;  messes  with 
Stephens,  492;  General  Denver, 
496-98;  news  from  children,  501; 
transfer,  522;  release,  531;  to 
New  York,  532-35;  Stephens 
estimate,  535;  other  mention,  133, 
217,  378,  389,  400,  465,  467,  469, 
472,  474,  478,  482,  484,  489,  491, 
493.  495,  500,  502,  503,  505,  507, 
508,517,  518,  520,  521,  523,  526, 

534 
"Rebellion  Record,"  336,  341,  348, 

353,  514 

Reconstruction,  33;  Lincoln  on,  81, 
84;  delusive,  350;  Johnson's 
policy,  Stephens  would  aid,  203, 
341,  372,  414,  444,  507i  510, 
543,  547;  error  in,  515,  524;  over 
thrown,  546;  congressional,  546; 
Hillard's  message,  534;  Stephens 
and  Johnson  discuss,  537.  See 
Negro 

Redfield,  Chief  Justice,  319 

Reese,  James,  310 

Reese,  Judge,  154 

Reid  (Corry),  Mary  86,   142,  145, 

355 

Reid,  Leidy,  142 

Religion,  Stephens's  breadth  and 
reticence,  43,  152,  260;  idea  of 
God,  430,  470;  habit  of  prayer, 
152,  239;  "Universal  Prayer," 
446;  spiritual  communication, 
260,  262,  463,  473;  soul  culture, 
259,  471;  sustained  by,  133,  176, 
382,  472;  with  Linton,  43,  487; 
resurrection,  433 

Revere,  Mrs.,  505 

Revere  House,  532 

Rhode  Island,  313 

Rhynders,  Isaiah,  22-4 

Richardson's  "Secret  Service,"  440, 

Richmond, Va.,  Stephens's  absentee 
ism,  73,  85,  145;  Dahlgren's  raid, 
236;  government  at,  167,  182, 
343,  375.  444;  Press,  73,  167,  341- 
42,  349;  delegation,  335;  con 
fiscations,  407;  other  mention,  77, 

80,  84,  96,  IOI,  IO8,  221,  260,  351, 

553 

Richmond  Enquirer,  73,  162,  224 
Rio  (dog),  88,  289,  300 
Ripley,  General,  524 


Ripley,  Miss,  417 

Ritchie,  Thomas,  45 

Robbe,  Mrs.  (Craig),  398,  535 

Robertson,  the  woodwright,  408 

"Robertson's  Sermons,"  477,  481, 

491 

Rome,  31,  262 
Royal  Society  of  London,  44 
Rush  House,  34,  49 

SAINT,  Captain,  100,  105 
Salter,  Edith,  522,  525,  553 
Salter,  Mary,  43,  522,  525,  553 
Salter,  Mrs.  A.  W.,  398,  411,  418, 
437,  448,  467,  472,  474,  483,  485, 
512,  514,  516,  519,  521,  525,  530, 

533.  553 

Sandors,  Count,  43 

San  Francisco,  392 

Santa  F6,  26 

Savannah,  105,  113-14,  557 

Savannah,  News,  514 

Saxe,  John  G.,  319 

Saxton,  General,  116 

Schlegel  on  literature,  512 

Schouler,  General,  505 

Scott,  Winfield,  28,  34,  37 

Scribner,  T.  T.,  164 

Seaverns,  Annie,  368-69,  412,  447 

Seaverns,  Dr.  Joel,  calls  on 
Stephens,  93,  133,  207,  209,  211- 
13,  261,  284,  323,  338,  348,  366, 
400,  428,  486-87,  501,  512,  516, 
517,  526;  recommends  modifica 
tion  of  confinement,  367,  392-93; 
announces  enlargement,  394;  hos 
pitality,  369-70;  Stephens  calls, 
381,  389,  395,  399,  419;  announces 
Stephens's  release,  530;  receives 
gift,  532;  other  mention,  400,  424, 
461,490,  522,  530 

Seaverns,  Mrs.  Joel,  369-70,  399, 
441,475,  503,  532 

Sebastian,  Senator,  106 

Secession,  Stephens  against,  27,  29, 
51,  56-9,  115,  129,  135,  148,  189, 
195,  204,  219,  301,  340,  343,  528; 
Lincoln  on,  194;  slavery  occasion 
of,  173;  the  one  justification,  215; 
Andrew  Johnson's  speech,  353; 
other  mention,  15,  64,  164,  166, 
189,  283,  327,  342,  509,  515,  524, 

543 

Seddon,  James  A.,  68,  169,  214 

Semmes,  Cora,  516,  553 

Semmes,  Senator,  553 

Seward,  Wm.  H.,  Taylor  and  John 
son,  25, 26;  New  York  Times,  216; 


570 


INDEX 


Stephens  writes  to,  370-75;  509- 
n,  518;  Seward  writes  to,  520, 
525;  vindictive,  498;  mention, 
340,  347,  356,  378,  379,  433,  442, 
461,  469,  507,  514.  See  Hamp 
ton  Roads  Conference 

Seymour,  Horatio,  94 

Sherman,  General,  78,  84 

"Silvio  Pellico,"  519,  521 

Simmons,  Doctor,  106 

Simpson,  W.  W.,  298,  507 

Slade,  Wm.,  536 

Slavery,  Congressional  agitation, 
17,  25-6,  33-5,  37-41,  54-6o; 
Aristotle  on,  322;  Cicero  on,  379; 
Bible  on,  39,  199;  Jefferson  on, 
54;  Washington,  Madison,  173; 
what  it  was  at  the  South,  173-74, 
249;  defects,  improvements,  174, 
250;  reformed  or  abolished,  38, 
1 66,  198;  South  punished  for, 
249-50;  not  object  of  war,  166; 
Northern  breach  of  faith,  57-9, 
215;  cause  of  secession,  173; 
Davis  and  Lincoln  and.  60,  63, 
169;  soldiers  and,  156,  178; 
in  Constitutions,  62,  172-73; 
Stephens  and,  31,  96,  136,  172-75, 
198-201,  208 

Smith,  Gerrit,  on  treason,  208; 
Stephens's  opinion  of,  209 

Smith,  Governor  (of  Va.),  220 

Smith,  Henly,  529 

Smith,  Truman,  21 

Smith,  W.  P.,  92,  505 

Smithsonian  Institute,  46 

South  Carolina,  50,  56,  287,  431 

Southern  Commercial  Convention, 
46 

Southern  Recorder,  12,  215 

Spain,  decline  of,  227-29 

Sparta,  86,  109,  155,  432,  481 

Speakership,  40,  50 

Speed,  Attorney  General,  469 

Spiritualists,  259 

Squatter  Sovereignty,  39,  41 

Stacy,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  143 

Stanard,  Mrs.,  221,  249 

Stanley,  Edward,  26 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  92,  134,  164, 
496,  513,  5H 

Starnes,  Judge,  504 

State  Sovereignty,  13,  15,  30,  41, 
57,  75,  146,  165,  182,  189,  191; 
Continental  Regulator,  190-98, 

2OI 

Steadman,  General,  466 
Stebbins,  Doctor,  506 


Stephens,  Captain  Alexander,  3 

Stephens,  Andrew  Baskins,  3, 6, 132, 
142,232,291,365 

Stephens,  Mrs.  A.  B.  (Margaret 
Grier),  3-4,  289 

Stephens,  Mrs.  A.  B.  (Matilda 
Lindsay),  4,  5,  1 08,  153 

Stephens,  Aaron  Grier,  early  life, 
5-8;  other  mention,  II,  13,  132; 
his  widow,  86 

Stephens,  Alexander  Hamilton, 
early  life,  4-9,  290,  398,  435,  444; 
in  love,  10;  lawyer,  4,  n,  14,310- 
12,  362-65,  385-86;  Legislature, 
1 6,  29;  Congress,  17-50,  52,  61, 
63,  93,  196,  550-52;  retires,  41, 
50;  and  Cabinet  positions,  24,  61 ; 
Cone  encounter,  35,  107;  ap 
pearance,  46,  550;  speaker,  46-9; 
character,  3,  42-52,  145-46,  178, 
225-26,  246,  282-83,  291,  299, 
300,  323,  381,  440,  465;  "last 
vote,"  204;  income,  42,  202,,  548;* 
home  life,  43,  85-8,  553~56;  ^VQ 
for  Linton,  88,  93,  253,  296,  299, 
418,  433,  456,  474,  485,  493,  498, 
54°,  553 ;  Confederate  Vice-Presi 
dent,  51, 62;  arrest,  100;  in  prison, 
127;  hardships,  91-3;  self-exami 
nation,  145,  177;  release,  531; 
home,  532,  539;  elected  to  senate, 

543,  seat  refused  him,  546;  dis 
franchised,  547 ;  literary  work  and 
law  class,  548;  in  Congress,  550- 
52;   governor,    552;   death,   557; 
funeral,  557 

His  speeches,  "Union,"  56-9, 
115,  215,  528;  Cornerstone,  172- 
75;  Dalton,  218;  Cotton,  64-5, 
352;  Lincoln,  60,  551;  Washing 
ton's  birthday,  544;  restoration, 

544,  549;  the  "forged  speeches," 
514,  528;  other  mention,  13,  27, 

30-3,  47,  52-4,  70-4,  349-50 

Stephens,  Alex.  W.,  90 

Stephens,  Becky,  86,  163,  434,  521 

Stephens,  Claude,  86,  434 

Stephens,  Em,  86,  434 

Stephens,  James,  6,  14 

Stephens,  John  A.,  Lincoln's  guest, 
82,  141;  Adjutant  General  of 
Georgia,  556;  correspondence, 
154,  369,  469,  481,  501,  529,  531, 
553-56;  other  mention,  108,  112, 
122,  145,289 

Stephens,  Mrs.  John  A.,  555,  557 

Stephens,  J.  Clarence,  86,  101,  142 

Stephens,  John  L.,  5,  86, 101, 443 


INDEX 


Stephens,  Mrs.  John  L.,  86,  101-2, 
108, 112, 141-2, 154,  469 

Stephens,  Linton,  early  life,  5; 
becomes  Alex's  ward,  88;  Judge, 
88-9;  first  marriage,  86-9 ;  second, 
553;  position  political  and  mili 
tary,  135-36,  203,  549-50;  Habeas 
Corpus  and  Peace  Resolutions, 
71,  73,  136;  ill,  109,  203;  cor 
respondence  with  Alex,  43,  50, 
55,  87^9,  96,  101,  153-54.  271-75, 
316,  320,  394-95,  432,  467,  48i, 
496;  visit  before  arrest,  101,  143- 
44;  at  woodwright's,  408;  in 
dreams,  478-79,  483,  488;  in 
Washington,  485-87;  sees  Presi 
dent,  491;  at  Fort  Warren,  500- 
32;  reads  Journal,  502;  seeks 
Alex's  release,  485-532;  home, 
540;  Georgia  platform,  1870, 
550;  death,  553;  Alex's  love  for, 
88,  93,  553,  and  almost  every 
page 

Stephens,  Mrs.  Linton  (Emmeline 
Bell),  86,  89 

Stephens,  Airs.  Linton  (Mary  Sal- 
ter),  43,  522,  525,  553 

Stephens,  Linton  Andrew,  86,  108, 
141 

Stephens,  Robert  Grier,  90 

Stephens,  Wm.  Grier,  86,  141,  395, 

553 

Stephens,  Wm.  H.,  416 

Stevens,  Carlos  W.,  154, 310 

Stevens,  Mrs.  Lou,  246 

Stewart,  J.  A.,  476 

Stoneman,  General,  143 

Story,  Judge  Joseph,  49,  348 

Stowe,  Mrs.H.  B.,3i8 

Suffrage,  alien,  41;  woman,  160; 
Cicero  on,  264;  Stephens's  plan, 
272-74;  his  "  last  vote,"  204;  dis 
franchised,  547;  see  Negro 

Sullivan,  pugilist,  23 

Sumner,  Charles,  37,  153,  170 

Sumter,  Fort,  64 

Swedenborg,  441, 452, 470, 472 

TALIAFERRO  County,  16,  460 

Taney,  Chief  Justice,  39,  49,  461 

Tariff,  8,  17 

Taylor,  Gen.  Dick,  407 

Taylor,  Zachary,  21,  24,  34,  61,  63 

Telegraph,  The,  43 

Tennessee,  70,  538 

Texas,  17,  19,  461,  501 

Thomas,  Judge  James,  86,  154,  247 

Thomas,  Mr.,  260 


Thompson,  Judge,  314 

Thrasher,  Mrs.,  106 

"Three  Million  Bill,"  34,  40 

Thursday,  356,  516,  531,  557 

Thweatt,  P.,  501 

Tilden,  Samuel  J.,  551 

Tobacco,  68 

Toombs,  Robert,  meets  Stephens, 
ii ;  speech  in  New  York,  22-4; 
Taylor's  Cabinet,  24;  secession, 
57,  129,  337;  letters,  50,  67-8,  137; 
effort  to  arrest,  100-3;  "Cavalier 
Dismounted,"  420;  Stephens's 
estimate  of,  425-28;  mention,  13, 
20,  21,  26,  27,  34,  46,  49,  58,  61, 
104,  106,  186,  466,  483 

Toombs,  Airs.  Robert,  90,  466 

Topsfield,  Mass.,  533 

Toronto  Leader,  216 

Tower,  Isaac  H.,  256 

Townsend,  E.  D.,  397 

Travis,  121,  177,  412 

Treaty  of,  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo,  21 

Trenholm,  G.  A.,  222,  247,  531 

Troup  Men,  15,  189,  232 

Troup,  Gov.  G.  M.,  16 

Trout  House,  107 

Twiggs,  Gen.  D.  E.,  20, 447,  483 

Tyler,  Nat,  73 

Tyler,  President  John,  16 

Tyler  Treaty,  17 

UNION  Point,  179,  539 

Union,  The,  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  56,  58,  95;  South  attached 
to,  328;  advised  to  abandon,  332; 
Stephens's  love  for,  95-6,  195-6, 
147-8,  547;  efforts  to  preserve, 
27,  30,  31,  36,  40,  53-6o,  95,  544; 
old  or  new,  182,  198,  331;  Lin 
coln  and,  60,  62,  95,  194;  Johnson 
and  Congress,  547;  see  Recon 
struction,  etc. 

Union,  The,  45 

Upham,  Charles  W.,  514,  516,  523 

Upton,  General,  100, 104, 107, 130 

Utah,  35 

VALLANDIGHAM,  Clement,  94 

Van  Buren,  D.  T.,  397 

Van  Buren,  President  Martin,  16 

Vanderbilt,  The,  369,  411 

Van  Lew,  Miss,  505,  508,  513,  527 

Vernon,  Captain,  378,  389,  486,  499 

Vicksburg,  78 

Vigilance  Committees,  29 

Vincent  (Negro),  186 

Virgil,  ^Eneid  of,  278 


572 


INDEX 


Virginia,  68,  72,  80,  189,  342,  421-2, 

425 
Virginia  University,  88 

WADDELL,  Doctor,  278 

Walker,  L.  P.,  64,  522 

"War  Between  the  States,"  138,  548 

War,  of  1812,  19;  Mexican,  18,  32, 
61,  63;  Stephens,  predicts  Civil, 
29.  33,  35.  56;  against,  32,  57, 
255.  283,  293,  323,  354,  508,  552 

Ward,  Artemus,  162,  420 

Ward,  John  A.,  43 

Ward,  J  ;hn  E.,  442,  519 

Washington,  George,  3,  60,  71,  173; 
birthday,  Stephens's  speech  on, 

544 

Washington,  D.  C.,  Stephens's  first 
visit,  14;  his  lie  in,  16-28,  42-3, 
47,  61,  87,  90,  104,  106,  107,  439, 
495;  farewell,  41,  50,  54;  return 
to,  535.  544-46,  550-5-;  Walker's 
prophecy,  64;  Linton  in,  485, 

S17-8,  496,  553;  reports  about 
avis  trial,  140,  147,  407,  468; 
about  Stephens's,  519;  Negro 
riot,  207;  other  mention,  78,  79, 
92^  105,  139,  141,  164,  168,  182, 
210,  261,  281,  378,  407,  414,  457, 
467,  481,  482,  490,  502,  505,  508, 
509,510,524,527,543 

Washington,  Ga.,  7,  8,  14,  100,  103, 
108,  179,  277,382,  461 

Wayne,  Judge,  3  i,  415 

Weather  Bureau,  U.  S.,  4,  44-5 

Webb,  Captain,  145 

Webster,  A.  H.,  8 

Webster,  Daniel,  14,  28,  36,  49 

Weed,  Thurlow,  485 

Wheeler,  Gen.  Joe,  111-23,  260 

Whig,  17-22,  25,  29,  34,  36,  40,  6l, 

63 

White,  Hugh,  16 
White,  Lieutenant,  143 


White  House,  82,  535 

Whitmore,  W.  H.,  419 

Wigfall,  Senator,  183 

Wilde,  Richard  Henry,  17 

Willard's  Hotel,  498 

Williams,  Mr.,  6 

Willis,  F.  T.,  162,  164,  285,  295,  306, 

324,391,407.410413,447,467 
Wilson,  General,  162,  164 
Wilson,  Senator  Henry,  92,  457,  502, 

505,  543,  545 

Wilson,  Mrs.  Henry,  545 

Wilmot  Proviso,  25,  27,  35 

Winthrop,  R.  C.,  19,  26,  94 

Wirz  Trial,  403,  482 

Wise,  Henry  A.,  14 

Wood,  Col.  J.  T.,  315 

Woodman,  Lieut.  W.  H.,  receives 
Stephens,  127;  "sat  and  talked," 
93,  366;  care  in  illness,  136,  207, 
261,  267,  457;  gifts,  285,  439; 
talks  about  Linton,  466,  472; 
Stephens  glad  to  see,  134,  361; 
friend,  361,  379,  403,  405,  472; 
prompt,  483;  outside  walk,  410, 
456;  telegram,  474;  departure, 
348,  357,  370,  389,  435,  439,  459, 
477-78,  485;  other  mention,  145, 
152,  155,  162,  164,  181,  184-86, 

2IO-II,   217,   220,   223,   229,   267, 

270-71,  276,  289,  303,  307,  309, 
314, 317, 320-24, 335-36,338-39, 

341,  344,  346, 348-49, 355-57, 404, 
407,409,411-12,  417-18,  429-32, 
436,  452,459,461,467,469 
Woman,  higher  education,  30,  44; 
rights,  1 60-6 1 ;  charade,  306,  308, 

503 

Wytheville,  538 

XIMINES'  Mop,  242 

YOUNG,  Brigham,  420 
Young  Indians,  21-25 


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